REESE  LIBRARY 

OF  THK 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA, 

Deceived 
Accession  No.    91553       .   Class  No. 


CONRAD    WEISER 

From  a  sketch  found  in  York,  I\i.,  by  H.  Diffenderfer,  member  of 
the  Pennsylvania  German  Society 


CONRAD  WEISER 


AND  THE 


INDIAN  POLICY 


OF 


COLONIAL  PENNSYLVANIA 


BY 


JOSEPH  S.  WALTON 

MEMBER  PENNSYLVANIA  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

GEORGE  W.   JACOBS  &  CO., 
No.  103-105  SOUTH  FIFTEENTH  STREET. 


Copyright,  1900,  by 
GEORGE  W.  JACOBS  &  Co 


TO 


DR.  NATHAN  C.  SCHAEFFER, 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  in  Pennsylvania. 


91553 


PREFACE. 


DURING  colonial  times  the  French  greatly  excelled 
the  English  in  their  ability  to  secure  the  friendship  and 
the  trade  of  the  Indians. 

The  eagerness  which  characterized  the  men  of  New 
France,  as  they  explored  the  water-courses  searching  for 
new  scenes  and  new  lands,  was  in  marked  contrast  with 
the  conservative  English  who  clustered  near  the  coast  and 
despised  Indian  affiliations. 

The  French  quickly  absorbed  the  Indians'  customs 
and  language,  and  reveled  in  their  metaphorical  phrases. 

The  typical  Englishman  despised  these  things,  and 
consequently  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians  wras  unfor 
tunate  and  disastrous.  The  French  captured  the  friend 
ship  and  the  trade  of  the  natives. 

The  Germans  and  Dutch  on  the  contrary  were  sig 
nally  successful  in  Indian  trade,  not  merely  because  they 
were  honest,  but  largely  because  they  grasped  with  skill 
the  spirit  of  the  Indian  language.  In  this  respect  none 
excelled  Conrad  Weiser,  the  champion  of  the  English 
among  the  Indians.  He  enlarged  the  trade  facilities  of 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia  and  Maryland,  while  he  jealously 
guarded  the  encroachments  of  the  French. 

Weiser's  skill  in  guiding  and  controlling  the  Indian 
policy  of  Colonial  Pennsylvania,  and  the  South,  postponed 
the  threatened  rupture  with  the  Six  Nations,  until  the 
English  Colonies  were  prepared  to  cope  with  their  French 
enemies. 

A  history  of  this  man  was  suggested  to  the  author  by 


Dr.  Nathan  C.  Schaeffer,  Superintendent  of  Public  In 
struction  in  Pennsylvania.  As  the  work  grew  the  late  Dr. 
Frederick  Stone,  Librarian  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society,  recommended  that  it  assume  its  present  size  and 
purpose. 

The  manuscript  correspondence  of  Conrad  Weiser, 
and  Richard  Peters,  has  been  especially  helpful  in  the  pre 
paration  of  the  work. 

The  author  is  under  obligation  to  Dr.  M.  G.  Brum 
baugh,  Prof.  W.  W.  Deatrick,  E.  \V.  Zeigler,  and  a  num 
ber  of  Weiser's  descendants  for  material  and  aid  so  cheer 
fully  furnished. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

/INDIAN    AFFAIRS    IN    THE    MIDDLE    AND    SOUTHERN    COLONIES, 
1721-1730  9 

CHAPTER  II. 
^  THE  TREATY  OF  1736  . , 25 

CHAPTER  III. 

^X  THE  ONONDAGO  JOURNEY 33 

CHAPTER  IV. 

^  RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPHRATA 44 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ALIENATION  OF  THE  DELA WARES 56 

CHAPTER  VI. 
THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLES  OF  1743  76 

CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  LANCASTER  TREATY  93 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY 122 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  FIRST  WINNING  OF  THE  WEST 152 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  OHIO  MISSION  180 

CHAPTER  XL 
TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF 198 

CHAPTER  XII. 
RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS  216 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
THE  FRENCH  IN  THE  O?no  VALLEY 228 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE ? 251 

CHAPTER  XV. 
THE  OHIO  INDIANS  Go  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH 274 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
WEISER  AND  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE 302 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
RECONCILIATION  , 327 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
PEACE  360 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
CONCLUSION    382 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


CONRAD  WEISER  Frontispiece 

SIR  WILLIAM   KEITH    IO 

CONRAD  WEISER'S  WIFE  T5 

STENTON 26 

THE  CLOISTERS  AT  EPHRATA  45 

BETHANIA,  BROTHERS'  HOUSE,  EPHRATA  5° 

COUNT  ZINZENDORF   ' 54 

SHIKELLIMY  I0° 

COLONEL  GEORGE  CROGHAN T55 

GOVERNOR  JAMES  HAMILTON  205 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON   273 

WASHINGTON,  AND  THE  INDIANS     29* 

AUTOGRAPH  AND  LETTER  OF  CONRAD  WEISER 3°6 

JOHN  HARRIS'  FERRY  [HARRISBURG,  PA.]   313 

THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  BETHLEHEM  320 

TEEDYUSCUNG    332 

CHARLES  THOMSON   354 

CONRAD  WEISER' s  HOUSE  NEAR  WOMELSDORF  364 

WEISER'S  MONEY  Box  AND  LOCK 381 

WEISER' s  BURIAL  PLACE  . .   386 


CONRAD  WEISER 


AND 


THE   INDIAN  POLICY  OF   COLONIAL 
PENNSYLVANIA 


CHAPTER  I. 

INDIAN  AFFAIRS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AND  SOUTHERN  COLO 
NIES;  1720-1731. 

Status  of  Indian  Affairs  in  the  Middle  and  Southern  Colonies 
previous  to  the  public  Appearance  of  Conrad  Weiser — 
The  Tulpehocken  Settlement— Their  Land  Titles— Their  Land 
finally  purchased  from  the  Indians — Iroquois  revise  their  estimate 
of  Land  Values — The  Tuscarora  war — Shall  Carolina  aid  the 
Catawba  Indians? — Peace  desired  between  the  Northern  and  South 
ern  Indian  Confederacies — Virginia's  Trouble  with  the  Iroquois 
Indians — Conrad  Weiser — His  Education — He  comes  to  Pennsyl 
vania — Shikellimy  sent  by  the  Onandago  Council  to  supervise 
Indian  affairs  in  Pennsylvania — The  Liquor  Traffic  with  the  In 
dians — Assembly  and  Governor  differ  upon  the  course  to  pursue— 
Shikellimy  sent  to  Onandago — James  Logan's  Explanation— 
Shikellimy  returns  and  brings  Conrad  Weiser — The  Iroquois  Con 
ference  of  1732 — Fruitless  efforts  to  induce  the  Shawanese  to 
return — Thomas  Penn  gives  the  Indians  advice. 

CONRAD  WEISER  came  into  service  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania  about  1738.  At  that 
time  a  radical  change  in  the  management  of  Indian  affairs 
was  taking  place.  The  Delaware  tribes  were  losing  their 
former  prestige,  and  the  powerful  confederacy  of  the  Six 
Nations  were  claiming  more  and  more  attention  from  the 
Pennsylvania  authorities.  While  the  Province  was  under 


IO  CONRAD  WEISER. 

the  personal  control  of  William  Penn,  unusual  care  had 
been  taken  to  placate  the  Delaware  Indians.  A  broad  belt 
of  purchased  land  had  been  kept  between  the  frontier  set 
tlers  and  the  Indians'  eastern  claims.  Perm's,  heirs,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  indifferent  in  this  matter,  and  as  a 
result,  misunderstandings  arose,  not  only  between  the 
Indians  and  the  settlers,  but  between  the  Proprietors  and 
the  Governors. 

The  sufferings  of  the  German  Palatinates  in  the 
Schoharie  Valley  were  related  to  Governor  Keith  at 
Albany.  His  interest  and  sympathy  were  at  once  aroused. 
He  offered  them  a  home  in  Pennsylvania,  where  their 
titles  could  be  clear,  and  their  land  free  from  Indian 
claims. 

A  number  of  these  Germans  led  by  Conrad  Weiser's 
father  cut  a  road  from  the  Schoharie  Valley  through  the 
forests  into  the  head  waters  of  the  Susquehanna.  Down 
this  rock-strewn  river  these  hardy  pioneers  floated  their 
precious  freight  until  they  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Swatara  Creek.  They  ascended  this  stream,  crossing  the 
divide  between  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Schuylkill,  and 
entered  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Tulpehocken.  Their 
cabins  were  scarcely  built,  and  their  little  patches  of  corn 
ground  planted  until  the  Indians  informed  them  that  this 
land  had  never  been  purchased  by  the  Government.  Im 
mediately  petitions  were  sent  to  the  Governor  from  these 
long-suffering  and  oppressed  Germans  praying  that  their 
lands  might  be  relieved  from  any  Indian  claims.  They 
insisted  that  Governor  Keith  had  given  them  this  promise 
before  they  left  the  Schoharie.  Long  delegations  of  Del 
aware  Indians  came  down  to  Philadelphia  demanding  an 
explanation.  Surely,  they  said,  brother  Onas  would  never 
have  permitted  such  things  to  happen.  Allummappees, 


SIR  WILLIAM  KEITH,  GOVERNOR  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

- 


THE   STATUS   OF   INDIAN   AFFAIRS.  II 

their  chief,  said  he  could  not  believe  that  William  Perm's 
people  would  do  this,  and  he  did  not  believe  it  until  he 
went  there  and  viewed  the  Tulpehocken  lands  with  his 
own  eyes.  James  Logan,  the  land  agent,  explained  that 
these  settlements  were  made  without  his  knowledge,  that 
Governor  Keith  had  acted  entirely  on  his  own  authority, 
and  contrary  to  the  well  known  desire  of  the  former  pro 
prietary  William  Penn.  Governor  Gordon  was  now  in 
office,  Keith  having  in  various  ways  deferred  a  consid 
eration  of  these  things  during  his  administration.  The 
new  Governor  suggested  that  the  lands  in  dispute  might 
have  been  included  in  one  of  the  former  purchases.  The 
Indians  immediately  informed  Gordon  that  no  lands  had 
ever  been  sold  northwest  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  then  known 
as  the  Lehigh  Hills.  In  the  face  of  this  evidence  the 
claims  of  the  Delaware  Indians  in  the  Tulpehocken  re 
mained  unsatisfied  for  nine  years  after  the  first  German 
settlement.  The  purchase  was  finally  made  in  1732.* 
It  included  all  the  land  drained  by  the  Schuylkill  River 
lying  between  the  Blue  Mountains  and  the  Blue  Ridge. 
This  reluctant  recognition  of  Indian  rights,  together  with 
the  well  known  Walking  Purchase  in  Bucks  County  in 
1737  combined  to  alienate  the  Delaware  Indians  from 
the  Pennsylvania  government. 

The  exodus  of  the  Schoharie  Germans  to  the  Tulpe 
hocken  Valley  seems  to  have  first  opened  the  eyes  of  the 
Six  Nation  Indians  to  the  value  of  land  in  Pennsylvania. 
After  that  time,  they  denied  the  right  of  the  Delaware 
Indians  to  sell  any  territory,  and  pressed  their  own  claims 
with  diplomatic  skill.  The  Iroquois  were  quick  to  learn 
that  the  French  and  English  were  rival  powers,  and 
claimants  for  the  same  colonial  possessions.  These  In- 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  1.,  pp.  344-7- 


12  CONRAD  WEISER. 

dians  realized  that  by  a  skillful  use  of  confederated 
strength  it  was  possible  to  hold  the  balance  of  power.  In 
1711  the  Tuscarora  nation,  then  located  south  of  the  Ohio 
River,  and  west  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  entered 
into  a  conspiracy  with  several  neighboring  tribes  to  fall 
upon  the  Carolina  settlers.  The  white  men  immediately 
availed  themselves  of  the  ancient  feud  between  the  North 
ern  and  Southern  Indians,  and  formed  an  alliance  with 
the  Catawba  and  other  Muskokee  Indians.  After  some 
severe  fighting,  fifty  Carolinians  and  1000  Indians  drove 
the  Tuscaroras  out  of  their  hunting  grounds.  The 
broken  remnant  of  this  once  famous  nation  retired  to 
Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  becoming  a  part  of  the 
great  Iroquois  Confederacy.  Thus  in  1713  the  Five 
Nations  became  the  Six  Nations.  From  that  hour  the 
Iroquois  hatred  of  the  Catawba  Indians  became 
relentless. 

Scarcely  a  season  passed  but  several  roving  bands 
of  painted  warriors  followed  the  mountain  valleys  toward 
the  South,  where  they  might  satiate  their  revenge  with 
Southern  scalps.  The  Catawba  Indians  demanded  pro 
tection  from  the  men  of  Carolina.  It  was  a  well  known 
fact  that  if  the  white  men,  while  aiding  the  Catawbas 
should  injure  any  of  the  Six  Nation  Indians,  it  would 
precipitate  an  Iroquois  war,  in  which  event  it  was  feared 
that  the  Six  Nations  would  form  an  alliance  with  the 
French,  and  jeopardize  the  very  existence  of  the  Ameri 
can  colonies.  The  English  crown,  before  whom  the  Six 
Nations  had  already  been  represented  by  able  deputies, 
counseled  peace  at  all  hazards.  The  colonies  of  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania  were  decidedly  opposed  to  war 
with  the  Iroquois.  It,  accordingly,  became  the  purpose 
of  Carolina  to  effect  a  peace  between  the  Northern  and 


THE   STATUS   OF   INDIAN   AFFAIRS.  13 

the  Southern  Indians.  For  over  thirty  years  this  subject 
was  pending.  In  these  negotiations  Carolina  appealed  to 
Virginia,  and  Virginia  in  turn  to  Pennsylvania  and 
New  York.  There  was  one  man  who,  during  these  diffi 
culties,  retained  the  confidence  of  both  the  Iroquois  and 
the  Southern  Indians,  and  that  man  was  Conrad  Weiser. 
Although  a  lasting  peace  was  never  made  between  the 
Indian  confederacies,  Conrad  Weiser  so  managed  the  Six 
Nations  as  to  reduce  hostilities  to  a  minimum.  He  not 
only  guided  the  Indian  policy  of  Pennsylvania,  but  also 
of  Virginia  and  Carolina.  In  this  affair  the  influence  of 
Colonel  Johnson  in  New  York  stopped  with  the  Mo 
hawks,  but  Conrad  Weiser  operated  upon  all  the  remain 
ing  nations  of  the  confederacy,  and  for  twenty-five  years 
held  the  Iroquois  aloof  from  the  French  with  one  hand, 
while  with  the  other  he  prevented  Virginia  and  Carolina 
from  bringing  on  a  \var  with  this  powerful  confederation. 
And  all  these  years  were  needed  to  enable  the  English  to 
win  the  victory  which  swept  French  dominion  from 
North  America  in  1763. 

When  the  Virginia  settlements  began  to  encroach 
upon  Iroquois  war  trails  to  the  South,  these  bands  of 
Northern  warriors  annoyed  the  settlers  by  picking  up  a 
living  as  they  passed.  The  Virginians  would  not  submit 
to  this  and  passed  their  famous  ranger  law,*  which  pro 
vided  for  a  body  of  rangers  or  lieutenants,  who  were 
authorized  to  arrest  all  armed  bands  of  roving  Indians 
and  take  them  before  the  nearest  magistrate  for  further 
examination,  and  until  said  Indians  could  give  a  satisfac 
tory  account  of  themselves  they  were  to  be  lodged  in  the 
county  jail.  This  law  further  provided  that  if  any  In 
dians  resisted  or  ran  away,  it  would  be  entirely  legal  for 

*Virginia  State  Papers,  vol.  I.,  p.  153. 


14  CONRAD  WEISER. 

the  officers  to  kill  them.  The  effects  of  such  legislation, 
as  executed  by  the  frontier  magistrate  plunged  Virginia 
into  endless  trouble  with  the  Iroquois,  and,  had  it  not 
been  for  Conrad  Weiser,  the  results  might  have  been 
serious.  Pennsylvania  on  the  other  hand,  followed  a  dif 
ferent  course.  When  the  settlers  lost  any  of  their  stock 
through  the  thieving  propensities  of  some  of  the  Indians, 
the  matter  was  laid  before  the  nearest  magistrate,  and 
certification  of  the  amount  of  damage  was  sent  to  the 
Governor,  who  paid  the  bill  out  of  moneys  appropriated 
for  Indian  affairs;  and  at  the  next  council  these  things 
were  all  charged  to  the  Indians  and  deducted  from  the 
amount  of  their  presents,  or  the  purchase  money  for  land. 
As  a  result  the  Iroquois  warriors  were  extremely  careful 
of  their  behavior  while  passing  through  Pennsylvania, 
but  when  they  reached  Virginia,  took  every  opportunity 
to  annoy  the  settlers.  Such  was  the  condition  of  Indian 
affairs  when  Conrad  Weiser  came  into  public  life  in  1731. 
This  sturdy,  honest,  strong-willed  man  of  frontier 
diplomacy  was  born  at  Afsteadt,  in  Herrenberg,  near 
Wurtemberg,  Germany,  in  1696.  When  thirteen  years 
old  he  came  with  his  father  to  America,  and  assisted  his 
people  for  three  years  in  a  vain  effort  to  make  tar,  and 
raise  hemp  on  the  Livingston  Manor  in  New  York.  Then 
these  long-suffering  people  revolted  and  looked  around 
for  other  lands.  The  Weisers  spent  the  winter  of  1713- 
14  with  a  chief  of  the  Iroquois  Indians  at  Schenectady. 
Here,  doubtless,  young  Weiser  secured  his  first  lessons 
in  the  Maqua  tongue.  He  followed  his  father  in  the 
spring  to  Schoharie,  and  suffered  want  and  privation  to 
the  verge  of  starvation  among  his  people  for  a  year.  "Our 
hunger,"  he  writes,  "was  hardly  endurable,  many  of  our 
feasts  were  wild  potatoes  and  ground  beans,  which  grew 


CONRAD  WEISER'S  WIFE 

From  a  sketch  found  in  York,  Fa.,  by  H.  Diffenderfer,  member  of 
the  Pennsylvania  German  Society 


THE   STATUS   OF   INDIAN   AFFAIRS.  15 

in  abundance.     We  cut  mallows  and  picked  juniper  ber- 

ries If  we  were  in  need  of  meal  we  were  obliged 

to  travel  from  thirty-five  to  forty  miles  and  beg  it  on 

trust." 

When  Conrad  was  seventeen  years  old  he  went  to  live 
with  Quagnant,  a  prominent  Indian  chief.  "I  went," 
says  Weiser,  "on  my  father's  reque-c.  I  endured  a  great 
deal  of  cold  in  my  situation,  and  by  spring  my  hunger 
surpassed  the  cold  by  much."  After  eight  months  Conrad 
returned  to  his  father's  house.  Here  he  did  good  service 
as  interpreter  between  "the  high  mettled  Dutch  and  the 

tawny  nation There  was  plenty  of  business  and  no 

pay."  Doubtless  Conrad  was  a  stubborn  boy ;  at  any  rate, 
the  father's  discipline  was  not  lax.  "I  had  frequently 
,  .  .  .  determined  to  desert  from  my  father,"  he  says, 
"but  the  bit  of  the  bridle  had  been  laid  so  tight  in  my 
mouth,  that  I  gave  up  this  resolution.  I  was  tied  with  a 
cord  to  prevent  me  from  running  away.  I  was  severely 
chastised  by  my  father,  and  finally  took  another  resolu 
tion."  Conrad  left  his  father's  home  and  lived  the  greater 
part  of  the  time,  during  a  period  of  fifteen  years,  among 
the  Indians.  In  this  manner  he  became  familiar  with  the 
Indians'  habits,  customs  and  language.  Such  was  his 
education,  and,  like  Lincoln's,  it  was  a  daily  contact  with 
men  and  things.  In  1720,  while  his  father  was  absent  in 
Europe,  "I  married  my  Anna  Eve,"  says  Weiser,  "and 
was  given  in  marriage  by  Rev.  John  L.  Haeger,  Re 
formed  clergyman,  on  22d  of  November,  in  my  father's 
home,  in  Schoharie." 

Nine  years  later  Conrad  followed  his  father's  people 
to  Pennsylvania  and  settled  in  the  Tulpehocken  Valley, 
and  in  1731  his  public  life  commenced. 

Previous  to  this  time  nearly  all  the  negotiations  be- 


l6  CONRAD  WEISER. 

tween  Pennsylvania  and  the  Six  Nations  were  held  at 
Albany,  and  as  a  natural  consequence  were  under  the 
direct  influence  of  the  Mohawk  nation.  The  Schoharie 
exodus  and  the  Tulpehocken  land  purchase  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  Iroquois  to  the  value  of  their  Pennsylvania 
land  claims.  Here  was  a  country,  they  thought,  well 
worthy  of  closer  attention.  And  since  the  Mohawks  had 
never  aided  in  the  Indian  conquests  on  Pennsylvania  soil, 
why  should  they  have  any  part  in  the  income  from  land 
sales  there?  And  as  a  matter  of  fact  they  never  did 
receive  any  portion  of  this  money,  until  a  division  arose 
among  the  Iroquois,  and  the  Mohawks  sold  to  the  Sus- 
quehanna  Land  Company  of  Connecticut,  the  Wyoming 
region.  For  these  reasons,  doubtless,  the  great  Onon- 
dago  Council  sent  Shikellimy,  an  Oneida  chief,  to  the 
forks  of  the  Susquehanna,  in  1728,  to  guard  the  interests 
of  the  Six  Nations  in  Pennsylvania.  He  had  general 
oversight  over  the  Shawanese  and  Delaware  Indians. 
These  tribes  were  soon  given  to  understand  that  in  their 
future  dealings  with  the  proprietary  government  it  would 
be  necessary  to  consult  him ;  that  all  their  business  would 
be  done  in  the  future  in  the  same  manner  as  the  affairs 
of  the  Six  Nations  were  accomplished,  which  was 
through  their  appointed  deputy.  About  1745,  Shikel 
limy  was  appointed  to  the  full  vice-gerency  over  these 
tributary  tribes  with  Shamokin  for  his  seat.  He  was 
shrewd  and  clear  in  his  efforts  to  promote  the  interests 
of  his  people,  and  was  well  aware  that  up  to  this  time 
there  had  been  little  or  no  intercourse  between  the  gov 
ernment  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Six  Nations.  With 
true  Indian  shrewdness  he  knew  where  to  begin  his  nego 
tiations. 

The  weak  spot  in  Indian  affairs  was  the  effort  to  con- 


THE  STATUS  OF  INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  IJ 

trol  the  liquor  traffic.  Almost  with  the  beginnings  of 
the  colony  the  Society  of  Friends  had  thrown  their  influ 
ence  against  the  iniquity  of  selling  rum  among  the  In 
dians.  At  one  time  all  such  traffic  was  forbidden  by 
statute.  The  Indians  petitioned  again  and  again  against 
the  trade  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  conducted.  Yet 
whenever  they  experienced  the  effects  of  prohibitory  law, 
they  immediately  begged  that  rum  might  be  sold  to  them 
again.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  these  latter  requests 
were  inspired  by  the  traders,  whose  business  was  very 
much  impaired  by  the  loss  of  the  rum  trade.  Various 
laws  and  proclamations  were  issued  with  but  little  effect. 
The  Delaware  and  Shawanese  Indians  complained  bit 
terly  of  traders  who  carried  rum  back  into  the  woods  and 
met  their  young  men  returning  from  hunting  and  trap 
ping,  and  in  this  manner  robbed  the  old  men,  the  women, 
and  the  children  of  the  tribe  of  the  very  necessities  of 
life.  Accordingly  in  1731,  Shikellimy  gave  the  authori 
ties  of  Pennsylvania  to  understand  that  friendly  relations 
with  the  Six  Nations  could  not  exist  unless  the  liquor 
trade  with  their  subjects,  the  Delawares  and  the  Shaw 
anese,  was  regulated.  This  led  the  Assembly  to  urge 
Governor  Gordon  to  embrace  every  opportunity  "to  re 
new  and  maintain  the  same  good  will  and  friendship  for 
the  Five  Nations  which  the  honorable  William  Penn  al 
ways  expressed  to  them  in  his  lifetime,  and  this  House 
will  readily  defray  the  necessary  charges  which  shall  at 
tend  a  treaty  with  these  people."* 

This  report  met  with  Governor  Gordon's  hearty  ap 
proval.  In  his  reply  to  the  Assembly  he  declared  that 
immediate  negotiations  with  the  Six  Nation  Indians  was 
necessary  for  the  security  of  the  Province,  and  since  the 

*Colonial  Records  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  III.,  p.  407, 


i8 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


expense  would  be  greater  than  at  any  previous  treaty,  he 
appreciated  the  Assembly's  promptness  in  having  the 
money  ready  for  any  emergency.  The  Governor  further 
explained  that  the  Six  Nations  "had  from  time  to  time 
complained  of  the  abuses  put  upon  them"  by  the  great 
quantities  of  rum  brought  among  them  by  the  traders, 
making  it  almost  impossible  for  them  to  control  their 
tributary  tribes.  "And  yet,"  says  the  Governor,  "it  is 
found  altogether  impracticable  to  carry  on  a  trade  with 
them,  and  to  furnish  them  with  necessaries  for  their  hunt 
ing  and  clothing,  which  is  the  only  bond  and  tie  of  their 
friendship  with  us,  without  some  moderate  quantities  of 
that  liquor;  nothing  will  more  sensibly  affect  them  nor 
more  strongly  engage  them  to  us,  than  if  I  can  assure 
them  that  now,  at  this  present  meeting  of  the  Representa 
tives  of  all  our  people  we  have  taken  such  measures  as 
will  furnish  them  with  as  much  liquor  as  they  shall  judge 
really  necessary  for  them,  and  yet  that  it  shall  be  so  re 
strained  as  that  the  ill  consequences  arising  from  large 
quantities  ....  shall  be  effectually  prevented." 

The  Governor  then  asked  the  Assembly  to  pass  a  bill 
which  would  permit  the  selling  of  rum  among  the  In 
dians  and  at  the  same  time  prevent  any  evils  from  arising 
through  drunkenness.  The  Assembly  attempted  to  pass 
such  a  bill,  but  it  was  defeated  by  a  large  majority.  The 
Friends  in  the  Assembly  were  of  the  opinion  that  if  the 
Governor  would  be  more  careful  in  the  selection  of  the 
men  licensed  as  traders,  and  if  he  would  personally  ex 
amine  them,  and  use  more  stringent  means  to  enforce  the 
laws  already  existing,  it  would  be  much  better  than  any 
additional  legislation.  It  would  thus  appear  that  the 
Governor  based  the  Indian  complaints  upon  a  lack  of 
legislation,  while  the  Assembly  insisted  that  the  cause  of 


THE  STATUS  OF  INDIAN   AFFAIRS.  19 

the  trouble  arose  from  inefficiency  in  the  executive 
department.  It  was  finally  agreed  that  the  Governor 
should  issue  a  proclamation  warning  all  offenders  of  the 
penalties  of  the  law,  and  that  a  messenger  be  sent  to  the 
Six  Nations,  inviting  them  to  come  to  Philadelphia,  and 
offering  them  a  present  of  ten  pounds. 

"Shikellimy,"  the  Governor  said,  "is  willing  to  under 
take  such  a  journey;"  he  "is  a  trusty,  good  man,  and 
a  great  lover  of  the  English."  His  affection  for  the  Eng 
lish  was  the  result  of  his  intimacy  with  Conrad  Weiser. 
The  purpose  of  the  embassy,  which  he  was  chosen  to  ac 
complish,  was  to  secure  the  friendship  and  alliance  of  the 
Six  Nations.  The  immediate  necessity  of  this  was  forci 
bly  set  forth  by  James  Logan  in  1731,  when  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  Governor  he  explained  to  the  Assembly  that 
the  unrestrained  traffic  in  rum  had  driven  a  large  number 
of  Shawanese  Indians  to  the  Ohio  River  region  in  1730, 
that  a  Frenchman  had  been  among  them  all  the  previous 
winter,  with  an  interpreter  and  a  gunsmith  who  did  all 
the  repairing  gratuitously.  Logan  further  explained  that 
the  Shawanese  chiefs  had  been  on  a  visit  to  the  Governor 
of  Canada,  and  were  highly  pleased  with  their  reception. 
A  map  of  Louisiana,  published  in  London  in  1721,  was 
then  produced,  and  Logan  showed  the  Assembly  "the 
exorbitant  claims  of  the  French"  wherein  they  laid  down 
the  water  parting  between  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Alle 
gheny  Rivers  as  the  western  boundary  of  Pennsylvania. 
This  claim  Logan  declared  was  fraught  with  much  dan 
ger  to  the  Province,  and  measures  should  be  taken  im 
mediately  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  He  suggested  that  a  treaty 
be  held  with  the  Six  Nations,  since  they  have  absolute 
authority  over  the  Shawanese  Indians,  and  are  the  only 
power  that  can  hold  them  in  the  English  interest,  or  have 


2O  CONRAD  WEISER. 

any  influence  in  persuading  them  to  return  east  of  the 
mountains.  To  accomplish  this,  Logan  insisted  that  it 
would  be  necessary  to  have  such  legislation  as  would 
assure  the  Indians  that  the  liquor  traffic  was  being  regu 
lated.  He  further  urged  that  the  sincere  friendship  of 
the  Six  Nations  was  the  first  requisite.  From  this  report 
the  instructions  for  Shikellimy  were  drawn.  Logan's 
knowledge  of  the  importance  and  power  of  the  Iroquois 
Indians  over  the  surrounding  tribes  was  drawn  from 
Conrad  Weiser.  Not  until  after  the  coming  of  the  Scho- 
harie  Germans  did  the  Pennsylvania  authorities  have  any 
definite  knowledge  of  the  importance  of  the  Six  Nations. 
Shikellimy  was  to  make  the  journey  to  Onondago  during 
the  summer  of  1731.  He  appeared  in  Philadelphia  in 
December,  bringing  with  him  a  Cayuga  chief  and  Conrad 
Weiser ;  the  latter  he  introduced  as  the  official  interpreter 
of  the  United  Nations.  This  action  of  Shikellimy's  was 
an  indication  of  the  Iroquois  mistrust  of  all  provincial 
interpreters,  whose  interests,  the  Indians  felt,  were  too 
closely  allied  with  the  Delaware  tribes.  In  Weiser,  the 
Iroquois  had  a  man,  who  shared  with  them  their  contempt 
for  the  Delaware  Indians,  and  who  they  declared  was  an 
adopted  son  of  the  Mohawk  nation. 

Shikellimy  reported  that  the  Iroquois  councils  were 
very  glad  to  hear  from  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 
It  was,  of  course,  too  late  in  the  season  now  for  them  to 
think  of  coming  to  Philadelphia,  but  in  the  spring,  when 
the  days  were  longer,  they  would  most  surely  come.  In 
confirmation  of  their  good  will  and  friendship  they  sent 
the  Governor  a  present  of  a  bundle  of  dressed  deer  skins. 
Shikellimy  was  given  ten  pounds  for  his  journey  and 
Conrad  Weiser  was  paid  forty  shillings  for  interpreting 
his  report.  The  Six  Nations  did  not  send  deputies  to 


THE   STATUS   OF   INDIAN   AFFAIRS.  21 

Philadelphia  during  the  spring  of  1732,  as  they  had  prom 
ised.  The  traders  on  the  Allegheny  reported  that  the 
French  were  gaining  the  friendship  of  the  Shawanese, 
and  that  these  Indians  still  complained  about  the  Penn 
sylvania  laws  not  being  strong  enough  to  prevent  such 
great  quantities  of  rum  being  sold  among  them,  that  war 
had  only  been  prevented  by  Peter  Chartiers.  Indeed  these 
Indians  declared  that  it  had  not  been  five  years  since  the 
Six  Nations  themselves  had  tried  to  persuade  the  Ohio 
Indians  to  go  to  war  against  the  English.  This,  they 
said,  was  one  reason  why  they  removed  to  the  Allegheny 
country.  Another  reason  they  alleged,  was  because  a 
number  of  escaped  negro  slaves  found  refuge  among 
them,  and  they  feared  that  the  English  would  not  like  it. 
Conrad  Weiser  well  knew  that  these  were  not  bona  fide 
causes.  And  unless  the  Six  Nations  could  be  held  in  the 
interests  of  the  English,  the  Shawanese  and  the  Delaware 
Indians  on  the  Ohio  would  join  the  French.  Every  effort 
was  therefore  used  to  persuade  the  Six  Nations  to  send 
deputies  to  Philadelphia. 

At  last,  late  in  August,  1/32,  a  deputation  of  Oneida, 
Cayuga  and  Ononclago  chiefs  arrived,  authorized  to 
speak  for  the  nations  not  represented.  Early  in  this  con 
ference  complaints  were  made,  probably  by  the  Assem 
bly's  party,  against  the  private  nature  of  the  council. 
Conrad  Weiser  was  accordingly  selected  to  interview  the 
leading  Indians,  and  learn  their  pleasure  in  the  matter. 
The  wary  chiefs  expressed  a  willingness  to  deal  in  a  more 
public  manner  if  it  was  desired,  yet  at  the  same  time  were 
entirely  content  to  continue  the  secret  sessions.  Thus 
they  played  into  the  hands  of  both  the  Governor's  faction 
and  the  Assembly's  party.  Weiser  was  invariably  suc 
cessful  in  preventing  any  serious  friction,  and  the  confer- 


22  CONRAD  WEISER. 

ence  continued,  a  vigorous  test  of  diplomatic  skill  on  each 
side.  Thomas  Penn  spoke  for  the  Province  the  words 
which  Conrad  Weiser  and  Richard  Peters  put  into  his 
mouth.  After  dwelling  at  some  length  upon  the  policy  of 
his  father,  he  asked  them  how  they  stood  toward  the 
French,  their  former  enemies.  What  do  your  allies  think 
of  the  French?  How  do  these  people  treat  you?  After 
a  day  spent  in  reflection  the  Six  Nations  replied  that  they 
had  no  great  faith  in  the  Governor  of  Canada  or  his 
people,  who  had  deceived  them.  "Yet  the  Six  Nations 
were  not  afraid  of  the  French.  They  were  always  willing 
to  go  and  hear  what  they  had  to  propose.  Peace  had  been 
made  with  the  French.  A  tree  had  been  planted  big 
enough  to  shelter  them  both.  Under  this  tree  a  hole  had 
been  dug  and  the  hatchets  had  been  buried  therein. 
Nevertheless  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  thought  that 
the  French  charged  too  much  for  their  goods,  and  for  this 
reason  they  recommended  their  people  to  trade  with  the 
English  who  would  sell  cheaper  than  the  French."  The 
Indians  well  knew  what  would  be  pleasing  to  the  ears  of 
the  Governor.  They  expressed  their  pleasure  in  having 
a  son  of  the  great  Onas  in  their  midst.  Then  growing 
more  familiar  they  told  Penn  that  when  they  were  at 
Montreal  in  1727,  the  French  Governor  told  them  that  he 
was  going  to  make  war  upon  Corlear,*  and  he  desired 
that  the  Six  Nations  might  remain  neutral.  One  of  their 
chiefs  answered  saying,  "Onontejo,§  you  are  very  proud. 
You  are  not  wise  to  make  war  with  Corlear,  and  to  pro 
pose  neutrality  to  us.  Corlear  is  our  brother,  he  came 
to  us  when  he  was  very  little  and  a  child.  We  suckled 
him  at  our  breasts,  we  have  nursed  him  and  taken  care 

*Corlear,  the  Indian  name  for  the  Governor  of  New  York. 
§Onontio,  the  Indian  name  for  the  Governor  of  Canada. 


THE   STATUS   OF   INDIAN   AFFAIRS.  23 

of  him  till  he  is  grown  up  to  be  a  man.  He  is  our  brother 
and  of  the  same  blood.  He  and  we  have  but  one  ear  to 
hear  with,  one  eye  to  see  with,  and  one  mouth  to  speak 
with,  we  will  not  forsake  him  nor  see  any  man  make  war 
upon  him  without  assisting.  We  shall  join  him,  and  if 
we  fight  with  you,  we  may  have  our  own  father*  Onon- 
tejo  to  bury  in  the  ground."  But  back  of  all  this  pleasing 
talk,  which  was  more  or  less  meaningless  to  the  Iroquois 
diplomat,  was  the  promise  that  if  Pennsylvania  would 
remove  all  her  traders  from  the  Ohio,  the  Six  Nations 
would  see  that  the  French  traders  were  removed,  and 
then  if  the  Governor  desired  it  the  Shawanese  would  be 
ordered  to  go  East  again,  and  live  near  the  settlements. 
At  the  close  of  this  conference  the  council  declared  that 
Conrad  Weiser  had  been  very  serviceable,  and  exhibited 
unusual  tact  in  managing  the  Indians,  therefore  he  should 
be  paid  twelve  pounds. 

The  Iroquois  were  true  to  their  promise  and  tried 
every  means  short  of  war  to  induce  the  Shawanese  to 
come  back  and  live  east  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains. 
The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  them  a  large  belt  of 
wampum  as  an  inducement.  The  Shawanese  replied  that 
they  were  very  well  fixed  where  they  were,  and  that  the 
wampum  had  never  been  received.  This  independent 
spirit  of  these  Shawanese  Indians  so  offended  the  Iro 
quois,  that  one  of  their  deputies  to  these  Indians  spoke 
with  such  force,  and  reproved  them  with  such  vigor  that 
the  Shawanese  themselves  became  angry,  and  after 
the  council  some  of  their  warriors  treacherously  mur 
dered  the  Iroquois  deputy.  This  stirred  the  Six  Nations 
to  revenge  the  outrage  with  a  war  upon  the  Shawanese. 

*The  French  taught  the  Indians  to  call  the  Governor  of  Canada 
their  father. 


24  CONRAD  WEISER. 

But  most  probably  through  the  intercession  of  Conrad 
Weiser  the  Iroquois  leaders  were  induced  to  ask  advice 
from  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  Thomas  Penn  con 
doled  with  them  for  the  loss  of  a  great  man,  and  sent 
them  "six  handkerchiefs  to  wipe  and  dry  away  (the) 
tears,"*  and  encourage  them  to  maintain  the  peace  at  all 
hazards.  Since  the  offending  Shawanese  tribe  had  fled 
south  to  Carolina  would  it  not  be  better  to  overlook  the 
matter?  Pennsylvania  would  withdraw  her  request  for 
the  removal  of  the  remaining  Shawanese  tribes  from  the 
Ohio  country.  To  confirm  the  Governor's  good  feelings 
a  present  of  two  strouds  was  sent  with  the  letter,  and  the 
messengers  were  given  a  liberal  present  of  powder,  lead 
and  blankets.  The  expense  of  the  entertainment  of  the 
Indians  who  came  to  Philadelphia  on  this  mission  was 
paid,  and  Conrad  Weiser  was  given  money  "with  which 
to  guard  their  comfort"  on  the  road  home.  The  Six 
Nations  concluded  to  refrain  from  \var  with  the  Shaw 
anese  Indians,  but  these  difficulties  led  them  to  remain,  as 
much  as  possible,  away  from  the  influence  of  Pennsyl 
vania. 

*Colonial  Records  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  III.  p.  610. 


THE  TREATY  OF   1736.  25 

CHAPTER  II. 
THE  TREATY  OF  1736. 

Reluctance  of  the  Iroquois  Indians  to  hold  a  Conference  with 
the  Governor  .  of  Pennsylvania — The  Six  Nations'  estimate 
of  Conrad  Weiser's  ability — The  Dongan  Deed,  The  first 
Iroquois  Purchase — The  Blue  Mountain  Purchase  of  1736 
—The  Six  Nations  establish  a  Claim  to  the  Delaware 
River  Lands — Results  of  this  Innovation — Philadelphia  alarmed 
at  the  Drunkenness  among  the  Indians — The  Iroquois  discover 
Land  Claims  against  Maryland  and  Virginia — The  Shawanese 
enter  complaint;  its  Cause — Shawanese  Diplomacy — The  Begin 
ning  of  the  Shawanese  Alienation. 

THE  authorities  of  Pennsylvania  did  not  feel  that  the 
treaty  of  1732  was  as  strong  as  it  might  be  until  it 
was  confirmed  by  deputies  representing  the  remaining 
tribes  of  the  Six  Nations.  Accordingly  Conrad  Weiser 
was  directed  to  employ  his  influence  with  Shikellimy  and 
bring  about  a  conference  which  would  represent  the  en 
tire  Six  Nation  Confederacy.  Year  after  year  went  by 
and  still  the  promised  visit  of  the  crafty  Iroquois  was 
deferred.  Finally  at  a  conference  of  Delaware  and  Co- 
nestoga  chiefs  an  appeal  was  made  to  them  to  explain  why 
the  Iroquois  did  not  come  to  Philadelphia  as  they 
had  promised.  Their  old  men  replied  that  they  had  been 
expecting  the  Iroquois  for  three  years  past,  but  had  been 
informed  that  they  were  detained  ( i )  by  reason  of  many 
nations  coming  to  treat  with  them,  (2)  "because  tribes  of 
strange  Indians  from  the  north  were  among  them,  In 
dians  who  had  never  seen  bread,  corn  or  white  people, 
therefore  the  Iroquois  were  determined  to  keep  near  home 
as  long  as  these  strangers  remained  in  their  midst." 


26  CONRAD  WEISER. 

The  Governor  gave  the  Delaware  chiefs  a  large  pres 
ent,  urging  them  to  influence  the  Six  Nations  to  send 
deputies  to  Philadelphia,  and  to  keep  Conrad  Weiser 
thoroughly  informed  of  any  Indian  news. 

This  present  to  the  Delawares  seems  to  have  had  a 
salutary  influence.  In  less  than  six  weeks  Conrad  Weiser 
reported  that  there  were  over  one  hundred  Iroquois  chiefs 
on  their  way  to  Philadelphia.  The  long  expected,  and 
much  solicited  visit  now  came  upon  the  provincial  author 
ities  with  an  embarrassing  suddenness.  The  smallpox 
was  raging  in  the  city.  What  should  be  done  with  the  one 
hundred  Iroquois  chiefs  and  their  numerous  retinues? 
Conrad  Weiser  solved  the  problem  by  taking  the  Indians 
to  the  Governor's  mansion  at  Stenton,  and  inviting  the 
provincial  officers  and  the  Proprietors  out  to  meet  them. 

The  Indians  expressed  great  satisfaction  with  Conrad 
Weiser's  care  for  their  health.  They  told  the  Proprietors 
that  at  the  treaty  of  1732  it  was  agreed  that  Conrad 
Weiser  and  Shikellimy  were  the  proper  persons  "to  goe 
between  the  Six  Nations  and  this  Government,"  that  they 
were  to  be  employed  in  all  treaties  and  conferences. 
Their  bodies,  said  the  Indians,  are  to  be  equally  divided 
between  the  sons  of  Onas  and  the  Red  Men,  half  to  the 
Indian  and  half  to  the  white  man.  Conrad  Weiser,  they 
said,  was  faithful  and  honest,  a  good,  true  man,  who  had 
spoken  their  words  and  not  his  own.  Indeed  at  this  time 
there  was  scarcely  an  honest  interpreter  in  the  colonies. 
Colonel  Johnson,  of  New  York,  relates  an  instance  of  an 
interpreter  who,  in  his  presence,  translated  the  text  of  a 
missionary  sermon  which  read,  "God  is  no  respector  of 
persons,"  into  "God  has  no  respect  for  such  as  you."  The 
Indians  expressed  their  gratitude  towards  Weiser  by  pre 
senting  him  with  "a  dressed  skin  to  make  him  shoes,  and 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


THE  TREATY   OF    1/36.  2? 

two  deer  skins  to  keep  him  warm."  The  provincial 
council,  accordingly,  directed  that  a  present  worth  two 
hundred  pounds  be  given  to  the  Iroquois  Indians,  and  to 
Conrad  Weiser,  "the  interpreter,  who  is  extremely  useful 
on  all  such  occasions,  and  on  the  present  one  has  been 
very  serviceable,  there  be  given  twenty  pounds." 

Weiser  at  once  suggested  to  the  council  that  a  part 
of  the  two  hundred  pounds  be  withheld  from  the  Indians 
until  it  was  ascertained  what  amount  the  Proprietors 
were  going  to  pay  for  the  land.  Previous  to  this  time  all 
the  proprietary  purchases  of  land  had  been  from  the  Dela 
ware  Indians,  except  the  Dongan  deed  which  Penn  him 
self  had  secured  in  England  from  the  former  Governor 
of  New  York.  This  deed  the  Six  Nation  Indians  de 
clared  had  been  given  many  years  before  (1696)  to  the 
Governor  of  New  York  to  hold  their  Susquehanna  lands 
in  trust,  and  in  no  way  resigned  any  control  or  rights. 

Weiser  had  impressed  the  Pennsylvania  officers  and 
Proprietors  with  the  power  and  influence  of  the  Iroquois. 
Accordingly  no  one  disputed  with  them  when  they 
claimed  indemnity  for  all  Susquehanna  lands  south  and 
east  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  then  known  as  the  Endless 
Mountains.  With  great  deference,  and  amid  many  com 
pliments,  tlie  Proprietors  paid  the  Six  Nation  Indians  for 
this  land  which  had  all  been  previously  purchased  from 
the  Conestoga  and  Delaware  Indians.  The  Iroquois  now 
received  500  pounds  of  powder,  600  pounds  of  lead,  45 
guns,  1 60  coats,  100  blankets,  200  yards  of  cloth,  100 
shirts,  40  hats,  40  pair  of  shoes  and  buckles,  40  pair 
stockings,  TOO  hatchets,  500  knives,  100  hoes,  60  kettles, 
100  tobacco  tongs,  100  scissors,  500  awls,  120  combs, 
2000  needles,  1000  flints,  24  looking  glasses,  2  pounds  of 


28  CONRAD  WEISER. 

vermilion.  100  tin  pots,  25  gallons  of  rum,  200  pounds 
of  tobacco,  2000  pipes,  24  dozen  of  gartering. 

Two  weeks  after  this  deed  was  signed,  when  most  of 
the  influential  Indians  had  gone  from  Philadelphia,  and 
after  the  remainder  had  been  drinking  excessively  for 
several  days,  another  deed  was  drawn  covering  all  the 
Six  Nations'  claim  to  the  land  drained  by  the  Delaware 
River,  and  south  of  the  Blue  Mountains.  Since  the  Six 
Nations  had  never,  until  this  elate,  laid  any  claim  to  the 
lands  on  the  lower  Delaware,  this  second  deed  becomes 
significant.  It  established  a  precedent  for  an  Iroquois 
claim  to  the  lands  owned  by  the  Delaware  Indians.  Wil 
liam  Penn  had  never  recognized  any  Six  Nation  claims 
on  the  Delaware.  The  Iroquois  themselves  had  never 
made  any  such  pretensions.  It  is  highly  probable  that  no 
one  at  that  time  realized  what  might  be  the  outcome  of 
such  a  deed,  which  was  an  indirect  way  of  denying  to  the 
Delaware  Indians  all  their  land  claims.  It  is  quite  prob 
able  that  the  chief  purpose  in  securing  the  deed  was  to 
place  in  writing  the  promise  of  the  Six  Nations  that  they 
would  never  in  the  future  sell  land  within  the  limits  of 
Pennsylvania  to  any  one  except  Penn's  heirs. 

The  deed  was  carefully  read  and  interpreted  to  them 
by  Conrad  Weiser.  The  Iroquois  were  evidently  aware 
that  they  had  gained  a  most  important  point.  Hence 
forth  Pennsylvania  would  be  their  sponsor  for  claims  on 
the  Delaware  River,  and  all  ancient  disputes  with  the 
Delaware  Indians  on  this  matter  were  settled.  Pennsyl 
vania  had  taken  sides  in  the  quarrel,  and  hereafter  must 
recognize  the  power  of  the  Iroquois,  and  lay  the  hand  of 
oppression  upon  the  Delawares.  The  wise  statesmanship 
of  William  Penn,  who  refused  to  take  sides  in  any  Indian 
differences,  was  unfortunately  no  more.  His  sons  were 


THE  TREATY  OF    1/36.  29 

more  bent  on  personal  profit  than  public  justice  and  secur 
ity.  No  doubt,  Shikellimy  was  the  Indian  agent  who 
accomplished  this,  and  that  he  used  Conrad  Weiser  to 
bring  it  to  pass.  This  action  clearly  marked  a  change  in 
the  Indian  policy  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  no  longer 
possible  to  treat  the  Delaware  Indians  as  formerly.  The 
Six  Nations  become  the  favored  people,  and  the  Dela- 
wares  become  underlings.  Weiser  helped  Shikellimy  sow 
the  seed  which  drenched  Pennsylvania  in  blood  from 
1755  to  1764.  In  permitting  this  second  deed,  Pennsyl 
vania  started  that  series  of  events  with  the  Delawares, 
which  cost  her  one  of  the  most  remarkable  Indian  inva 
sions  in  colonial  history.  And  at  the  same  time  by  secur 
ing  this  and  thus  conciliating  the  Iroquois,  and  holding 
the  key  to  their  future  attitude,  Weiser  and  the  proprie 
tary  made  a  future  nation  possible.  Pennsylvania  suf 
fered  that  a  nation  might  live.  She  brought  upon  herself 
after  many  years  a  Delaware  war,  but  escaped  a  Six 
Nation  war,  a  French  alliance  with  the  Iroquois,  and  the 
threatening  possibility  of  the  destruction  of  all  the  Eng 
lish  colonies  on  the  coast. 

The  provincial  Executive  was  well  pleased  with 
Weiser's  suggestion  to  cut  the  amount  of  the  Governor's 
present  from  two  hundred  pounds  to  something  less  than 
seventy  pounds.  Doubtless  the  council  considered  this  a 
sufficient  sum  to  pay  for  "brightening  the  chain  of 
friendship,"  relighting  the  "council  fire,"  and  opening 
more  thoroughly  a  "path  to  Onodago." 

The  council  now  realized  with  some  force  that  the 
expenses  of  Iroquois  conferences  far  exceeded  those  held 
with  the  Delawares  and  Conestogas. 

The  authorities  were  as  anxious  to  have  the  Indians 
leave  Philadelphia  as  they  had  been  to  have  them  come. 


3°  CONRAD  WEISER. 

After  three  or  four  weeks  had  passed,  after  the  Indians' 
fear  of  small-pox  had  evaporated,  and  the  streets  of  the 
city  were  turbulent  with  drunken  chiefs,  the  Governor 
and  council  applied  to  Conrad  Weiser  to  dispatch  the 
dusky  deputies  as  soon  as  possible.  Accordingly  a  proc 
lamation  was  at  once  issued  and  put  into  the  mouth  of  the 
street  crier,  threatening-  to  fine  any  person  ten  pounds 
who  should  be  found  selling  any  kind  of  strong  liquor  to 
the  Indians.  Horses  and  wagons  were  furnished  to  carry 
the  Indians'  presents  part  way  on  the  home  journey. 
After  the  deputies  had  departed  the  city  authorities 
breathed  more  freely,  and  the  provincial  Executive  real 
ized  that  a  new  force  had  entered  into  the  Indian  rela 
tions  of  the  colony. 

As  the  old  chiefs  slowly  wound  their  way  deeper  and 
deeper  into  the  forests  of  the  Alleghenies,  they  no  doubt 
wondered  why  their  request  to  have  the  Indian  traders 
removed  from  the  Ohio  country  was  so  politely  refused, 
and  why  their  petition  to  have  no  more  strong  drink  sold 
to  their  young  men  was  evaded.  Doubtless,  the  older 
chiefs  questioned  the  truth  of  the  Governor's  rebuke  when 
he  told  them  that  the  Indians  should  control  themselves 
like  the  white  men  did.  "All  of  us  here,"  said  the  Gov 
ernor,  "and  all  you  see  of  any  credit  in  this  place,  can 
every  day  have  as  much  rum  of  their  own  to  drink  as  they 
please,  and  yet  scarce  one  of  us  will  take  a  dram,  at  least 
not  one  man  will  on  any  account  be  drunk,  no,  not  if  he 
were  hired  to  it  with  great  sums  of  money." 

After  a  year  or  more  of  meditation  the  Onondago 
chiefs  reached  the  conclusion  that  the  traders  and  the 
white  men  on  the  frontiers  were  not  like  the  people  of 
Philadelphia. 

Since   Pennsylvania   had   paid   the   Six   Nations   for 


THE  TREATY  OF    1736.  31 

their  Susquehanna  claims  south  of  the  Blue  Mountains, 
the  shrewd  Iroquois  became  aware  that  neither  Maryland 
nor  Virginia  had  ever  paid  them  for  lands  to  the  south 
ward  which  lay  within  the  western  borders  of  those 
States.  They  stated  that  their  claims  to  this  region  were 
based  upon  the  conquests  of  their  fathers.  They  now  in 
sisted  that  Pennsylvania  should  assist  them  in  securing 
this  land  from  Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  Governor, 
who  was  evidently  following  the  advice  of  Conrad 
Weiser,  put  the  Indians  off  until  he  could  secure  better 
information  about  these  claims. 

The  growing  discontent  among  the  Shawanese  seized 
upon  the  recent  Iroquois  land  sale  as  another  source  of 
their  dissatisfaction.  When  these  Shawanese  heard  of 
the  treaty  of  1736,  one  hundred  and  thirty  of  their  leaders 
sent  a  belt  to  the  French,  saying,  our  land  has  been  sold 
from  under  our  feet,  may  we  come  and  live  with  you? 
The  French  not  only  readily  consented,  but  offered  to 
come  and  meet  them  with  provisions.  This  information 
came  from  the  Mohawks,  who  received  no  share  from  the 
recent  Iroquois  land  sale.  In  the  treaty  of  1736  the  Six 
Nations  had  promised  to  send  all  the  Shawanese  back 
from  the  Ohio,  and  compel  them  to  live  on  the  Susque 
hanna  lands,  where  forty-five  years  before  they  had  asked 
permission  to  live.  The  Iroquois  found  this  a  difficult 
thing  to  do,  especially  since  the  Mohawks  received  noth 
ing  from  the  late  treaty.  The  Shawanese,  moreover, 
were  learning  valuable  lessons  in  diplomacy  from  the  Iro 
quois  and  the  French.  In  August,  1737,  a  message  and 
a  belt  came  to  Philadelphia  from  the  Shawanese  on  the 
Ohio,  saying  that  the  French  had  always  been  their 
friends,  that  each  year  they  gave  them  powder,  lead  and 
tobacco,  that  these  presents  enabled  them  to  hold  their 


3^  CONRAD  WEISER. 

own  against  their  Indian  enemies  in  the  south.  Now  if 
they  should  go  hack  to  their  Susquehanna  lands,  as  the 
leading  men  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Iroquois  chiefs  de 
sired,  they  must  starve,  and  lay  themselves  open  to  their 
enemies.  With  genuine  shrewdness  the  Shawanese  de 
clared  that  they  had  no  desire  to  join  the  French,  and  if 
the  Pennsylvania  authorities  would  send  them  a  present 
as  compensation  for  the  land  they  had  lost  they  could  keep 
back  their  enemies,  and  avoid  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  French. 

The  Pennsylvania  council,  after  1736,  always  con 
sulted  Conrad  Weiser  on  all  Indian  affairs.  Weiser  had 
little  or  no  respect  for  a  Shawanese  Indian.  The  council, 
while  it  realized  that  the  Shawanese  had  no  legal  claims 
on  the  Susquehanna  land,  from  a  white  man's  standpoint 
in  reference  to  land  tenure,  inclined  to  take  Weiser's 
advice,  and  believed  that  it  would  be  establishing  a  dan 
gerous  precedent  to  recognize  Shawanese  claims  when 
they  were  but  sojourners  in  the  country.  The  Indians 
had  a  quite  different  conception  of  land  tenure,  and  the 
Shawanese  held  that  occupancy  did  in  time  become  pos 
session.  Therefore,  when  they  received  a  present  of  ten 
pounds  from  the  Province,  and  an  invitation  to  a  treaty, 
they  swallowed  their  chagrin,  and  found  solace  in  the 
sympathy  of  the  French.  This  paltry  present  was  the 
beginning  of  a  series  of  misunderstandings  with  these 
tribes  which  finally  led  to  their  total  alienation  from  the 
English  cause. 


THE  ONONDAGO  JOURNEY.  33 


CHAPTER  III. 
THE  ONONDAGO  JOURNEY. 

Feuds  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  Indians — Virginia 
becomes  a  Peacemaker —  Governor  Gooch  secures  the  Consent 
of  the  Southern  Tribes — Virginia  applies  to  Pennsylvania  for  aid — 
Weiser  sent  on  a  Mission  of  Peace — Indians  starving  at  Shamokin 
— Weiser  visits  Madame  Montour — Life  in  the  Woods — The 
Otkon,  the  Evil  Spirit  of  the  Valley — Weiser  quarrels  with  the 
Guide — A  Famine  among  the  Indians — An  Indian  Seer's  strange 
Vision — Weiser's  skill  in  procuring  Provisions — The  Indian  Guide 
saves  Weiser's  Life — Weiser  at  Onandago — Some  lawless  Iroquois 
frustrate  the  purposes  of  Weiser's  mission — Causes  of  suspension 
of  further  peace  negotiations. 

THE  Iroquois  confederacy  had  been  at  war  for  years 
with  the  Southern  Indians.  The  great  mountain 
valleys  of  Virginia  contained  their  war-trails.  Silently 
along  these  paths  of  blood  small  bands  of  ambitious  young 
Iroquois  warriors  pushed  southward  every  season  in 
search  of  Muskokee  scalps.  The  white  people  experienced 
no  serious  trouble  as  long  as  the  Virginia  planters  re 
mained  east  of  the  mountains.  But  when  a  century  of 
colonization  produced  the  enterprising  frontiersman,  the 
land  speculator,  and  the  fur  trader,  then  men  commenced 
to  look  into  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  then  friction  with 
the  Iroquois  Indians  commenced.  In  Pennsylvania  when 
difficulty  of  this  nature  occurred  its  settlement  was  re 
ferred  to  the  next  treaty,  where,  after  some  discussion, 
orders  were  usually  given  by  the  old  men  that  their  war 
riors  should  for  the  future  go  south  by  some  path  further 
west,  and  more  removed  from  the  haunts  of  the  settler. 
In  Virginia  for  a  number  of  years  there  had  been  an 


34  CONK  AD  WEISER. 

enactment  authorizing  the  county  authorities  to  arrest 
and  bring  before  the  magistrates  any  bands  of  strange 
roving  Indians,  and  if  said  Indians  should  in  any  manner 
try  to  elude  the  officers  they  would  then  be  justified  in 
shooting  the  Indians  on  the  spot. 

Immediately  after  the  Pennsylvania  purchase  of  1736, 
the  difficulties  so  increased  that  the  Governor  of  Virginia 
reached  the  conclusion  that  the  only  solution  of  the  vexa 
tious  problem  was  to  bring  about  a  peace  between  the  two 
great  confederacies  of  Indians.  Late  in  the  autumn  of 
1736,  Governor  Gooch  succeeded  in  securing  the  consent 
of  one  of  the  Southern  tribes  to  make  peace.  Finally 
late  in  the  winter  the  entire  Southern  confederacy  of  In 
dians  agreed  to  send  deputies,  during  the  following 
spring,  to  meet  a  similar  party  of  peace  commissioners 
from  the  Iroquois,  at  some  place  like  Williamsburg,  in 
Virginia.  This  was  the  more  easily  accomplished  with 
the  Southern  Indians,  owing  to  their  distance  from  the 
influence  of  the  French,  and  the  looseness  of  their  con 
federacy. 

When  Governor  Gooch  fully  realized  what  he  had 
accomplished,  it  became  highly  desirable  to  secure  ( I ) 
an  armistice  between  the  two  hostile  confederacies,  (2) 
to  persuade  the  Iroquois  to  send  peace  commissioners  to 
Williamsburg.  Therefore,  Virginia  immediately  applied 
to  Pennsylvania  for  aid  in  this  affair.  It  was  at  that  time 
generally  conceded  that  Conrad  Weiser  was  the  only  man 
able  to  stay  the  bloody  tomahawk  of  the  Iroquois.  It  was 
now  midwinter,  and  the  difficulties  of  sending  a  messen 
ger  to  Onondago  seemed  insurmountable.  Yet  if  the 
young  men  among  the  Iroquois,  who  were  accustomed 
to  go  on  the  war  trail  in  the  early  spring,  should  get 
started  before  a  messenger  arrived  they  could  not  be  re- 


THE  ONONDAGO  JOURNEY.  35 

called,  and  all  the  peace  negotiations  would  fail  for  an 
other  year,  if  not  ultimately. 

Accordingly  Conrad  Weiser  was  selected  to  perform 
this  mission.  He  started  on  his  journey  on  the  27th  of 
February.  The  snow  on  the  mountains  made  horseback 
riding  exceedingly  difficult.  At  Shamokin,  on  the  forks 
of  the  Susquehanna  River,  it  was  found  impossible  to  get 
the  horses  across.  After  more  than  a  day's  delay  a  daring 
Indian  crossed  and  took  Conrad  and  his  German  com 
panion,  Stoffel  Stump,  safely  over  in  a  canoe.  Weiser 
had  expected  to  secure  provisions  and  a  guide  at  Shamo 
kin;  he  only  found  a  guide. 

The  Indians  there  were  on  the  verge  of  starvation.  "I 
saw  a  blanket,"  writes  Weiser,  in  his  journal,  "given  for 
about  one-third  of  a  bushel  of  corn."  Here  they  first 
learned  what  the  pangs  of  hunger  were ;  and  only  after 
great  difficulty  did  Weiser  succeed  in  getting  a  small 
quantity  of  cornmeal  and  a  few  beans.  'With  this  scanty 
store  he  determined  to  plunge  into  a  trackless  wilderness 
toward  Onondago.  The  Indians  reported  the  streams 
impassable,  and  the  snow  waist-deep.  Weiser  was  a  man 
who  rarely  turned  back. 

The  little  party  of  two  white  men  and  two  Indians 
followed  the  north  bank  of  the  west  branch  of  the  Sus 
quehanna  River.  The  Indians  called  this  the  "Zinachsa" 
(Ot-zin-ach-son).  With  and  without  snowshoes  they 
traveled,  crossing  the  streams  as  best  they  could.  At  the 
mouth  of  Loyalsock  Creek  they  found  the  hut  of  Madame 
Montour,  that  remarkable  French  woman  who  lived  in 
great  favor  among  the  Indians.  At  first  Madame  Mon 
tour  told  Weiser  that  she  had  no  food,  but  later  when  all 
the  Indians  had  withdrawn  from  the  cabin  she  deftly 


36  CONRAD  WEISER. 

raised  a  plank  from  the  floor  and  out  of  her  hidden  store 
fed  Weiser  bountifully. 

They  left  Madame  Montour's  with  provision  sacks 
comparatively  empty,  and  snow  over  four  feet  deep  in  the 
mountains.  Their  camp-fire  built  under  the  spruce  trees 
would  often  sink  over  three  feet  into  the  snow  before 
morning.  A  bed  of  spruce  boughs  and  a  meagre  breakfast 
of  cornmeal  and  beans  boiled  in  water  was  above  the 
average  of  their  comforts.  More  than  once  did  they 
stand  all  night  around  a  sputtering  fire,  while  torrents  of 
rain  moved  the  masses  of  snow  on  the  mountains.  After 
leaving  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna  they  fol 
lowed  what  the  Indians  called  the  lost  or  bewildered 
stream.  "The  woods  was  so  thick,"  writes  Weiser,  "that 
for  a  mile  at  a  time  we  could  not  find  a  place  the  size  of 
a  hand  where  the  sunshine  could  penetrate  even  in  the 
clearest  day."  The  swiftness  of  the  stream  made  it  neces 
sary  for  them  all  to  grasp  one  long  pole  while  wading 
across.  They  often  found  it  impossible  to  keep  warm  by 
walking,  owing  to  the  frequent  crossings. 

In  one  valley  which  might  have  been  the  Loyalsock, 
the  storms  of  March  were  so  frequent  and  severe  that  the 
Indians  were  of  the  opinion  that  an  evil  spirit  "Otkon," 
lived  and  ruled  there.  "'It  was  such  a  desolate  region," 
says  Weiser,  "that  I  often  thought  I  must  perish  in  this 
frightful  wilderness."  The  Indians  told  Weiser  that  if 
they  only  had  a  magician  along  he  could  appease  the 
wrath  of  "Otkon"  by  appropriate  sacrifices.  With  gen 
uine  sincerity  Weiser  expressed  his  desire  that  one  of  the 
Indians  present  might  try  his  skill  in  this  dark  art.  Near 
the  head  of  the  same  valley  they  found  two  skulls  securely 
fastened  upon  poles.  These  the  Indians  said  were  the  re 
mains  of  two  unfortunate  Iroquois  warriors  who,  while 


THE  ONONDAGO  JOURNEY.  37 

returning  from  a  war  excursion  to  the  South,  encamped 
here  one  stormy  night  with  two  Carolina  Indians  as  cap 
tives.  These  "prisoners,"  says  Weiser,  "who  were  two 
resolute  men,  found  themselves  at  night  untied,  which, 
without  doubt,  had  been  done  by  the  'Otkon,'  and  hav 
ing  killed  their  captors  and  taken  possession  of  their  arms 
had  returned  home."* 

On  the  28th  of  March,  they  ate  their  last  handful  of 

meal  fully  expecting  to  reach  the  north  branch  of  the  Sus- 

quehanna  River  that  night,  where  they  supposed  that  they 

would  find  an  abundant  supply  of  provisions.     About  the 

middle  of  the  forenoon  they  came  to  Sugar  Creek,  which 

was  much  swollen  by  melting  snow.     They  found  it  too 

high  and  rapid  to  ford.     Accordingly,  by  dint  of  much 

patience,   having  only  one  small  hatchet,   they   felled  a 

long  pine  tree,  but  unfortunately  it  did  not  reach  the 

opposite  bank.     The  stream  having  already  risen  a  foot 

since  they  arrived,   its  raging  currents  caught  the  pine 

tree  and  swept  it  clown  the  stream.     The  Indian  guide 

now  suggested  wading  the  stream,  and  all  holding  to  a 

long  pole.     Weiser  was  decided  in  his  opinion  that  the 

current  was  too  swift  and  would  sweep  them  away.     The 

entire  party  was  irritated  over  the  loss  of  food,  and  the 

two  Indians  "fell  to  abusing  Stoffel."    They  told  him  that 

it  was  his  fault  that  Conrad  would  not  follow  the  words 

of    the    guide.      When    Weiser    defended    Stoffel,    they 

called  him  a  coward,  who  loved  his  life  so  much  that  he 

would  force  them  all  to  die  of  hunger  on  the  spot.     The 

guide  declared  that  he  knew  more  about  this  wild  country 

than  Weiser,  that  he  was  responsible  for  the  party  and 

they  must  do  as  he  said.     If  they  could  not  wade  they 

must  build  a  raft  and  cross  on  that.     Conrad  with  great 

*Memoirs  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  vol.  I.,  p.  II. 


3  CONRAD  WEISER. 

determination  told  them  that  no  raft  could  be  kept  right 
side  up  in  that  current,  and  it  would  be  far  better  for  them 
to  follow  Sugar  Creek  until  they  reached  the  Susque- 
hanna,  and  then  ascend  the  river.  The  guide  with 
increasing  warmth  told  him  that  he  did  not  know  what 
he  was  talking  about.  The  other  Indian,  an  Onondago 
warrior,  who  had  joined  the  party  as  a  convenient  way  to 
return  from  a  Southern  raid,  insisted  that  no  white  man 
could  give  him  any  advice  in  the  woods.  Weiser  promptly 
put  an  end  to  all  further  controversy  by  slinging  his  pack 
over  his  back  and  starting  down  the  stream.  Stoffel 
obediently  followed.  The  Indian  guide  hesitated  for 
some  time,  but  finally  shouldered  his  burden  and  sullenly 
followed  the  resolute  German.  The  proud  Onondago 
remained  alone.  About  a  mile  down  the  stream  Conrad 
found  a  narrow  place  where  a  tree  would  bridge  the  flood 
with  safety.  Here  they  silently  crossed,  then  fired  a 
signal  for  the  stubborn  Onondago,  and  without  a  word 
plunged  into  the  dark  forest.  Late  that  night  Ta-wa- 
gar-et,  the  Onondago,  came  humbly  into  camp,  wet  to 
the  skin,  and  nearly  exhausted.  He  told  them  that  after 
they  left  he  made  himself  a  raft  and  attempted  to  cross. 
His  craft  was  overturned  in  the  stream  and  he  was 
thrown  upon  an  island  from  which  he  barely  escaped 
with  his  life.  After  some  minutes'  silence  in  the  camp, 
the  Onondago  asked  Conrad  Weiser's  pardon  for  his 
stubborn  conduct.  This  incident  was  of  no  small  impor 
tance  in  the  negotiations  which  followed  some  weeks  later 
at  the  Onondago  council  fire,  where  Conrad  Weiser's 
words  had  great  weight. 

When  this  starved  and  tottering  embassy  reached  the 
Susqnehanna  several  miles  above  the  present  site  of 
Towanda,  it  found  the  Indians  there  on  the  verge  of 


THE  ONONDAGO  JOURNEY.  39 

starvation.  All  the  able-bodied  men  were  away  vainly 
searching  for  game.  The  old  men,  squaws,  and  children 
had  been  living  for  weeks  upon  maple  juice  and  sugar. 
With  all  his  trinkets  Weiser  could  buy  no  meal.  The 
women  made  him  a  weak  soup  of  corn-meal  and  ashes 
boiled  separately  and  then  mixed.  The  two  Indians  ate 
so  greedily  of  this  that  they  became  quite  sick.  Conrad 
gave  his  portion  to  the  bony  little  children  who  crowded 
around  with  tears  on  their  stolid  faces.  Stoffel  ate 
heartily  of  the  soup,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  he 
experienced  the  least  inconvenience.  Later  in  the  evening, 
in  another  hut,  Weiser  succeeded  in  buying  with  twenty- 
four  needles  and  six  shoe-strings,  five  small  loaves  of 
corn-bread  "of  about  a  pound  in  weight."  With  Stoffel's 
assistance  this  was  quickly  consumed.  Nothing  more 
could  be  purchased.  Stoffel  urged  that  they  abandon  the 
mission,  procure  a  canoe  and  float  down  the  river.  The 
high  water  and  the  numerous  rapids  would  have  made  it 
possible  to  have  reached  Shamokin  "in  six  or  eight  days," 
if  they  had  been  able  to  procure  provisions.  Weiser 
refused  to  entertain  such  a  suggestion. 

He  called  a  conference  of  the  old  and  wise  men  and 
asked  them  why  game  was  so  scarce.  "Twelve  years 
ago,"  said  Weiser,  "when  I  was  here  you  had  a  greater 
supply  than  all  the  other  Indians.  Why  is  game  so  scarce 
now?" 

They  replied  that  hunting  had  strangely  failed  since 
last  winter.  Some  of  them  had  found  nothing  at  all. 
The  Lord  and  Creator  of  the  world,  they  said,  was 
resolved  to  destroy  all  the  Indians.  One  of  their  seers,  an 
old  gray-headed  Indian,  told  Weiser  that  he  had  had  a 
vision  of  God.  When  he  inquired  of  the  Great  Spirit  why 
game  was  so  scarce  he  received  the  following  reply: 


4O  CONRAD  WEISER. 

"You  inquire  after  the  cause  why  game  has  become  so 
scarce.  I  will  tell  you.  You  kill  it  for  the  sake  of  the 
skins,  which  you  give  for  strong  liquor  and  drown  your 
senses,  and  kill  one  another,  and  carry  on  dreadful 
debauchery.  Therefore,  I  have  driven  the  wild  animals 
out  of  the  country,  for  they  are  mine.  If  you  will  do 
good,  and  cease  from  your  sins,  I  \vill  bring  them  back ; 
if  not,  I  will  destroy  you  from  off  the  earth."  Conrad 
Weiser  then  asked  them  if  they  believed  what  the  seer 
had  seen  and  heard.  They  replied  that  some  of  their 
number  believed  that  it  would  happen  so ;  others  believed 
it,  but  gave  themselves  no  concern  about  it.  Time  will 
show,  they  said,  what  will  happen  to  us.  "Rum  will  kill 
us  and  leave  the  land  clear  for  the  Europeans  without 
strife  or  purchase." 

While  Conrad  Weiser  took  careful  note  of  these 
things  they  were  not  to  his  purpose.  lie  must  devise 
some  means  of  reaching  the  Onondago  Council  before 
the  war  parties  were  organized.  How  to  do  this  without 
food,  and  with  failing  strength,  \vas  a  serious  problem. 
Again  he  called  the  old  men  together,  lie  told  them  that 
he  was  on  a  mission  for  the  good  of  the  Six  Nations; 
that  he  came  in  behalf  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia  and 
Brother  Onas,  and  something  must  be  done  to  further  his 
enterprise.  After  some  consideration  and  delay,  the 
Indians  concluded  that  a  hut,  whose  owners  were  away 
on  a  hunt,  should  be  broken  open  and  as  much  of  the  con 
tents  as  necessary  be  used  for  the  expedition.  A  share 
was  given  to  two  Indians,  who  were  directed  to  go  ahead 
as  runners  and  herald  the  coming  of  the  embassy.  Weiser 
and  his  little  party,  with  great  thankfulness,  received 
their  share,  which  was  about  one-third  of  a  bushel  of 
corn.  Weiser  had  this  pounded  before  they  started.  It 


THE   ONONDAGO   JOURNEY.  4! 

was  not  done  without  considerable  loss.  "Hunger," 
writes  Weiser,  "is  a  great  tyrant,  he  does  not  spare  the 
best  of  friends,  much  less  strangers."  With  less  than  ten 
quarts  of  pounded  corn  Weiser  pushed  on  toward  Onon- 
dago,  following  the  North  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna, 
and  doling  out  the  little  stock  of  meal  each  day  with  a 
parsimonious  hand. 

Several  days  before  they  reached  the  "Great  Water 
Shed"  which  divides  the  waters  of  the  Susquehanna  from 
those  of  the  Hudson  on  the  east,  the  Mississippi  on  the 
west,  and  the  St.  Lawrence  on  the  north,  they  waded 
through  soft  snow  in  what  seemed  an  endless  forest.  On 
the  "8th  of  April,"  he  writes,  "we  were  still  on  the  jour 
ney,  and  I  was  utterly  worn  out  by  cold  and  hunger,  and 
so  long  a  journey,  not  to  mention  other  hardships;  a  fresh 
snow  had  fallen  about  twenty  inches  deep;  I  found  my 
self  still  nearly  three  days'  journey  from  Onondago,  in 
a  terrible  forest.  My  strength  was  so  exhausted  that  my 
whole  body  trembled  and  shook  to  such  a  degree  that  I 
thought  I  should  fall  down  and  die ;  I  went  to  one  side 
and  sat  down  under  a  tree,  intending  to  give  up  the  ghost 
there,  to  attain  which  end  I  hoped  the  cold  of  the  night 
then  approaching  would  assist  me.  My  companions  soon 
missed  me,  and  the  Indians  came  back  and  found  me 
sitting  there.  I  would  not  go  any  further,  but  said  to 
them  in  one  word:  'Here  I  will  die;'  they  were  silent 
awhile;  at  last  the  old  man  (Shikellimy)  began,  'My  dear 
companion,  take  courage,  thou  hast  until  now  encouraged 
us,  wilt  thou  now  give  up  entirely?  Just  think  that  the 
bad  days  are  better  than  the  good  ones,  for  when  we 
suffer  much  we  do  not  sin,  and  sin  is  driven  out  of  us  by 
suffering.  But  the  good  days  cause  men  to  sin,  and  God 
cannot  be  merciful ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  when  it  goes 


42  CONRAD  WEISER. 

badly  with  us,  God  takes  pity  on  us/  I  was  therefore 
ashamed,  and  stood  up  and  journeyed  on  as  well  as  I 
could."* 

The  following  day  they  crossed  the  water  shed,  and 
the  next  day  traveled  forty  miles  to  reach  the  Onondago 
Council.  Unfortunately  Weiser  gives  us  no  report  of 
his  negotiations  there,  other  than  the  results.  To  stay 
the  tide  of  war,  which  was  strong  in  the  hearts  of  the 
Iroquois  toward  the  Southern  Indians,  was  no  easy  task. 
At  last  the  proud  Maqua  consented  to  the  armistice  but 
refused  to  send  deputies  to  Williamsburg.  They  claimed 
that  it  was  too  far  to  travel.  If  the  Southern  Indians 
wished  to  treat  with  the  Iroquois  let  them  come  to 
Albany.  Although  Weiser  failed  to  accomplish  all  that 
was  desired,  he  secured  the  armistice  and  saved  Virginia 
from  an  invasion  of  Iroquois  warriors.  He  reported  to 
Pennsylvania  and  the  Governor  immediately  advised 
Virginia  of  the  results  of  the  mission.  The  Governor  of 
Virginia,  at  once,  sent  deputies  to  the  Cherokee  and 
Catawba  tribes. 

At  the  very  time  that  these  deputies  were  in  session,  a 
roving  band  from  the  Six  Nations,  either  with  or  without 
orders,  or  in  ignorance  of  the  decisions  of  the  Onondago 
Council,  fell  upon  a  hunting  party  of  the  Cherokees  and 
killed  three  of  them  and  destroyed  five  of  their  horses. 
This  piece  of  wanton  mischief  so  incited  the  Southern 
Indians  that  they  declared  that  all  further  peace  negotia 
tions  with  such  treacherous  people  were  at  an  end.  In 
despair,  Carolina  and  Virginia  appealed  to  Pennsylvania. 
James  Logan,  the  Governor,  turned  the  entire  affair  over 
to  Conrad  Weiser,  urging  him  to  go  to  the  Six  Nations 
and  secure  a  firm  peace  if  possible. 

*Pennsylvania  Magazine,  vol.  I.,  p.   165. 


THE   ONONDAGO    JOURNEY.  43 

Several  years  elapsed  before  this  question  came  up 
again,  during  which  time  we  have  no  knowledge  of 
whether  Conrad  Weiser  did  anything  or  not.  The  prob 
abilities  are  that  he  did  nothing.  The  Indian  policy  of 
the  Province  was  more  and  more  becoming  the  result  of 
pressure,  and  it  naturally  inclined  to  follow  the  lines  of 
least  resistance.  And  since  there  \vas  no  pressure  on 
the  part  of  the  Six  Nations  upon  this  point,  little  was 
done  during  the  following  five  or  six  years. 

Another  reason  might  be  assigned  for  the  cessation  of 
all  efforts  to  secure  peace  between  the  Northern  and  the 
Southern  Indians,  and  that  is  the  fact  that  Conrad  Weiser 
was  the  only  agency  through  which  anything  could  be 
done  in  this  line,  and  during  this  period  he  was  more 
interested  in  affairs  of  the  church  than  in  those  of  the 
state. 


44  CONRAD  VVEISER. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPHRATA  TEMPORARILY  WIN 
WEISER  AWAY  FROM  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

Religious  awakening  at  Tulpehocken — Beissel's  Visit  to  Weiser 
— Weiser  withdraws  from  the  Lutheran  Church — Weiser  be 
comes  a  Seventh-day  Baptist — Weiser  burns  the  Lutheran  Cate 
chism — Governor  Thomas  seeks  to  draw  Weiser  away  from 
the  Ephrata  Influence — Weiser  appointed  Justice  of  the  Peace 
— Weiser  quarrels  with  Beissel — A  "Spiritual  Virgin"  makes 
Trouble  at.  Ephrata — Weiser,  the  Magistrate,  outgrows  Weiser, 
the  Church  Elder — Weiser  leaves  the  Seventh-day  Baptists 
— His  spiritual  Return — Weiser  becomes  interested  in  the 
Moravian  Missionaries — Weiser  travels  with  Zinzendorf — Weiser 
saves  Zinzendorf 's  Life — The.  Moravians  turn  away  from  Weiser 
— Weiser  secures  the  Release  of  two  Moravians  from  the  Jail  in 
New  York. 

AT  the  time  of  Conrad  Weiser's  arrival  in  Pennsyl 
vania  there  was  an  unusual  awakening  in  the 
.eastern  part  of  the  Province  upon  religious  subjects.  In 
a  few  years  the  people  of  Tulpehocken,  who  were  largely 
Lutherans,  agreed  that  none  but  Protestants  and  people 
of  like  persuasion  should  be  permitted  to  live  among 
them.  Peter  Miller,  a  highly  educated  man  from  Ger 
many,  was  called  among  these  Tulpehocken  people  to 
be  their  teacher.  He  served  them  four  years.  Conrad 
Beissel,*  the  leader  and  organizer  of  the  "Seventh  Day 
Baptists"  at  Ephrata,  had  for  some  years  made  the 
conversion  of  the  Tulpehocken  people  the  subject  of  regu 
lar  prayer. 

Beissel  and  several  of  his  disciples  finally  made  a  visit 
to  Tulpehocken,  and  were  received  by  Conrad  Weiser,  the 

*See  Dr.  M.  G.  Brumbaugh's  "History  of  the  Brethren"  for  a  full  account 
of  these  Men. 


RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPHRATA.  45 

elder  of  the  church,  and  Peter  Miller,  the  teacher,  "with 
the  consideration  due  to  him  as  an  embassador  of  God."§ 
When  Beissel  was  about  to  return  from  this  remarkable 
journey,  Peter  Miller  and  Conrad  Weiser  accompanied 
him  for  six  miles  over  the  mountains.  The  subject  of 
conversation  between  these  men  is  not  known.  The  ser 
mons  and  prayers  of  Beissel  are  not  recorded.  We  only 
know  the  results,  and  they  are  of  themselves  remarkable 
enough.  A  division  was  caused  in  the  Lutheran  congre 
gation  at  Tulpehocken.  Conrad  Weiser,  and  Peter 
Miller,  and  a  number  of  the  elders  withdrew  from  the 
Church. 

A  new  question  now  faced  these  seceders  from  the 
faith  of  their  fathers.  What  should  they  do  ?  They  could 
not  endorse  "Separatism,"  even  if  the  country  was  full  of 
"Laodiceans,  Naturalists,  Ishmaelites  and  Atheists." 
Weiser  and  his  little  band  of  the  dissatisfied  felt  the  su 
preme  need  of  some  kind  of  church  government,  some 
system  with  an  organization.  Weiser's  was  eminently 
an  orderly  mind.  Pie  was  a  leader  and  an  organizer.  The 
authors  of  the  Chronicon  Ephratense  speak  of  him  as  a 
"man  who  had  received  from  God  remarkable  natural 
gifts  and  sound  judgment,  and  therefore  carried  weight 
with  him  into  whatever  sphere  he  might  turn,  whether 
of  nature  or  of  the  church.  He  was  the  teacher's  (Peter 
Miller)  main-stay,  for  they  were  on  intimate  terms  to 
gether,  which  death  itself  did  not  destroy." 

Weiser's  unrest  soon  led  him  to  make  a  visit  to  Eph- 
rata,  where  he  sought  a  long  interview  with  Beissel.  This 
strange  man  had  a  remarkable  and  powerful  influence 
upon  Wreiser,  so  much  so  that  the  latter  was  instrumental 
in  securing  the  complete  surrender  and  final  conversion 

§Chronicon  Ephratense. 


CONRAD   WEISER. 


of  Peter  Miller  himself.  Both  of  these  men  were  baptized 
by  Beissel  in  May,  1/35.  For  some  time  after  this,  Peter 
Miller  lived  in  a  hermitage  near  Tulpehocken.  This  place 
of  abode  was  erected  for  him  by  the  Ephrata  Brethren. 

For  a  time  all  went  well  in  the  church  ;  Weiser  became 
exceedingly  zealous  in  the  new  faith.  On  one  occasion  we 
are  informed  that  in  company  with  Peter  Miller  and 
others  of  the  new  converts  he  went  to  the  house  of  God- 
fried  Fidler  where  he  burned  the  Lutheran  catechism, 
the  Psalter,  the  Heidelberg  catechism,  and  several  other 
time-  honored  books  of  devotion.* 

Weiser  gave  liberally  of  his  possessions  for  the  "up 
building  of  the  new  enterprise"  at  Ephrata.  According 
to  the  custom  of  these  people,  he  allowed  his  beard  to 
grow  until  it  reached  such  dimensions  that  even  his  for 
mer  acquaintances  failed  to  recognize  him.  Beissel  led  a 
proselyting  party,  composed  of  the  twelve  fathers  in  the 
church,  into  New  Jersey.  Weiser  was  one  of  these 
honored  fathers,  and  added  very  materially  to  the 
standing  of  the  church  through  his  influence  in  public 
affairs.  Indeed  he  was  very  enthusiastic  in  his  sup 
port  of  the  Seventh  Day  Fraternity,  and  especially  of 
Beissel.  The  majority  of  Weiser  s  friends  were  exceed 
ingly  sorry  to  see  him  join  such  a  religious  body.  The 
chronicler  of  the  Ephrata  history,  who  despised  the  ways 
of  the  world,  declares  that  "the  country  could  neither 
wage  war  nor  make  peace  with  the  Indians  without  him." 
So  important,  indeed,  was  Weiser  to  the  Provincial 
authorities,  that  Governor  Thomas  used  all  his  public  and 
private  influence  to  win  him  away  from  these  strange 
people.  The  Governor  fully  realized  that  Indian  affairs 
would  suffer  unless  his  rising  power  in  the  Province  was 

*See  C.  Z.  Weiser's  Life  of  Conrad  Weiser. 


RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPPIRATA.  47 

drawn  away  from  the  allurements  of  this  peculiar  form  of 
worship.  In  the  language  of  the  Chronicler,  Governor 
Thomas  "well  understood  the  art  of  dissimulation,"  and 
"took  measures  to  bring  him  over  to  his"  (Governor 
Thomas')  "side  again,  to  cope  with  which  the  good  broth 
er  was  by  no  means  competent.  The  former  took  hold  of 
the  matter  very  shrewdly,  spoke  in  praise  of  the  organiza 
tion  at  Ephrata,  and  that  he  was  not  disinclined  to  come 
into  closer  relations  with  such  a  people.-  This  he  could 
well  say,  for  he  went  to  the  trouble  to  visit  the  settlement 
with  a  following  of  twenty  horses  and  accompanied  by 
many  people  of  quality  from  Virginia  and  Maryland.  He 
was  worthily  received  by  the  Brethren,  though  the  Super 
intendent,  and  the  Mother  Superior  of  the  sisters  held 
themselves  aloof.  He"  (Governor  Thomas)  "declared 
himself  well  pleased  with  the  institution.  But  when  he 
saw  that  the  families  also  had  an  own  household  in  the 
settlement,  he  wanted  to  know  what  the  object  of  this 
was;  and  on  being  told  that  they  too  had  entered  the 
celibate  state,  he  regarded  it  as  something  curious. 
Having  made  a  favorable  impression  on  the  Brother* 
he§  now  tendered  him  the  office  of  a  justice  of  the  peace, 
which  the  Brother  would  then  no  doubt  have  gladly 
accepted  if  it  were  not  against  the  principles  of  his  people ; 
he  did  so,  however,  only  on  condition  that  the  congrega 
tion  would  permit  it.  Thereupon  at  his  request  a  council 
was  held  to  decide  the  question  whether  a  Brother  of  this 
confession  might  be  allowed  to  hold  a  government  office. 
The  fathers  were  of  the  opinion  that  this  could  not  be 
done.  But  the  Superintendent  thought  differently,  and 
asked  them  whether  they  had  a  right  to  respect  a  Brother's 

*Conrad  Weiser. 
§The  Governor. 


48  CONRAD   WEISER. 

conscience.  And  when  he"  [Conrad  Weiser]  "was  asked 
about  it,  he  declared  that  his  conscience  did  not  forbid  him 
to  accept ;  upon  which  full  liberty  was  granted  him.  The 
Governor  also  gave  him  the  privilege  to  withdraw  from 
court  whenever  such  matters  should  happen  to  come  up  as 
it  were  against  his  conscience."* 

After  this  time,  if  we  are  to  believe  the  Ephrata  chron 
icle,  Conrad  Weiser  became  more  and  more  occupied  with 
the  business  of  the  magistracy,  and  less  and  less  interested 
in  the  affairs  of  the  Brethren.  There  were  other  more 
potent  reasons  which  operated  to  turn  Weiser  away  from 
the  Seventh  Day  Fraternity.  A  difference  soon  sprang 
up  between  Weiser  and  the  Superintendent.  When  the 
Tulpehocken  branch  of  the  Ephrata  Church  asked  for  a 
preacher  in  addition  to  Peter  Miller,  their  teacher,  the 
difficulty  began.  Several  preachers  were  tried,  even  the 
celebrated  "Elimelech,"  but  none  remained.  "After  the 
priestly  chair  was  now  empty  again,"  says  the  Chronicler, 
"Conrad  Weiser  incautiously  seated  himself  in  it,  and 
thereby  opened  the  door  for  the  tempter  to  try  him."  It 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  forms  of  the  "Seventh 
Day  Baptists"  permitted  householders  to  live  in  member 
ship  with  the  single  brothers  and  the  virgins.  While 
Beissel  placed  a  high  value  upon  those  who  took  vows  of 
celibacy,  he  yet  had  room  in  his  heart  for  the  householder 
or  married  people.  Yet  one  is  led  to  suppose  that  the 
rituals  of  the  order  placed  a  somewhat  modified  defini 
tion  upon  the  bonds  of  marriage.  In  the  mysterious 
style  of  the  chronicler  it  is  hinted  that  since  baptism  had 
considerably  weakened  the  ties  of  matrimony,  "there  were 
spiritual  courtings  through  which  the  void,"  in  Conrad 
Weiser's  "side  might  easily  have  been  filled  again."  It 

*Chronicon  Ephratense,  pp.  82,  83. 


RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPIIRATA.  4Q 

appears  that  Beissel  warned  Weiser  of  this  danger,  real 
or  imaginary.  Whatever  this  mystery  was  it  remained 
locked  in  the  bosom  of  Beissel.  "In  this  severe  trial," 
says  the  chronicler,  "Conrad  Weiser  in  his  God-enamored 
condition  found  himself,  and  because  he  did  not  take  suf 
ficient  heed  to  himself  the  tempter  assailed  him  anew,  and 
would  probably  have  overcome  him,  had  not  God  put  it 
into  the  heart  of  the  sister  to  seek  out  the  convent  and 
have  herself  re-baptized  by  the  Superintendent,"  (Conrad 
Beissel)  "then  the  cords  of  the  tempter  were  torn,  and 
they  again  became  as  strangers  to  each  other."" 

It  appears  that  one  time  at  a  foot  washmg,  Beissel 
warned  Weiser  of  the  danger  he  was  in  from  temptations 
of  the  "female  sex."  Sometime  after  this  Weiser  found 
occasion  to  rebuke  Beissel  for  assuming  that  he  was  the 
Christ,  because  Beissel  had  remarked  that  "when  he  stood 
in  the  breach  for  a  deceased  brother  the  blood  was  forced 
from  his  finger  nails."  Out  of  these  things  a  coldness 
grew  between  the  two  brothers.  Finally  Weiser,  for 
reasons  which  he  saw  best  to  keep  to  himself,  forbid  Beis 
sel,  the  Superintendent,  from  frequenting  the  Sisters' 
Convent.  The  extent  of  Weiser's  authority  among  the 
Brethren  is  not  known,  yet  we  are  told  that  he  placed  the 
penalty  of  severe  punishment  upon  Beissel  if  he  did  not 
obey.  For  some  time  Weiser  had  believed  that  things 
were  not  as  they  should  be  at  the  Cloisters.  One  of  the 
spiritual  virgins  consulted  him,  who,  in  his  capacity  as 
justice  of  the  peace  had  become  the  leading  man  on  the 
bench  at  county  court,  complaining  of  Beissel.  Whether 
the  Superintendent  was  guilty,  or  the  virgin  was  jealous, 
is  shrouded  in  doubt. 

It  is  recorded  that  the  virgin  offered  herself  in  mar- 

*Chronicon  Ephratense,  p.  75. 


5O  CONRAD  WEISER. 

riage  to  Beissel,  and  was  refused;  and  when  he  placed 
others,  in  the  Sisters'  Convent,  in  positions  above  that 
occupied  by  herself,  she  brought  these  charges  against 
Beissel.  Conrad  Weiser  immediately  reported  the  entire 
affair  to  the  Governor.  Two  solitary  brothers,  believing 
that  Beissel  was  innocent,  went  to  Conrad  Weiser  and 
implored  him  not  to  stain  his  hands  in  innocent  blood. 
He  promised  them  that  if  it  were  possible  to  withdraw 
the  case  he  would  do  so.  But  meanwhile  the  Governor 
had  written  him  to  give  the  parties  a  hearing  and  send 
the  case  to  Lancaster  Court  for  trial.  Then  Weiser  had 
another  interview  in  the  presence  of  "a  housefather" ;  the 
"virgin"  again  confessed  that  she  assisted  Beissel  in  mak 
ing  way  with  an  illegitimate  child. 

The  Brethren  all  insisted  that  Beissel  was  innocent, 
and  that  the  virgin  was  imbittered  because  her  sister  had 
been  appointed  Mother  Superior  instead  of  her.  Be  this 
as  it  may,  the  "virgin"  recanted  all  her  charges  when 
Weiser  told  her  that  by  the  laws  of  the  Province  her 
own  life  was  endangered  by  the  admission  of  such  a 
crime.  The  Brethren  were  afterwards  more  than  con 
vinced  that  her  testimony  was  false,  because  soon  after  she 
left  the  order,  she  became  engaged  to  be  married  to 
another  man,  and  died  just  before  the  wedding.  This 
the  Brethren  declared  was  the  justice  of  heaven  slaying 
the  wicked  in  their  sins. 

Weiser,  after  this,  is  said  to  have  turned  away  from 
the  Brethren,  and  been  received  into  his  former  church 
with  much  rejoicing.  Just  why  he  left  the  Ephrata 
Fraternity  is  not  clear,  but  we  find  the  following  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  the  Brethren,  that  in  a  measure  explains 
itself: 

"Conrad  Weiser,  your  former  Brother,  has  the  fol- 


RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPHRATA.  5! 

lowing  to  say  to  you  in  this  writing,  on  behalf  of  the  poor 
sighing  souls,  of  whom  there  are  not  a  few  among  you, 
who  are  groaning  day  and  night  unto  God  because  of 
the  Pharaohic  and  Egyptian  bond  service  with  which  the 
Congregation  is  so  heavily  laden  and  burdened  that  it 
scarcely  can  endure  any. 

"Besides  which  this  bond  service  is  much  worse  than 
the  Egyptian,  for  the  latter  was  for  the  payment  of  debts, 
but  with  that  under  which  the  Congregation  is  in  bond 
age  no  debts  can  be  paid.  Yea,  what  am  I  saying?  Pay? 
The  more  one  lets  oneself  come  under  this  service  the 
more  one  sinks  into  debt. 

"But  they  who  withdrew  from  it,  because  -'they  see 
that  no  debts  can  be  paid  with  this  bond  service,  and  that 
one  cannot  fulfill  it  so  long  as  one  lives,  are  refused  fel 
lowship  as  though  they  were  evil-doers,  and  are  expelled 
from  the  congregation,  etc." 

Weiser  went  further  and  recommended  a  reformation 
in  the  church,  and  offered  to  go  and  assist  in  it.  This 
gratuity  being  refused  we  find  Weiser  for  a  long  time 
estranged  from  the  Brethren. 

The  warm  intimacy  and  love  between  Weiser  and 
Peter  Miller  became  after  a  time  the  means  of  drawing 
Weiser  back  to  the  community  once  more.  When  he 
again  visited  Ephrata,  after  his  prolonged  absence,  no  one 
censured  him,  and  no  one  turned  from  him.  Weiser 
inquired  for  Beissel,  who  came  forward,  and  received 
him  with  open  arms  into  "the  sisters'  home,  where  his  old 
acquaintances  rejoiced  with  him  that  he  had  found  again 
his  piece  of  silver  which  had  been  lost." 

Soon  after,  at  a  love  feast,  the  Brethren  reincorporated 
Weiser  into  the  "spiritual  communion;  although,"  says 


52  CONRAD  WEISER. 

their  historian,  "we  willingly  yield  to  his  mother  church 
the  honor  of  garnering  in  his  body."* 

These  experiences  had  a  tendency  to  alienate  Weiser 
from  the  public  affairs  of  the  State.  Indeed,  no  sooner 
was  he  away  from  the  community  at  Ephrata  than  a  group 
of  earnest  Moravian  missionaries  interested  him  deeply 
in  their  plans  for  the  conversion  and  improvement  of  the 
Indians. 

Spangcnberg,  Zeisberger  and  Zinzendorf,  all  applied 
to  Weiser  for  aid  and  guidance.  As  early  as  November 
8,  1/37,  Bishop  Spangenbcrg  writes:  "I  have  made  the 
acquaintance  of  a  certain  man,  Conrad  Weiser,  who  was 
nurtured  in  the  faith  of  the  Reformed  Church,  but  who 
has  for  some  time  been  identified  with  the  Seventh  Day 
Baptists."  Weiser  instructed  several  of  these  men  in  the 
Mohawk  tongue,  and  furnished  advice  about  what  he 
considered  the  best  methods  of  converting  the  Indians. 
He  urged  the  adoption  of  the  French  plans  in  a  measure. 
Before  sermons  were  preached,  smith  shops  should  be 
opened,  and  the  guns  and  hatchets  of  the  Indians  gratuit 
ously  mended.  That  a  concrete  favor  should  be  given 
before  an  abstract  truth  was  elucidated  was  Weiser's 
plan.  He  was  especially  desirous  that  a  smithy  should 
be  established  at  Shamokin. 

After  Weiser  had  gone  on  several  mission  journeys 
with  the  Moravians,  Governor  Thomas,  who  was  well 
aware  of  Weiser's  importance  in  the  Indian  policy  of  the 
Province,  used  every  possible  means  to  draw  him  away 
from  these  people. 

When  Count  Zinzendorf,  in  1742,  applied  to  Conrad 
Weiser  to  accompany  him  to  Onondago,  and  introduce 
him  to  the  Six  Nation  Indians,  Governor  Thomas  urged 

*Chronicon  Ephratense,  p.  86. 


RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPHRATA.  53 

him  not  to  go.  Weiser  hesitated,  but  finally  concluded 
to  guide  Zinzendorf  as  far  as  Shamokin.  He  had 
already  been  entertaining  the  Count  for  some  time. 
Indeed,  Zinzendorf  was  at  Weiser  s  house  when  that  nota 
ble  party  of  Iroquois  sachems  stopped  there  on  their 
return  from  a  treaty  at  Philadelphia.  With  Weiser's 
assistance  these  Indians  were  won  over  to  the  Moravian 
project  of  establishing  a  mission  among  them.  In  reply 
to  Zinzendorf 's  offer  they  said:  ''Brother,  you  have 
journeyed  a  long  way  from  beyond  the  sea,  in  order  to 
preach  to  the  white  people  and  the  Indians.  You  did  not 
know  that  we  were  here;  we  had  no  knowledge  of  your 
coming.  The  Great  Spirit  has  brought  us  together.  Come 
to  our  people,  you  shall  be  welcome,  take  this  fathom  of 
wampum,  it  is  a  token  that  our  words  are  true." 

On  the  journey  to  Shamokin,  Weiser  named  the 
mountains  which  they  crossed  "Thurnstein,"  in  honor  of 
Zinzendorf.  "At  Ostonwacken  they  waited  upon  Madame 
Montour,  who  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears  when  she  saw 
Zinzendorf,  and  heard  that  he  had  come  to  preach  the 
gospel,  the  truths  of  which  she  had  almost  forgotten. 
Zinzendorf  remarks  in  his  journal  that  Madame  Mon 
tour  was  a  French  woman  who  was  captured  in  Canada 
when  she  was  but  ten  years  old.  She  had  forgotten  most 
of  her  early  teachings,  and  believed  that  Bethlehem,  the 
Saviour's  birth-place,  was  in  France,  and  that  his  cruci- 
fiers  were  Englishmen."  This  perversion  was  extensively 
taught  by  some  of  the  French  missionaries. 

Zinzendorf,  after  his  return  from  the  west  branch  of 
the  Susquehanna  River,  desired  to  go  up  into  the  Wyom 
ing  Valley,  where  the  Shawanese  Indians  lived.  Weiser 
did  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  the  Count  from  undertak 
ing  this  journey,  but  to  no  avail.  Zinzendorf  found  a 


54  CONRAD   WEISER. 

cold  reception  among  the  Shawanese.  These  Indians 
were  suspicious,  and  could  not  comprehend  why  he  came 
among  them.  They  scorned  his  missionary  projects,  and 
in  their  hearts  believed  that  he  came  to  take  possession 
of  their  land,  and  if  he  did  not  do  it  at  first,  he  would 
eventually  accomplish  it. 

One  day  when  the  Count  had  his  tent  removed  from 
the  vicinity  of  those  occupied  by  his  daughter  and  serv 
ants,  in  order  that  he  might  without  the  possibility  of 
interruption  examine  some  packages  of  letters  recently 
forwarded  from  Germany,  a  stealthy  Indian  scout  peered 
upon  him  from  a  leafy  thicket.  When  he  reported  to  the 
wise  men  they  declared  that  the  white  man  was  arranging, 
and  reading  his  deeds  to  their  land.  Accordingly  a  plot 
was  laid  to  murder  the  Count.  The  hour  was  fixed,  and 
the  Indian  selected  to  strike  the  blow. 

In  the  meantime  Conrad  Weiser  had  been  much 
troubled  about  Zinzendorf.  "His  prolonged  absence 
bodes  ill,"  thought  Weiser.  The  interpreter's  mind  was 
filled  with  a  presentment  that  some  hidden  danger  was 
threatening  the  Count.  He  at  once  started  for  Wyoming, 
where  he  arrived  just  in  time  to  discover  the  plot,  and 
save  the  life  of  this  remarkable  missionary. 

"His  presence,"  writes  Zinzendorf  of  Weiser,  "and 
the  bold  authority  with  which  he  dealt  with  the  Shaw 
anese,  put  an  end  to  their  evil  purposes."* 

In  the  winter  of  1/45  Zeisberger  and  Frederick  Chris 
tian  Post  W7ere  among  the  Mohawk  Indians  learning  their 
language.  For  sometime  the  colonial  Governors  looked 
with  suspicion  upon  the  Moravians,  believing  them  to  be 
in  league  with  the  French.  The  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania  shared  strongly  in  this  prejudice.  And  since 

*See  Life  of  Zeisberger,  pp.  117,  119. 


COUNT  ZINZENDORF 


RELIGIOUS  REVIVALS  AT  EPHRATA.  55 

Conrad  Weiser  belonged  to  the  Governor's  party,  he,  too, 
received  the  suspicion  and  distrust  of  the  Moravians. 
They  turned  away  from  him,  and  said  many  bitter  things 
against  him.  To  what  extent  Weiser  merited  the  ill-will 
of  the  Moravians  is  not  clear.  The  probability  is  that 
he  differed  with  the  Moravians  in  the  method  designed 
for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  and  from  this  differ 
ence  a  coldness  arose  between  them.  That  Weiser  always 
felt  kindly  towards  the  Moravians  is  certain.  When  the 
Governor  of  New  York,  under  the  impression  that  Zeis- 
berger  and  Post  were  spies  in  the  interest  of  the  French, 
had  them  arrested  while  they  were  in  the  Mohawk  coun 
try,  and  thrown  into  jail  because  they  refused  to  take  the 
oath,  then  it  was  that  Conrad  Weiser  interceded  with 
Governor  Thomas.and  secured  their  pardon  from  Gover 
nor  Clinton.* 

After  Weiser  had  found  disappointment  with  the 
Brethren  at  Ephrata,  and  lost  interest  in  the  Moravians, 
he  turned  with  renewed  zeal  to  public  affairs,  and  the 
interests  of  the  Indians. 

*See  Letter  from  Weiser  to  Spangenberg. 


56  CONRAD  WEISER. 

CHAPTER  V. 
THE  ALIENATION  OF  THE  DELAWARES. 

Weiser's  Indian  Policy— The  Delaware  Indians  lose  their  Power 
—The  Shawanese  Treaty  of  1701— The  Shawanese  Confer 
ence  of  1739 — The  Delawares  from  Ohio  come  to  Phila 
delphia — Trouble  grows  out  of  the  "Walking  Purchase"- 
Weiser's  Attitude  toward  the  Delaware  Indians — Weiser  op 
posed  to  the  Quakers — Weiser  grasps  the  Ohio  Problem — The 
Iroquois  hold  the  Balance  of  Power — Weiser's  Policy  in 
the  Interest  of  the  Six  Nations — The  Conference  of  1742 
—The  Indians  dissatisfied  with  their  Presents — The  Six 
Nations  complain  of  the  Squatters  in  the  Juniata  Valley — The 
Iroquois  drive  the  Delawares  from  their  Hunting  Grounds — Can- 
assatego  chastises  the  Delawares — They  are  dismissed  from  the 
Conference — The  Six  Nations  claim  Western  Maryland  and  Vir 
ginia — Difficulties  over  Indian  Expenses — The  Indians  and  Gov 
ernor  eulogize  Conrad  Weiser — Conrad  Weiser  entertains  the 
Iroquois  Deputies — Maryland  in  trouble  with  the  Six  Nations — 
The  friendly  Delawares  driven  from  Home. 

DURING  the  period  from  1735  to  1742,  as  has 
been  seen,  Conrad  Weiser  was  largely  engaged 
in  church  affairs.  The  Indian  relations  were  not 
pressing,  though  silent  influences  were  at  work  which 
in  a  few  years  led  to  important  results.  Had  Conrad 
Weiser  shown  the  same  zeal  for  the  Delaware 
and  Shawanese  tribes  that  he  did  for  the  Iroquois 
many  difficulties  might  have  been  avoided.  It  was  the 
nature  of  the  Indian  to  tolerate  no  compromise,  which 
made  it  difficult  for  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania 
to  avoid  being  dragged  into  the  quarrel  brewing 
between  the  Six  Nation  Indians  and  their  allies,  the 
Delawares.  Weiser's  policy  was  invariably  in  favor 
of  the  Iroquois,  and,  therefore,  necessarily  against  the 
Delawares  and  Shawanese. 


ALIENATION   OF   THE  DELAWARES.  57 

After  William  Penn's  time  the  old  men  of  the  Dela- 
wares  continued  to  come  to  Philadelphia  each  autumn  and 
receive  a  few  trivial  gifts.  In  October,  1738,  Allummap- 
pees  came  and  had  the  chain  of  friendship  brightened  to 
the  extent  of  thirty  pounds'  worth  of  presents,  he  and  the 
other  old  men  of  his  tribe  having  brought  skins  to  the 
value  of  eight  pounds  and  presented  them  to  the  Gov 
ernor.  This  was  almost  the  last  of  the  old  regime  in 
Indian  affairs.  A  set  of  younger  men  were  coming  into 
power  among  the  Delawares,  and  they  were  susceptible 
to  the  influence  of  the  Shawanese.  These  tribes  came 
into  the  Province  from  the  south  about  1699,  and  were 
given  permission  by  William  Penn  to  live  among  the 
Delaware  Indians.  The  Conestoga  Indians  pledged 
themselves  for  the  "good  behavior  of  these  new  arrivals. 

In  1701  the  Shawanese  tribes  made  a  firm  treaty  of 
peace  and  friendship  with  William  Penn.  They  prom 
ised  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  and  to  refrain 
from  any  alliances  with  other  Indians  or  white  men. 
They  further  promised  to  trade  with  no  one  except  Penn 
sylvania  traders,  provided,  the  Governor  would  per 
mit  none  but  licensed  traders  to  come  among  them.  After 
the  death  of  William  Penn,  an  increasing  number  of  com 
plaints  came  up  from  these  Indians  in  reference  to  the 
unrestrained  traffic  in  rum,  which  unlicensed  traders 
brought  among  them.  This,  together  with  the  various 
land  sales  made  by  the  Delawares  and  the  Iroquois,  led 
the  majority  of  the  Shawanese  to  move  to  the  Allegheny 
and  Ohio  Rivers. 

The  Provincial  authorities  of  Pennsylvania  fully  real 
ized  the  importance  of  having  these  Shawanese  tribes 
east  of  the  mountains  again,  it  being  evident  that  the 
French  were  rapidly  winning  them  over  as  allies. 


5  CONRAD   WEISER. 

Consequently  in  1739  a  number  of  Shawanese  chiefs 
were  induced  to  come  to  Philadelphia.  At  this  confer 
ence,  when  the  Governor  put  the  plain  question  of  loyalty 
to  past  agreements,  the  Indians  desired  that  their  reply 
might  be  postponed  until  morning,  saying  that  it  was 
their  custom  to  do  public  business  only  during  the  rising 
of  the  sun,  and  not  during  the  setting.  In  the  morning 
they  showed  that  all  past  agreements  had  been  kept  by 
them  quite  as  faithfully  as  by  the  white  men.  And  since 
Pennsylvania  had,  about  a  year  previous,  promised  to 
issue  an  order  forbidding  the  sale  of  any  more  rum 
among  them,  they  had  sent  one  of  their  young  men  to 
the  French,  as  an  agent  to  induce  them  "for  all  time,  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  sale  of  rum,  brandy  and  wine."  With 
the  full  understanding  that  the  rum  traffic  was  to  be 
stopped  the  Shawanese  confirmed  the  old  treaty  of  1701, 
and  promised  not  to  join  any  other  nation.  A  wagon 
was  furnished  to  carry  their  old  men,  baggage  and 
liquors,  some  distance  out  of  Philadelphia. 

In  the  following  year  Conrad  Weiser  was  called  to 
Philadelphia  to  serve  as  an  interpreter  for  a  party  of 
eastern  and  western  Delawares  and  a  group  of  Iroquois. 
The  Friends'  Meeting  House,  where  the  conference  was 
held,  was  crowded  with  a  throng  of  curious  people.  The 
Allegheny  Indians,  fresh  from  French  overtures,  were 
full  of  complaints. 

"We  are  great  hunters,"  they  said,  "but  your  young 
men  have  driven  the  game  off.  We  want  you  to  keep  your 
young  men  away.  We  \vant  our  guns  and  axes  mended 
free." 

The  Governor  readily  promised  them  all  they  asked, 
and  gave  them  a  present  to  the  value  of  150  pounds.  This 
was  a  more  valuable  gift  than  those  usually  bestowed 


ALIENATION    OF   THE  DELAWARES.  59 

upon  the  Delawares,  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the 
giving  of  it  aroused  a  jealousy  among  the  eastern  Dela 
wares. 

The  Allegheny  Indians  were  then  told  not  to  believe 
false  stories,  and  were  urged  to  look  upon  Philadelphia 
as  their  home.  At  this  point  in  the  conference  the  Gov 
ernor  turned  to  the  Six  Nation  chiefs  who  were  present, 
and  charged  them  with  a  violation  of  good  faith.  It 
appears  that  an  Iroquois  Indian  had  nearly  killed  a  white 
man  on  the  Minisink  lands/"  and  when  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  demanded  the  person  of  the  offending 
Indian,  his  tribe  refused  to  give  him  up.  This  the  Penn 
sylvania  authorities  insisted  was  a  breach  of  former  trea 
ties.  The  Iroquois  deputies  at  Philadelphia  acknowledged 
this  and  Shikellimy,  who  had  control  of  the  Six  Nation 
affairs  in  the  Province,  pledged  himself  that  the  offender 
should  be  delivered  if  possible.  Since  the  Indian  code 
recognized  that  one  favor  deserved  another,  the  Iroquois 
at  once  asked  that  Pennsylvania  use  her  influence  in 
securing  the  liberty  of  two  of  their  children  who  were 
prisoners  among  the  Catawba  Indians  in  Carolina.  Gov 
ernor  Thomas  promised  to  write  to  the  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia  about  it. 

The  following  spring  a  complaint  was  received  from 
the  eastern  Delawares,  saying  that  the  white  people  had 
taken  possession  of  certain  lands  in  Bucks  county  which 
had  never  been  purchased.  The  Governor  at  once  pro 
duced  the  deed  of  the  celebrated  Walking  Purchase, 
together  with  a  map  showing  them  conclusively  that  their 
claims  upon  these  desirable  lands  were  all  covered  by  the 
writings.  A  letter  was  also  shown  them  from  the  Iroquois 

*The  Minisink  Lands  were  a  part  of  the  territory  covered  by  the 
Walking  Purchase,  over  which  there  was  so  much  dispute  among  the 
Indians. 


6O  CONRAD   WEISER. 

chief  declaring  that  their  cousins,  the  Delawares,  owned 
no  lands,  and,  therefore,  had  no  right  to  sell  land.  This 
letter  went  further  and  begged  the  Proprietors  not  to 
accept  any  grant  of  land  from  any  Delaware  Indians 
whatsoever.  All  these  documents  were  sent  to  the 
sachems  of  the  Delawares,  with  the  request  from  the 
Provincial  Council  that  the  Delawares  should  live  peace 
fully  and  friendly  with  their  neighbors,  the  English. 

A  notice  was  also  sent  to  these  once- favored  people, 
that  the  deputies  of  the  Six  Nations  were  expected  to  be 
in  Philadelphia  in  May  (1742),  and  if  the  Delawares 
chose  to  come  down  at  their  own  expense  and  be  present, 
no  objections  would  be  offered.* 

The  Delawares  were  slowly  coming  to  realize  that 
Indian  affairs  were  not  conducted  as  they  were  formerly. 
To  what  extent  Conrad  Weiser  was  instrumental  in 
divorcing  the  Pennsylvania  policy  from  the  Delaware 
interests  is  not  clear;  that  he  was  a  potent  and  tireless 
factor  in  arousing  an  interest  for  the  Iroquois  is  evident. 
Since  Weiser  \vas  an  ardent  advocate  of  the  Governor's 
party,  and  threw  his  influence  against  the  Friends  who 
were  in  public  office,  it  is  highly  probable  that  he  was 
instrumental  in  developing  that  policy  which  rudely 
pushed  the  Delaware  Indians  into  the  background. 

In  the  State  election  of  1741,  Weiser  took  an  active 
part,  and  used  all  his  influence  to  persuade  his  German 
brethren  from  supporting  Quakers  for  representatives. 
In  an  open  letter  to  his  "worthy  countrymen,"  Weiser 
says,  "You  have  been  told,  it  seems,  that  if  you  took  not 
care  to  choose  Quakers  you  would  be  caught  in  the  same 
slavery  you  came  hither  to  avoid.  It  grieves  me  to  think 
that  any  should  give  themselves  the  liberty  to  invent  and 

*Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  481. 


ALIENATION   OF   THE  DELAWARES. 


6l 


propagate  such  falsehood.  The  Quakers  are  a  sober, 
industrious  people,  and  so  far  as  they  have  been  concerned 
in  government  we  have  shired  in  their  protection,  but  we 
see  there  are  amongst  them  who  shew  they  have  the  same 
pashions  and  give  way  to  them  as  much,  full  as  much  as 
other  men,  and  we  want  such1'  (for  assemblymen)  "as 
will  make  up  our  breaches  and  not  widen  them,  but  as  to 
the  slavery  that  has  been  mentioned,  you  may  be  assured 
that  whomsoever  you  shall  shuse,  by  much  the  greater 
part  will  be  English,  and  there  is  no  nation  in  the  world 
more  jealous  and  careful  of  their  laws  than  the  English 
nation,  and  therefore  you  may  fully  trust  them,  and  that 
you  may  be  directed  by  wisdom  in  your  choice,  and  that 
peace,  love,  truth  and  good- will  amongst  men  may  pre 
vail  is  the  hearty  prayer  of  your  friend, 

"CONRAD  WEISER. 
"Tulpehockin,  in  Lancaster  County, 
"the  20th  of  Sept.,  i74i.":! 

In  this  same  letter,  however,  Conrad  Weiser  reveals 
the  fact  that  he  is  thoroughly  awake  to  the  situation  rela 
tive  to  French  encroachments,  and  since  he  uses  his  knowl 
edge  on  this  subject  for  campaign  purposes  it  is  more 
than  evident  that  the  people,  and  especially  the  German 
people,  were  also  awakening  to  the  danger.  "The  French 
Nation,"  says  Weiser  in  this  letter,  "is  many  thousands 
strong  in  America,  and  possessed  of  Canada,  a  large  and 
well  fortified  country  to  the  nord  of  us,  and  to  the  \vest  of 
us  they  are  possessed  of  the  great  river  Meshasigg,  which 
extends  in  its  several  parts  far  and  wide,  one  part  of  it 
generally  going  where  traders  go"  (Logstown,  on  the 

*From  MSS.  found  among  the  Smith  Papers  at  the  Falls  of  the 
Schuylkill. 


62  CONRAD  WEISER. 

Ohio,  below  the  present  site  of  Pittsburg),  "to  deal  with 
our  Indians,  is  within  the  bounds  of  pensilvana,  insomuch 
that  between  that  and  the  west  branch  of  the  Susque- 
hanna,  is  but  a  short  land  carriage,  and  all  the  Indians 
near  the  aforesaid  great  Rivere"  (Ohio),  are  in  league 
with  the  enemy,  and  it  is  an  easy  matter  for  the  "french 
with  the  help  of  these  Indians,  to  come  this  road  and  lay 
this  province  waste  in  a  few  days."  The  prophetic  vision 
of  Conrad  Weiser  would  indicate  that  no  man  in  the 
Province  knew  its  geography  better,  or  realized  the  com 
ing  danger  more  clearly.  Few  Englishmen  as  early  as 
1741  had  any  knowledge  of  the  country  beyond  the  Alle 
gheny  Mountains,  or  knew  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
French  claims.  Conrad  Weiser  seems  to  have  been  the 
one  man  who  was  keenly  alive  to  the  situation.  It  is  true 
that  Colonel  Johnson,  of  New  York,  was  exerting  all  his 
influence  against  the  French  and  endeavoring  to  hold  the 
Iroqnois  aloof  from  any  alliance,  yet  Colonel  Johnson's 
influence  availed  but  little,  at  that  time,  beyond  the 
Mohawk  tribes. 

All  persons  who  were  then  well  informed  upon  Indian 
affairs  were  thoroughly  aware  that  the  Iroquois  held  the 
balance  of  power;  and  should  a  struggle  between  the 
French  and  English  ever  come,  the  Six  Nations  could, 
by  their  alliances,  decide  the  matter.  Accordingly  they 
were  courted  on  all  sides.  The  French  missionaries 
obtained  a  foothold  in  the  west,  and  soon  caused  a  divi 
sion  among  the  Senecas,  thus  securing  to  the  arms  of 
France  the  tributary  tribes  on  the  Allegheny.  Colonel 
Johnson  held  the  Mohawks  firmly  to  the  English  interests, 
while  Conrad  Weiser,  who  was  given  the  most  honored 
seat  at  the  Onondago  Council  Fires,  held  the  three  cen 
tral  nations,  the  Cayugas,  Onondagos  and  Oneidas  in 


ALIENATION   OF   THE  DELAWARES.  63 

sympathy  with  Pennsylvania  and  the  English,  thus  neu 
tralizing  the  French  influence  until  the  Albany  purchase 
of  1754  drove  the  western  Pennsylvania  Indians  into  the 
arms  of  the  French. 

It  was  under  a  sense  of  this  impending  danger  that 
Conrad  Weiser  was  led  to  bend  the  Indian  policy  of  the 
Province  away  from  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese  tribes, 
and  unite  it  with  the  interests  of  the  Six  Nations.  On 
account  of  these  facts  it  is  not  difficult  to  comprehend 
why  the  Delawares  were  now  given  to  understand  that  if 
they  cared  to  attend  the  approaching  conference  with  the 
Iroquois  at  Philadelphia  in  1742  they  were  at  liberty  to 
come,  provided  they  would  bear  their  own  expenses.  At 
all  previous  conferences  the  Delawares  had  been  enter 
tained  at  the  expense  of  the  Province.  They  felt  thte 
change  of  policy  keenly,  but  for  many  years  they  remained 
silent,  ruminating  over  their  wrongs. 

The  conference  of  1742  was  called  for  the  purpose  of 
paying  the  Six  Nations  for  that  portion  of  the  land  pur 
chased  from  them  in  1736,  which  lay  west  of  the  Susque- 
hanna  River.  At  the  time  of  the  purchase  the  Indians 
were  unwilling  to  receive  pay  for  this  portion.  It  included 
all  the  lands  in  Pennsylvania  west  of  the  Susquehanna 
River  and  south  and  east  of  the  Blue  Mountains. 

The  Seneca s  were  not  present  at  this  meeting  because 
of  a  famine  reported  to  be  among  them.  The  Mohawks 
were  absent  because  they  were  not  considered  to  have 
any  claims  upon  Susquehanna  lands.  The  three  remain 
ing  nations  of  the  Iroquois  received  for  this  section  of 
land,  which  now  comprises  the  counties  of  York,  Cum 
berland,  Adams  and  most  of  Franklin,  "500  pounds  of 
powder,  600  pounds  of  lead,  45  guns,  60  stroud  match 
coats,  100  blankets,  60  kettles,  TOO  tobacco  tongs,  100 


64  CONRAD  WEISER. 

scissors,  500  awl  blades,  120  combs,  100  duffil  coats,  200 
yards  of  half-thick,  100  shirts,  40  hats,  40  pair  stockings, 
100  hatchets,  500  knives,  100  hoes,  2000  needles,  1000 
flints,  24  looking  glasses,  2  pounds  of  vermilion,  10  tin- 
pots,  1000  tobacco  pipes,  24  dozen  of  gartering,  200 
pounds  tobacco,  25  gallons  of  rum."* 

When  these  goods  were  divided  the  Indians  promptly 
expressed  their  dissatisfaction  with  the  amount.  They 
admitted  that  it  was  all  that  had  been  agreed  upon,  but 
they  felt  sure  that  if  the  Proprietors  themselves  were  pres 
ent  they  would  take  pity  on  their  wretched  condition  and 
give  them  more.  Then  with  genuine  Iroquois  skill  their 
leader  begged  the  Governor,  since  he  had  the  keys  of  the 
Proprietors'  chest,  to  open  it  and  take  out  a  little  more  for 
them.  The  Governor  replied  that  the  Proprietors  had 
gone  to  England  and  had  taken  the  keys  of  the  chest  with 
them.  The  Indians  replied,  saying,  we  know  that  our 
lands  are  growing  more  valuable.  "Land  is  everlasting, 
and  the  few  things  we  receive  for  it  are  soon  worn  out 
and  gone;  for  the  future  we  will  sell  no  lands  but  when 
Brother  Onas§  is  in  the  country,  and  we  will  know  before 
hand  the  quantity  of  goods  we  are  to  receive." 

The  Indians  went  a  step  further  and  declared  that  the 
Governor  did  not  keep  his  word  in  reference  to  lands 
which  had  not  been  sold.  "Your,  people  daily  settle  on 
these  lands"  (Juniata  Valley),  said  the  Indians,  "they 
spoil  our  hunting.  The  white  man's  horses  and  cows  eat 
the  grass  which  formerly  our  deer  fed  upon.  You  must 
remove  the  settlers  from  the  Juniata."  The  Governor 
replied  that  he  had  ordered  the  magistrates  of  Lancaster 
County  to  go  there  and  drive  off  the  squatters,  and 

*Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  566,  56?- 
§Meaning  the  sons  of  William  Penn. 


ALIENATION   OF   THE  DELAWARES.  65 

he  was  not  aware  that  any  had  stayed  after  that.  Here 
the  Indians  interrupted  the  speaker  and  said  that  the  per 
sons  sent  for  this  purpose  did  not  do  their  duty;  that 
instead  of  removing  the  settlers  from  the  Juniata  they 
made  surveys  for  themselves;  that  these  men  were  in 
league  with  the  squatters.  In  strong  language  the  Indians 
insisted  that  more  effectual  means  must  be  employed,  and 
honest  men  selected  for  the  work. 

The  Governor  promised  them  that  all  this  would  be 
done,  but  since  they  demanded  the  removal  of  the  Juniata 
squatters  with  such  promptness  the  Governor  would  call 
their  attention  to  the  fact  that  a  number  of  Delaware 
Indians  above  the  mouth  of  the  Lehigh  River,  on  the 
Minisink  lands,  had  refused  to  give  peaceful  possession 
of  the  territory  secured  by  the  Walking  Purchase. 
Accordingly,  in  the  presence  of  the  Delaware  Indians  who 
were  attending  the  treaty  at  their  own  expense,  Canas- 
satego,  the  Iroquois  speaker,  said,  ''You  informed  us  of 
the  misbehavior  of  our  cousins,  the  Delawares,  with 
respect  to  their  continuing  to  claim  and  refusing  to 
remove  from  some  land  on  the  River  Delaware,  notwith 
standing  their  ancestors  had  sold  it  by  deed  under  their 
hands  and  seals  to  the  Proprietors  for  a  valuable  consider 
ation,  upwards  of  fifty  years  ago,  and  notwithstanding  that 
they  themselves  had  about  (five)  years  ago,  after  a  long 
and  full  examination,  ratified  that  deed  of  their  ancestors, 
and  given  a  fresh  one  under  their  hands  and  seals,  and 
then  you  requested  us  to  remove  them,  enforcing  your 
request  with  a  string  of  wampum.  Afterwards  you  laid 
on  the  table  by  Conrad  Weiser  our  own  letters,  some  of 
our  cousins'  letters,  and  the  several  writings  to  prove  the 
charge  against  our  cousins,  with  a  draught  of  the  land  in 
dispute.  We  now  tell  you  that  we  have  perused  all  these 


66  CONRAD  WEISER. 

several  papers.  We  see  with  our  own  eyes  that  they  (the 
Delawares)  have  been  a  very  unruly  people,  and  are  alto 
gether  in  the  wrong  in  their  dealings  with  you.  We  have 
concluded  to  remove  them,  and  oblige  them  to  go  over  the 
River  Delaware,  and  to  quit  all  claim  to  any  lands  on  this 
side  for  the  future,  since  they  have  received  pay  for  them, 
and  it  has  gone  through  their  guts  long  ago.  To  con 
firm  to  you  that  we  will  see  your  request  executed,  we 
lay  down  this  string  of  wampum  in  return  for  yours."* 

The  above  statements,  which  sound  as  if  they  had  been 
inspired  by  the  Governor's  Council,  seem  to  have  wholly 
overlooked  the  fact  that  when  John  and  Thomas  Perm 
were  persuading  the  chiefs  of  the  Delaware  Indians  to 
confirm  the  deeds  which  covered  the  Walking  Purchase, 
they  promised  that  said  papers"  would  not  cause  the 
removal  of  any  Indians  then  living  on  the  Minisink 
Lands.  § 

Whoever  furnished  the  material  for  Canassatego's 
speech  was  careful  that  he  should  not  be  aware  of  this 
promise.  The  Delawares  were  given  no  opportunity  to 
defend  themselves.  Indeed,  as  soon  as  Canassatego  had 
finished  the  above  address  to  the  Governor,  he  turned  to 
the  Delawares,  and  taking  a  belt  of  wampum  in  his  hand 
spoke  as  follows : 

"CousiNS : — Let  this  belt  of  wampum  serve  to  chastise 
you ;  you  ought  to  be  taken  by.  the  hair  of  the  head  and 
shaked  severely  till  you  recover  your  senses  and  become 
sober ;  you  don't  know  what  ground  you  are  standing  on, 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  578,  579. 

§The  Indians  (Delawares)  request  that  they  be  permitted  to 
remain  on  the  present  settlements  and  plantations,  though  within 
that  purchase,  without  being  molested.  In  answer  to  which  the  as 
surances  that  were  given  on  this  head  at  Pennsbury,  were  repeated 
and  confirmed  to  them.  Penna.  Archives,  ist  series^  vol.  I.,  p.  541. 


ALIENATION   OF  THE  DELAWARES.  67 

or  what  you  are  doing.  Our  Brother  Onas'  case  is  very 
just  and  plain,  and  his  intentions  to  preserve  friendship; 
on  the  other  hand  your  cause  is  bad,  your  head  far  from 
being  upright,  you  are  maliciously  bent  to  break  the  chain 
of  friendship  with  our  Brother  Onas.  We  have  seen  with 
our  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine  of  your  ancestors  above 
fifty  years  ago  for  this  very  land,  and  a  release  signed 
not  many  years  since  by  some  of  yourselves  and  chiefs 
now  living  to  the  number  of  fifteen  or  upwards.  But  how 
came  you  to  take  upon  you  to  sell  land  at  all?  We  con 
quered  you,  we  made  women  of  you,'  you  know  you  are 
women,  and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women.  Nor  is 
it  fit  that  you  should  have  the  power  of  selling  land  since 
you  would  abuse  it.  This  land  that  you  claim  is  gone 
through  your  guts.  You  have  been  furnished  with  cloths 
and  meat  and  drink  by  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now 
you  want  it  again  like  children  as  you  are.  But  what 
makes  you  sell  land  in  the  dark  ?  Did  you  ever  tell  us  that 
you  had  sold  this  land  ?  Did  we  ever  receive  any  part, 
even  the  value  of  a  pipe  shank  for  it?  You  have  told  us 
a  blind  story  that  you  sent  a  messenger  to  inform  us  of 
the  sale,  but  he  never  came  amongst  us,  nor  we  never 
heard  anything  about  it.  This  is  acting  in  the  dark,  and 
very  different  from  the  conduct  our  Six  Nations  observe 
in  their  sales  of  land.  On  such  occasions  they  give  public 
notice  and  invite  all  the  Indians  of  their  united  nations, 
and  give  them  a  share  of  the  present  they  receive  for  their 
lands.  This  is  the  behavior  of  the  wise  United  Nations, 
but  we  find  that  you  are  none  of  our  blood.  You  act  a 
dishonest  part,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other  matters. 
Your  ears  are  ever  open  to  slanderous  reports  about  our 

brethren And  for  all  these  reasons  we  charge  you 

to  remove  instantly,  we  don't  give  you  liberty  to  think 


68  CONRAD   WEISER. 

about  it.  You  are  women,  take  the  advice  of  a  wise  man 
and  remove  immediately.  You  may  return  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Delaware,  where  you  came  from,  but  we  don't 
know  whether,  considering  how  you  have  demeaned 
yourselves,  you  will  be  permitted  to  live  there,  or  whether 
you  have  not  swallowed  that  land  down  your  throats,  as 
well  as  the  land  on  this  side.  We,  therefore,  assign  you 
two  places  to  go, — either  to  Wyomin  or  Shamokin.  You 
may  go  to  either  of  these  places,  and  then  we  shall  have 
you  more  under  our  eye,  and  shall  sec  how  you  behave. 
Don't  deliberate,  but  remove  away  and  take  this  belt  of 
wampum." 

Conrad  Weiser  interpreted  this  into  English,  and 
Cornelius  Spring  turned  the  English  into  the  Delaware 
tongue.  While  this  rebuke  was  still  smarting  on  the  ears 
of  the  Delawares,  Canassatego,  taking  up  another  belt  of 
wampum,  said  to  them,  "This  serves  to  forbid  you,  your 
children,  and  grandchildren,  to  the  latest  posterity,  forever 
meddling  in  land  affairs,  neither  you  nor  any  who  shall 
descend  from  you  are  ever  after  to  presume  to  sell  any 
land,  for  which  purpose  you  are  to  preserve  this  string  in 
your  memory  of  what  your  uncles  have  this  day  given 
you  in  charge.  We  have  some  other  business  to  transact 
with  our  brethren,  and  therefore  depart  the  Council  and 
consider  what  has  been  said  to  you." 

The  Delawares  sullenly  withdrew  to  brood  over  their 
insult.  They  were  well  aware  that  during  the  days  of 
William  Penn  nobody  had  ever  disputed  their  right  to  sell 
land.  And  for  many  years  after  this  they  found  a  sympa 
thetic  ear  among  the  Friends  in  and  around  Philadelphia, 
who  were  very  much  dissatisfied  with  the  Governor's 
Indian  policy. 

A  careful  examination  of  Canassatego's  address  on 


ALIENATION   OF  THE  DELAWARES.  69 

this  matter,  suggests  that  he  drew  most  of  his  facts  from 
the  Governor's  representatives.  Whether  Conrad  Weiser 
assisted  in  inspiring  this  rebuke  or  not  is  unknown,  yet 
he  with  the  others  permitted  it,  and  thus  scattered  seed 
which  in  time  caused  more  bloodshed  in  peaceful  Penn 
sylvania  than  the  Walking  Purchase  ever  did. 

The  Delawares  having  been  ordered  out  of  the  house, 
the  shrewd  Iroquois  turned  their  attention  to  more  import 
ant  business.  They  claimed  that  both  Maryland  and 
Virginia  were  settling  on  land  owned  by  the  Six  Nations, 
land  that  had  never  been  sold  to  the  white  man.  The 
Iroquois  then  asked  that  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
should  intercede  and  demand  payment  for  damages. 
"That  country"  (Western  Maryland  and  Virginia),  said 
the  Indians,  "belongs  to  us  by  right  of  conquest.  We 
have  bought  it  with  our  blood,  and  taken  it  from  our 
enemies  in  fair  war ;  and  we  expect  as  owners  of  that  land 
to  receive  such  a  consideration  for  it  as  the  land  is  worth. 
We  desire  you"  (Governor  of  Pennsylvania),  "will  press 
him  to  send  us  a  positive  answer;  let  him"  (Governors 
of  Virginia  and  Maryland),  "say  yes  or  no ;  if  he  says  yes, 
we  will  treat  with  him,  if  no,  we  are  able  to  do  ourselves 
justice,  and  we  wrill  do  it  by  going  to  take  payment  on 
ourselves."  The  Six  Nations  were  well  aware  of  their 
vantage  ground,  knowing  full  well  that  the  English  colo 
nies  dare  not  refuse  their  request.*  This  was  virtually  a 
declaration  of  war  unless  terms  of  their  own  making  were 
complied  with  at  once  by  Virginia  and  Maryland.  The 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  promptly  promised  to  intercede 
and  if  possible  secure  payments.  He  told  the  Indians  that 
after  the  last  treaty  (1736),  James  Logan  did  write  to 
the  Governor  of  Maryland  about  the  land,  but  did  not 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV..,  p.  571. 


7°  CONRAD  WEISER. 

receive  one  word  from  him  upon  the  subject.  "I  will 
write  him  again,"  said  the  Governor,  "and  I  have  no 
doubt,  but  he  will  do  you  justice.  We  caution  you  mean 
while  not  to  allow  any  acts  of  violence  to  be  committed." 
In  secret  session,  however,  the  Governor  and  Council 
concluded  to  write  to  Maryland  at  once,  demanding  a 
satisfactory  reply,  and  that  the  letter  should  be  sent  by  a 
special  messenger  at  public  expense.  It  was  also  decided 
to  give  the  Indians  a  present  in  addition  to  what  had  been 
received  for  land.  The  Governor  and  Council  were  desir 
ous  of  making  this  present  quite  liberal,  but  feared  to 
name  a  large  amount  lest  the  Assembly  might  not  approve 
it.  For  some  time  the  Assembly  had  been  expressing  its 
dissatisfaction  with  the  recent  management  of  Indian 
affairs,  and  had  hinted  that  the  Legislature  should  have 
some  voice  in  the  Indian  policy  of  the  Province,  if  it  was 
expected  to  defray  the  expenses.  In  this  particular  case 
the  Governor  had  a  consultation  with  the  speaker  of  the 
Assembly,  and  it  was  agreed  that  presents  should  be  made 
to  the  value  of  300  pounds.  The  amount  of  this  gift  had 
no  small  influence  in  preventing  an  Indian  outbreak, 
because  at  that  very  time  the  Governor  of  Maryland 
became  alarmed  over  a  rumor  that  the  Shawanese  and 
Delaware  Indians  had  joined  the  French  in  a  conspiracy 
to  destroy  the  frontier  settlers  in  Maryland  and  Pennsyl 
vania.  A  short  time  after  the  Six  Nation  chiefs  left 
Philadelphia  this  rumor  became  quiet.  The  Indians  were 
greatly  pleased  with  the  magnitude  of  their  present,  and 
asked  for  wagons  to  haul  their  goods  home,  and  they  also 
requested  that  the  rum  bottle,  which  had  been  so  tightly 
corked  while  they  were  in  Philadelphia,  be  now  uncorked 
on  the  way  home.  The  board  decided  to  furnish  them 
twenty  gallons  of  rum,  and  Conrad  Weiser  was  asked  to 


ALIENATION   OF  THE  DELA WARES.  71 

estimate  the  cost  of  transporting  them  to  Onondago. 
Weiser's  estimate  was  £100,  which  sum  the  treasurer  de 
clared  he  was  unable  to  advance  without  an  order  from  the 
Assembly.  James  Logan  then  offered  on  behal f  of  the  Pro 
prietors  to  advance  £40  of  the  hundred,  and  the  speaker  and 
a  few  members  of  the  Assembly,  who  were  in  town,  were 
consulted  to  know  if  they  were  willing  to  have  the  remain 
der  of  the  money  advanced  on  the  credit  of  the  Assembly. 

Just  before  the  Indians  departed  they  told  the  Gov 
ernor  and  his  Council  that  the  business  they  had  trans 
acted  was  of  great  importance.  It  "requires  a  skillful  and 
honest  person  to  go  between  us,  one  in  whom  both  you 
and  we  can  place  confidence.  We  esteem  our  present 
interpreter  to  be  such  a  person,  equally  faithful  in  the 
interpretation  of  whatever  is  said  to  him  by  either  of  us, 
equally  allied  to  both.  He  is  of  our  nation  and  a  member 
of  our  Council,  as  well  as  yours.  When  we  adopted  him 
we  divided  him  into  equal  parts,  one  we  left  for  our 
selves,  and  one  we  left  for  you.  He  has  had  a  great  deal 
of  trouble  with  us,  wore  out  his  shoes  in  our  messages, 
and  dirty 'd  his  clothes  by  being  amongst  us,  so  that  he  is 
as  nasty  as  an  Indian.  In  return  for  these  services  we 
recommend  him  to  your  generosity.  And  on  our  own 
account  we  give  him  five  skins  to  buy  him  clothes  and 
shoes  with."*  To  this  the  Governor  replied :  "We  enter 
tain  the  same  sentiments  of  the  ability  and  probity  of  the 
interpreter  as  you  have  expressed;  we  were  induced  at 
first  to  make  use  of  him  in  this  important  trust,  from  his 
being  known  to  be  agreeable  to  you,  and  one  who  had 
lived  amongst  you  for  some  years  in  good  credit  and 
esteem  with  all  your  nations,  and  have  ever  found  him 
equally  faithful  to  both.  W^e  are  pleased  with  the  notice 
you  have  taken  of  him,  and  think  he  richly  deserves  it  at 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  581. 


72  CONRAD  WEISER. 

your  hands.  We  shall  not  be  wanting  to  make  him  a 
suitable  gratification  for  the  many  good  and  faithful  ser 
vices  he  has  done  this  government."* 

A  few  days  previous  Conrad  Weiser  presented  his  bill 
for  £36  1 8s.  3p.  to  the  Council,  which  having  been 
examined  was  pronounced  a  just  and  very  moderate  one. 
The  Council  then  "taking  into  consideration  the  many 
signal  services  performed  by  the  said  Conrad  Weiser  to 
this  government,  his  diligence  and  labor  in  the  service 
thereof,  and  his  skill  in  the  Indian  language  and  methods 
of  business,  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  said  Conrad 
Weiser  should  be  allowed,  as  a  reward  from  the  Province 
at  this  time,  the  sum  of  £30  at  least,  besides  the  payment 
of  his  account." § 

Conrad  Weiser  conducted  this  delegation  of  over  two 
hundred  Indians,  ninety  of  whom  were  sachems  and 
chiefs,  with  their  presents  and  baggage  into  the  forests 
toward  Shamokin.  At  his  house,  in  Tulpehocken,  the 
entire  party  tarried  some  time.  Here  in  an  open  meeting 
Weiser  induced  them  to  reveal  the  strength  of  the  tribes 
in  alliance  with  the  Six  Nations.  They  told  him  that 
outside  of  their  own  tribes  they  could  control  5000  war 
riors,  and  that  on  "the  great  River  Missysippy,"  above 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  were  tribes  of  unknown  number 
in  alliance  with  the  Six  Nations,  and  on  the  north  side  of 
Lake  Huron  were  several  flesh-eating  tribes,  "who  do 
not  plant  corn  or  anything  else,  but  live  altogether  upon 
flesh,  fish,  roots  and  herbs,  an  infinite  number  of  people 
of  late  becomes  allies  to  the  Six  Nations."!  Conrad 
Weiser  secured  and  forwarded  this  information  in  order 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  582. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  576,  577, 
[|Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  586, 


ALIENATION   OF  THE  DELAWARES.  73 

that  the  Province  might  realize  the  importance  of  keeping 
the  friendship  of  the  Iroquois  Indians. 

In  the  meantime  Governor  Thomas  had  addressed  a 
letter  to  Conrad  Weiser  asking  his  opinion  upon  the  Iro 
quois  attitude  toward  Maryland.  When  Weiser's  reply 
reached  the  Council  it  was  decided  that  a  letter  should  be 
sent  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland  with  Weiser's  sugges 
tions  enclosed.  While  these  letters  were  being  trans 
mitted  by  a  special  messenger  at  public  expense,  word 
came  that  some  Nanticoke  Indians  were  imprisoned  in 
Maryland,  and  unless  they  were  released  their  allies  would 
make  trouble.  This  report  was  scarcely  read  before  a 
letter  came  from  Governor  Ogle  himself.  On  behalf  of 
the  Maryland  Council  he  asked  the  advice  and  assistance 
of  Pennsylvania  in  this  trouble  with  the  Six  Nations. 
Governor .  Thomas  at  once  engaged  Conrad  Weiser  to 
accompany  the  Maryland  messenger  to  the  country  of  the 
Six  Nations,  and  to  act  as  interpreter.  The  purpose  of 
this  Maryland  mission  was  to  invite  the  Iroquois  to  a 
treaty  to  be  held  the  next  spring  (1743),  at  Harris'  Ferry 
(Harrisburg).  While  the  Iroquois  were  deliberating 
upon  this  matter  a  little  affair  occurred  with  the  Delaware 
Indians  which  materially  increased  the  misunderstanding 
and  hard  feeling  existing  between  these  tribes  and  the 
Governor,  and  further  illustrates  that  Conrad  Weiser 
exerted  none  of  his  influence  towards  keeping  the  Dela- 
wares  in  a  peaceful  frame  of  mind.  Indeed,  it  would 
seem  in  our  colonial  history  that  when  any  Province  took 
sides  in  an  Indian  quarrel  or  feud  it  was  sure  to  bring  on 
war  with  the  other  faction. 

In  November,  1742,  Captain  John  and  Titami,  two 
worthy  old  Delaware  chiefs,  who  had  once  been  leaders 
of  their  people,  and  had  always  been  warm  friends  of  the 


74  CONRAD  WEISER. 

white  man,  sent  a  petition  to  the  Governor  in  behalf  of 
themselves  and  several  others  who  had  for  many  years 
been  living  near  the  Friends. 

In  this  petition  the  Indians  claimed  to  have  embraced 
the  Christian  religion  "and  grown  into  considerable 
knowledge  thereof" ;  and  in  view  of  these  facts  they  beg 
ged  permission  to  remain  where  they  were  near  the  Eng 
lish,  and  under  the  same  laws.  They  further  petitioned 
that  a  portion  of  land  might  be  set  apart  for  their  use. 

The  Governor  called  Titami  and  Captain  John  into  the 
presence  of  the  Council  and  asked  them  some  questions 
regarding  their  knowledge  of  Christianity.  From  which 
interview  it  appears,  said  the  Governor,  "that  they  had 
very  little,  if  any  at  all."  He  then  asked  them  if  they 
knew  the  nature  of  last  summer's  treaty  with  the  Six 
Nations.  Not  satisfied  with  this  the  Governor  ordered 
that  Canassatego's  speech  be  read  to  them,  and  then  asked 
them  if  they  understood  that.  They  replied  that  they 
did;  but  had  not  been  fully  informed  of  its  purposes  by 
the  Delawares. 

The  Governor 'told  them  that  the  bad  behavior  of  the 
Delawares  had  brought  all  this  upon  them.  The  two  old 
gray  chiefs  acknowledged  it,  and  expressed  their  concern 
for  the  conduct  of  their  countrymen.  Titami  then  said 
that  he  was  in  possession  of  three  hundred  acres  of  land 
granted  him  by  the  Proprietors,  and  he  merely  asked  per 
mission  to  live  there  in  peace  and  friendship  with  the 
English. 

Captain  John  said  that  he  did  not  at  present  own  any 
land,  but  he  intended  to  buy  some  if  he  might  be  allowed 
to  live  among  the  English.  The  Indians  were  then  told 
to  withdraw  from  the  room  while  the  matter  was  con 
sidered.  The  Council  concluded  that  it  would  be  highly 


ALIENATION   OF  THE  DELAWARES.  75 

improper  to  grant  the  petition,  because  it  might  be 
resented  by  the  Six  Nations,  and  it  might  be  the  means 
of  reviving  the  late  troubles  with  the  Delawares. 

The  Indians  were  called  in  and  the  Governor  told  them 
that  he  had  ''some  knowledge  of  them  and  their  good 
behavior  towards  the  English,  he  would  agree,  provided 
they  could  obtain  the  consent  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Six 
Nations,  that  they  two  should  be  suffered  to  remain  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  English,  but  that  Captain  John 
must  remove  from  the  land  where  he  now  dwells,  that 
being  the  property  of  persons  who  bought  it  from  the 
Proprietors,  and  they  were  to  understand  that  the  other 
petitioners  were  by  no  means  to  be  included  in  this  per 
mission,  nor  any  other  of  the  Delaware  Indians,  whom 
they  call  their  cousins,  nor  any  besides  themselves  and 
their  proper  families  dwelling  in  the  same  house  with 
them ;  and  this  the  Governor  frequently  repeated  to  them 
that  they  might  not  pretend  misapprehension,  and  with 
this  answer  they  were  dismissed."* 

To  compel  these  old  men  to  ask  permission  from  the 
Iroquois  was  asking  more  than  the  pride  of  a  Delaware 
could  endure.  The  two  old  chiefs  were  never  heard  of 
again  in  public  places,  they  quietly  drew  back  into  the 
forests,  their  friends  among  the  white  men  never  knew 
why  they  left  their  former  haunts.  Slowly  the  young 
warriors  among  the  Delawares  learned  the  old  men's  cause 
of  sorrow,  and  a  store  of  revenge  was  laid  up  toward  a 
day  of  retribution. 

While  the  Delawares  were  brooding  over  these  things, 
and  the  Six  Nations  were  playing  a  fast  and  loose  game 
with  the  deputies  from  Maryland,  a  condition  of  things 
sprung  up  in  Virginia  which  threatened  an  Indian  outbreak. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  625. 


76  CONRAD  WEISER. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF  1743. 

Virginia  denies  the  Iroquois  Land  Claim — Iroquois  Warriors  take 
Virginia  Scalps — Thomas  McKee's  Account — McKee  pleads  with 
the  Shawanese  Indians — McKee  runs  for  his  Life — Virginia's  Ac 
count — Weiser  goes  to  Shamokin  to  learn  the  Truth — Governor 
Thomas'  Opinion — The  Pennsylvania  Assembly  furnish  Money — 
Weiser  attempts  to  make  Peace — A  second  Trip  to  Shamokin — 
Weiser  speaks  to  the  Indians — Virginia  accepts  Weiser's  Media 
tion — The  Iroquois  angry  about  the  Juniata  Squatters — Virginia 
forced  to  accept  the  Iroquois'  Terms — Weiser  goes  to  Onandago 
to  arrange  a  Treaty — An  Indian  Banquet — Weiser  at  the  Onan 
dago  Conference — Weiser  makes  Peace — The  Lancaster  Treaty  of 
1744  arranged. 

SINCE  the  treaty  of  1736,  Virginia  had  given  little  or 
no  attention  to  the  Iroquois  land  claims.  After  the 
treaty  of  1742,  Maryland,  we  have  seen,  opened  negotia 
tions  at  the  great  Onondago  Council  Fire,  but  Virginia 
did  nothing;  in  fact  she  denied  that  the  Six  Nations  had 
the  right  to  any  land  in  Western  Virginia.  To  what  extent 
these  things  irritated  the  Iroquois  is  not  known.  These 
Indians  were  accustomed  to  be  fawned  upon  by  the  French 
on  one  side  and  the  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  authori 
ties  on  the  other.  It  is  highly  probable  that  at  their  council 
fires,  after  the  deputies  had  returned  from  the  Philadelphia 
conference  of  1742,  some  hard  things  were  said  about 
Virginia. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  facts  remain  that  a  party  of 
Iroquois  warriors  started  south  immediately  after  the 
return  of  the  Philadelphia  deputies.  This  party  claimed  to 
have  gone  out  against  their  old  enemies,  the  Catawba 
Indians.  They  came  down  the  Susquehanna  River  in 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1743-  77 

canoes  until  they  reached  John  Harris'  Ferry,  which  was 
the  first  important  white  settlement  on  their  route.  Here 
they  secured  from  a  magistrate  of  Lancaster  county  a 
pass  for  their  safe  passage  through  the  inhabited  parts  of 
Pennsylvania.  With  this  they  started  across  the  country 
in  a  southwestward  direction  toward  the  Shenandoah 
Valley.  They  traveled  very  civilly  and  without  molest- 
me  anvone  until  they  reached  Virginia,  where  they  fell 

o  --  ^ 

in  with  a  party  of  settlers  and  a  severe  engagement 
ensued  in  which  several  lives  were  lost  on  each  side.  The 
Indians  made  a  hasty  retreat  towards  New  York. 

Sometime  in  January,  1743,  Thomas  McKee,  a  Lan 
caster  county  trader,  living  on  the  Susquehanna,  went  up 
to  the  "Bigg  Island"*  to  trade  with  the  Shawanese 
Indians.  One  morning  some  of  these  Indians  came  run 
ning  into  McKee's  store  greatly  excited,  saying  that  they 
had  heard  the  "Dead  Halloo"  several  times,  and  that  it 
seemed  to  come  from  the  "Bigg  Island."  The  Indians 
shouted  over  to  know  what  was  wrong,  and  received  the 
reply  that  the  white  people  had  killed  some  of  their  men. 
McK.ee  went  over  in  a  canoe  and  spoke  to  these  Iroquois 
warriors  in  his  usual  friendly  manner.  The  Indians  shook 
their  heads  and  turned  away  from  him.  A  council  was 
immediately  held  by  the  Shawanese  Indians,  and  McKee 
was  allowed  to  attend.  One  of  the  Iroquois  warriors 
made  a  speech  to  the  Shawanese.  He  told  them  that  when 
his  party  were  in  Virginia  they  camped  one  night  near 
a  white  man's  house,  and  the  next  morning  when  three  of 
their  party  went  there  a  quarrel  broke  out.  Four  white 
men  tried  to  tie  the  Indians :  knives  were  drawn  and  lives 
would  have  been  lost  had  the  white  men  refused  to  let  the 

*"Big  Island"  was  on  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna  River, 
at  the  present  site  of  Lock  Haven. 


7<  CONRAD  WEISER. 

Indians  go.  They  ran  at  once  to  the  camp  and  the  entire 
party  of  Iroquois  packed  up  their  bundles  and  hurried  off. 
A  large  party  of  white  men  followed  them;  after  travel 
ing  a  long  distance  the  Indians  found  that  they  were 
pursued.  They  then  stopped  at  a  house  where  there  were 
a  number  of  men  who  invited  the  Indians  into  the  build 
ing,  asking  them  to  leave  their  arms  outside.  Several 
of  the  Indians  did  this,  but  the  more  cautious  remained 
outside,  suspecting  some  ill  designs  of  the  Virginians. 
These  Indians  were  uneasy  until  they  got  those  who  were 
in  the  house  out  again,  when  they  all  started  off  at  a  good 
pace  and  kept  it  up  during  the  remainder  of  the  day.  The 
following  morning  a  large  party  of  white  men  came  upon 
them  firing  continually.  A  boy  in  the  rear  was  killed. 
Then  the  Indian  captain  ordered  his  men  to  turn  and 
fight.  Several  white  men  were  shot,  including  the  color 
bearer.  A  sharp  engagement  followed  in  which  the 
tomahawks  were  freely  used.  Ten  Virginians  and  four 
Indians  were  killed,  and  a  considerable  number  were 
injured  on  each  side.  The  Indians  carried  their  wounded 
away  and  cared  for  them.  Ten  able-bodied  Indians  were 
sent  home  to  Onondago  to  report  and  receive  orders. 
These  runners  were  told  by  their  captain  "that  as  there 
were  different  sorts  of  white  people,  if  they  should  meet 
any  on  the  road  they  should  not  meddle  with  them,  lest 
they  should  by  mistake  kill  any  of  those  who  were  in 
friendship  with  them.''* 

The  Shawanese  at  the  "Bigg  Island1'  were  very  much 
disturbed  over  this  report.  Although  Thomas  McKee 
tried  to  convince  them  that  the  bonds  of  friendship 
between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Pennsylvanians  were  as 
strong  as  formerly,  and  that  the  sons  of  Onas  were  in  no 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  632. 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1 743.  79 

way  responsible  for  what  had  happened  in  Virginia; 
therefore  he  hoped  that  the  Shawanese  would  protect  him 
while  he  was  among  them.  One  of  the  Indians  replied 
that  all  white  people  were  of  one  color,  and  as  one  body ; 
that  in  case  of  war  they  would  aid  one  another.  When 
McKee  inquired  if  any  of  the  Shawanese  had  seen  his 
servant  who  had  been  sent  to  Chiniotta  for  skins,  he  was 
told  that  they  had  not  seen  his  man,  and  if  they  had,  they 
most  certainly  would  have  killed  him.  This  alarmed 
McKee  very  much.  He  got  up,  and  took  an  old  Shaw 
anese  Indian  with  him  into  his  storehouse ;  after  present 
ing  him  with  two  or  three  twists  of  tobacco  he  tried  to 
convince  him  of  what  would  happen  to  the  Shawanese 
Indians  if  they  broke  their  Pennsylvania  treaty  by  killing 
a  white  man. 

The  old  Indian  promised  to  do  what  he  could  in 
council.  After  some  time  he  called  McKee  out  of  his 
store,  and  told  him  that  the  Shawanese  were  very  angry 
in  council. 

A  short  time  after  this  a  white  woman,  who  had  been 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Iroquois  in  Carolina,  came  to 
McKee  in  the  dark  and  told  him  secretly  that  the  Iroquois 
Indians  had  given  the  Shawanese  permission  to  do  with 
him  as  they  thought  fit.  And  that  the  Shawanese  had 
gone  out  some  distance  into  the  woods  to  hold  a  council 
in  privacy  upon  the  matter.  The  woman  told  McKee  that 
if  he  did  not  make  his  escape  he  would  surely  be  killed. 
The  trader  needed  no  further  hints.  He  told  his  man, 
and  they  decided  to  leave  the  store  and  all  the  goods 
behind,  and  escape.  They  traveled  for  three  days  and 
nights  through  the  uninhabited  parts  of  the  country  until 
they  believed  that  they  were  out  of  danger. 

McKee's  account  was  the  Indians'  side  of  the  story. 


So  CONRAD  WEISER. 

The  white  people  in  Virginia,  where  this  occurred, 
reported  that  as  soon  as  the  Indians  reached  Virginia 
they  commenced  killing  the  settlers'  hogs  and  cattle,  and 
in  one  instance  a  man's  horse  was  killed.  By  these  out 
rages,  they  said  that  the  Indians  brought  all  this  difficulty 
upon  themselves.  The  settlers  tried  to  approach  the 
Indians  with  a  flag  of  truce,  but  were  fired  upon  and 
several  of  their  number  were  killed. 

Conrad  Weiser  was  immediately  dispatched  to  Sham- 
okin  to  learn  the  truth.  A  grandson  of  Shikellimy,  in 
the  presence  of  Weiser  and  the  Indian  sachems  told  the 
entire  story.  He  said  that  "there  were  twenty-nine  in  the 
party  which  crossed  the  Potomac.  They  wanted  to  go  to 
some  justice  of  the  peace  to  get  their  passes  renewed,  but 
they  could  find  none.  There  were  no  deer  to  be  killed. 
They  would  have  starved  if  they  had  not  killed  a  hog  now 
and  then,  which  they  did  at  Jonontere.  On  the  other  side 
of  said  hills  they  laid  down  their  bundles,  and  sent  three 
of  them1'  (their  men)  "to  look  for  the  road  they  must  go. 
These  three  men  were  met  by  two  white  men,  who  asked 
them  many  questions,  till  a  third  person  of  the  wrhite 
came  up,  then  they  all  at  once  took  hold  of  the  Indians' 
guns,  but  the  Indians  would  not  let  them  go  out  of  their 
hands.  One  of  the  Indians  took  out  his  knife  and  threat 
ened  to  stab  the  white  man,  upon  which  they  let  go  the 
guns  and  went  their  way,  and  the  Indians  returned  to 
their  company  and  told  what  had  happened  to  them."* 
The  captain  told  them  not  to  pay  any  attention  to  this. 
The  next  day  the  Indians  were  followed  again  by  the 
white  men  with  guns  and  pitchforks.  The  remainder  of 
this  report  was  substantially  similar  to  that  given  by 
McKee,  the  trader.  The  serious  question  growing  out  of 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  644,  645. 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1743-  8l 

Weiser's  negotiations  was  to  know  which  story  to 
believe. 

Governor  William  Gooch,  of  Virginia,  in  writing  to 
Governor  Thomas,  of  Pennsylvania,  said :  "If  what  the 
Six  Nations  insist  upon  be  true,  that  we  are  the  aggres 
sors,  the  matter  has  been  greatly  misrepresented  to  me."* 
Governor  Thomas  in  his  reply  said:  "From  the  inter 
preter's  private  conversation  with  Shikellimo,"  (Shikel- 
limy)  "you  will  observe  that  the  Six  Nations  insist  upon 
the  Virginians'  having  been  the  aggressors;  and  to  be 
plain,  from  all  the  circumstances  I  have  been  able  to  col 
lect,  I  am  of  that  opinion If  the  inhabitants  of  the 

back  parts  of  Virginia  have  no  more  truth  and  honor  than 
some  of  ours,  I  should  make  no  scruple  to  prefer  an 
Iroquois'  testimony  to  their's.  The  Indians  own  that 
they  killed  some  hoggs  to  assuage  their  hunger,  which 
joined  to  their  threats  last  year,  in  case  they  were  not 
paid  for  their  lands,  seems  to  me  to  have  been  the  fatal 
cause  of  the  skirmish. "§  These  opinions  of  Governor 
Thomas  were,  most  probably,  reflections  of  Conrad 
Weiser's  judgment.  So  strong  was  the  influence  of  this 
sturdy  German  that  Virginia  did  not  insist  upon  carrying 
her  point,  but  after  some  little  "flurry  and  bluster"  ||  con 
cluded  to  do  as  Weiser  thought  best. 

The  first  thing  that  Governor  Thomas  did  when  he 
heard  of  the  difficulty  in  Virginia  was  to  send  Conrad 
Weiser,  in  all  possible  haste,  to  Shamokin,  to  use  his  influ- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  654. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  653. 

||R.  Peters,  Secretary  of  the  Pennsylvania  Provincial  Council, 
writing  to  Conrad  Weiser,  February,  1743,  says :  "The  Virginia 
Governor  seems  to  swear  and  talk  big,  but  it  being  grounded  on  a 
mistake  of  his  own,  I  suppose  he  will  take  shame  for  it."  (From  the 
manuscript  collection  of  C.  Weiser's  letters  in  the  Library  of  the 
Penna.  Historical  Society.) 


82  CONRAD  WEISER. 

ence  in  assuring  the  Six  Nations  and  all  the  Indians  in 
alliance  with  them,  that  Pennsylvania  and  the  sons  of 
Onas  stood  faithfully  by  the  former  treaties  of  friend 
ship.  The  second  thing  the  Governor  did  was  to  report 
this  action  to  his  Assembly  with  the  statement :  "I  doubt 
not  of  your  giving  the  proper  orders  to  the  treasurer  for 
defraying  what  expenses  shall  be  incurred  on  this  occa 
sion."*  The  Assembly  promptly  replied  that  "whatever 
sums  of  money  shall  become  necessary  to  expend  to  these 
good  purposes  we  shall  cheerfully  pay,  and  give  the  proper 
orders  to  the  treasurer  to  this  end."§ 

In  the  meantime  the  Governor  had  written  Conrad 
Weiser,  saying:  "I  will  do  all  I  can  to  procure  you  an 
handsome  reward  for  the  trouble  and  ffatigue  you  must 
necessarily  undergo  in  the  persecution  of  this  matter  at 
this  bad  season  of  the  year."  Conrad  Weiser  had  a  diffi 
cult  affair  to  manage.  No  definite  instructions  were  given 
him.  "I  leave  it  to  your  own  judgment,"  wrote  the  Gov 
ernor,  "how  far  it  may  be  proper  for  you  as  our  agent  to 
proceed  in  it.  .  .  .  .  I  need  not  say  anything  more  to  you 
who  know  so  much."  Thus  this  honest-hearted  and 
strong-willed  German  was  left  to  get  Virginia  out  of  her 
difficulty  as  best  he  could.  And  Virginia  was  at  that  time 
loudly  insisting  that  she  was  not  in  the  wrong,  that  the 
Six  Nations  commenced  it,  and  that  their  land  claims 
were  hollow  subterfuge.  Furthermore,  Pennsylvania 
herself  was  in  a  very  precarious  position.  Should  the  Six 
Nations  go  to  war  with  Virginia,  Pennsylvania  could  not 
remain  neutral,  and  be  expected  to  provision  the  bands  of 
Iroquois  warriors  who  passed  through  her  borders;  and 
this  the  Indians  would  demand  as  a  right:  and  if  it  was 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  634. 
§Penna  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  637. 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1743-  83 

refused  there  would  be  war  in  Pennsylvania.  Then  to  add 
to  the  difficulties  of  Weiser's  mission,  the  settlers  west  of 
the  Susquehanna  had  no  love  for  the  Indians,  and  under 
the  excitement  of  the  Virginia  rumors  there  was  great 
danger  of  their  doing  some  rash  thing  for  which  all 
Pennsylvania  would  be  held  responsible.  Weiser  well 
knew  how  easy  it  would  be  for  these  things  to  bring  on  a 
general  Indian  outbreak.  He  alone  at  that  time  measured 
the  influence  of  the  French.  To  foment  this  quarrel  would 
be  exactly  to  their  liking.  Should  the  Iroquois  turn 
against  the  English,  the  Shawanese  would  remember  their 
unanswered  petitions  about  rum,  and  the  Delawares 
would  recall  the  Walking  Purchase,  and  what  a  harvest 
this  would  be  for  the  French.  Weiser  did  not  know, 
however,  that  Europe  was  just  on  the  eve  of  the  war  of 
the  Austrian  Succession.  But  he  did  know  that  should 
such  an  outbreak  arise,  and  the  Iroquois  be  lost  to  the 
English,  victory  must  crown  the  French  in  their  struggle 
for  empire  in  America. 

The  fate  of  a  future  nation  was  at  stake  when  Weiser 
started  through  the  snow  for  Shamokin  in  January,  1743. 
He  received  his  orders  on  the  evening  of  January  30,  and 
the- next  morning,  with  Thomas  McKee,  he  was  pushing 
through  the  forests.  They  crossed  the  trails  of  Indian 
scouts  who  had  been  watching  the  actions  of  the  white 
men.  A  few  days  later  they  reached  a  Shawanese  village 
where  twenty-five  warriors  ran  into  a  trader's  house  when 
they  saw  Weiser  coming.  They  sat  down  in  the  corner 
of  the  house  where  their  arms  were.  Each  Indian  had  a 
cutlass  in  addition  to  his  gun.  The  Indian  trader's  wife 
told  Weiser  when  he  dismounted  from  his  horse  that  these 
Indians  were  unfriendly  and  had  been  plotting  mischief. 
Weiser  went  into  the  house  and  shook  hands  with  them. 


84  CONRAD  WEISER. 

"Their  hands  trembled,"  writes  Weiser,  "and  none  of 
them  hardly  looked  to  my  face  till  I  sat  down  and  began 
to  talk  with  them."*  Weiser  soon  won  the  friend 
ship  of  these  Indians  and  they  accompanied  him  to 
Shamokin.  At  that  place  the  representative  Indians 
of  many  tribes  and  nations  were  waiting  for  the 
news.  Twenty-five  wise  men  met  at  Shikellimy's 
house.  In  addition  to  the  regular  Five  Nation  embassies, 
there  were  present  Sachsidowa,  chief  of  the  Tuscaroras, 
Allummappees  and  Lapapeton  of  the  Delawares,  and  the 
"Great  Huminy,"  chief  of  the  Shawanese,  and  also 
Andrew,  son  of  Madame  Montour,  who  served  as  inter 
preter  for  the  Delawares.  Since  Shikellimy  was  in 
mourning  for  his  cousin  who  was  killed  in  the  recent 
skirmish  in  Virginia,  Weiser  first  directed  his  speech  to 
the  old  chief,  saying,  "Brother,  Shikellimo,  you  have  just 
cause  to  mourn  for  the  loss  of  your  cousin  killed  in  Vir 
ginia  lately;  I  am  also  sensible  of  the  grievous  accident, 
but  as  the  public  welfare  calls  for  your  aid  at  this  time,  I 
have  been  sent  to  comfort  you,  and  to  wipe  away  the  tears 
from  your  eyes,  and,  in  short,  to  put  your  heart  at  ease, 
for  which  purpose  I  present  you  with  these  two 
shrouds.  "§ 

Weiser  called  the  attention  of  the  company  to  former 
treaties  of  friendship,  to  William  Penn's  many  favors 
shown  to  the  Indians,  and  to  the  protecting  care  of  the 
great  King  of  England  over  his  red  children  in  America. 
He  then  insisted  :  ( i)  That  a  delegation  with  Shikellimy 
at  its  head  be  sent  at  once  to  Onondago  to  inform  the  Six 
Nations  at  their  great  Council  Fire  that  we  are  all  of  one 
body,  one  heart  and  one  mind ;  (2)  That  the  goods  which 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  641. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  641. 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1 743.  85 

the  Shawanese  Indians  had  stolen  from  the  trading  houses 
be  returned.  If  this  is  not  done  it  would  be  a  direct  viola 
tion  of  former  treaties.  If  the  traders  are  not  desired 
among  you  send  them  home  unmolested;  (3)  That 
measures  be  taken  to  meet  the  Governor  of  Virginia  and 
have  this  unfortunate  accident  settled.  The  Indians,  after 
many  councils  and  lengthy  deliberations  agreed  to  all 
these  things,  Weiser  having  been  quite  generous  in  mak 
ing  presents  of  match  coats  to  the  most  influential  of  the 
chiefs.  When  Thomas  McKee  fled  from  his  trading 
house,  the  Shawanese  Indians  rifled  it.  Weiser  at  this 
meeting  so  influenced  Shikellimy  that  the  old  chief  forced 
the  Shawanese  to  return  the  stolen  goods  to  McKee. 

After  Weiser's  return  from  Shamokin  a  letter  was 
received  from  Governor  Gooch  consenting  to  the  media 
tion  offered  on  the  part  of  Pennsylvania,  and  expressing  a 
hearty  desire  to  have  the  affair  made  up  in  an  amicable 
manner.  Weiser  was,  therefore,  sent  a  second  time  to 
Shamokin  and  instructed  to  arrange  for  reconciliation 
between  Virginia  and  the  Six  Nations,  and  also  to  arrange 
for  a  conference  with  Maryland,  who  was  still  waiting  for 
an  opportunity  to  meet  the  Iroquois.  When  Weiser 
reached  Shamokin  the  second  time  he  found  the  Indians 
who  had  been  sent  to  Onondago  as  deputies  on  behalf  of 
the  Virginia  affair  had  returned.  They  thanked  him  for 
the  concern  he  showed  for  the  misfortunes  which  befell 
their  warriors  in  Virginia.  "We  take  it,"  they  said,  "as  a 
particular  mark  of  friendship.  We  assure  you  that  not 
withstanding  the  unjust  treatment  our  warriors  met  with 
in  Virginia,  we  did  not  allow  our  heads  to  be  giddy,  nor 
to  resent  it  as  it  deserved,  which  might  have  occasioned  a 
violation  of  treaties,  and  the  destruction  of  many."* 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  647. 


86  CONRAD  WEISER. 

The  speaker  then  turned  his  speech  from  Conrad 
Weiser  the  individual  to  Conrad  Weiser  the  Governor's 
representative.  "Brother  Onas,"  he  said,  "the  Dutchman 
on  Scokooniady"  (Juniata)  "claims  a  right  to  the  land 
merely  because  he  gave  a  little  victuals  to  our  warriors 
who  stand  very  often  in  need  of  it.  This  string  of  wam 
pum  serves  to"  (the  speaker  then  took  two  strings  of 
wampum  in  his  hands)  "take  the  Dutchman  by  the  arm 
and  to  throw  him  over  the  big  mountain  within  your  bor 
ders.  We  have  given  the  River  Scokooniady  for  a  hunt 
ing  place  to  our  cousins  the  Delawares  and  our  brethren 
the  Shawanese,  and  we  ourselves  hunt  there  sometimes. 
We  therefore  desire  you  will  immediately  by  force  remove 
all  those  that  live  on  the  said  River  Scokooniady."  Here 
he  laid  down  two  strings  of  wampum.  Then  directing 
his  speech  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland  he  said :  "You 
have  invited  us  to  come  to  your  town,  and  you  offered  to 
treat  with  us  concerning  the  messages  we  sent  by  our 
brother  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  and  to  establish 
good  friendship  with  us.  We  are  very  glad  you  did  so, 
and  we  thank  you  for  your  kind  invitation. 

"Brother,  we  have  a  great  deal  of  business  and  things 
of  moment  under  our  deliberation,  and  it  will  take  the 
best  of  the  Day  (this  summer)  before  we  can  finish  them. 
We,  therefore,  desire  you  will  set  your  heart  at  ease,  and 
think  on  nothing  but  what  is  good;  we  will  come  and 
treat  with  you  at  Canataquany  (a  place  near  Harris' 
Ferry)  to-morrow  morning  (next  spring),  since  you  live 
so  near  the  sea  and  so  far  from  us.  We  accept  kindly  of 
your  invitation.  Our  brother,  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  recommended  your  messages  to  us,  which  he  would 
not  have  done  if  he  had  not  been  satisfied  your  intentions 
were  good;  we,  therefore,  promise  you  by  these  strings 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1 743.  87 

of  wampum  to  come  and  treat  with  you  at  the  aforesaid 
place."  The  speaker  laid  down  four  strings  of  wampum, 
and  turning  to  the  Shawanese  said :  "Brethren,  .  .  .  you 
believe  too  many  lies,  and  are  too  forward  in  action.  You 
shall  not  pretend  to  revenge  our  people  that  have  been 
killed  in  Virginia.  We  are  the  chief  of  all  the  Indians. 
Let  your  ears  and  your  eyes  be  open  toward  us,  and  order 
your  warriors  to  stay  at  home,  as  we  did  ours."  Then 
turning  to  Pennsylvania  again  he  said :  "Brother  Onas, 
your  back  inhabitants  are  people  given  to  lies  and  raising 
false  stories.  Stop  up  their  mouths;  you  can  do  it  with 
one  word.  Let  no  false  stories  be  told ;  it  is  dangerous  to 
the  chain  of  friendship."* 

During  all  these  negotiations  not  a  word  was  said 
about  Virginia.  After  the  public  conference  was  over, 
Weiser  asked  Shikellimy  why  the  Iroquois  were  not  will 
ing  to  come  down  and  treat  with  Virginia.  Shikellimy 
asked  him  if  "he  could  not  guess.  Weiser  said,  no.  How 
could  they  come  down,  said  Shikellimy,  with  a  hatchet 
stuck  in  their  heads ;  the  Governor  of  Virginia  must  wash 
off  the  blood  first,  and  take  the  hatchet  out  of  their  head 
and  dress  the  wound  (according  to  custom  he  that  struck 
first  must  do  it)  and  the  Council  of  the  Six  Nations  will 
speak  to  him  and  be  reconciled  to  him,  and  bury  that  affair 
in  the  ground  that  it  never  may  be  seen  nor  heard  of  any 
more  so  long  as  the  world  stands.  But  if  the  Virginians 
would  not  come  to  do  that,  he  (Shikellimo) 
believed  that  there  would  be  a  war."§  Shikellimy 
also  told  Weiser  that  the  Six  Nation  warriors 
would  not  disturb  the  people  of  Pennsylvania.  They 
would  go  directly  to  Virginia  from  the  Big  Island  in  the 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  649. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  650. 


88  CONRAD   VVEISER. 

west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna  River.  Weiser,  the 
Tuscarora  chief,  Shikellimy,  and  two  Delaware  chiefs 
brought  this  information  to  Philadelphia.  The  Governor 
told  the  Delaware  chief  that  he  was  sorry  that  their  uncles, 
the  Iroquois,  had  occasion  to  find  fault  with  the  behavior 
of  the  Delaware  Indians  and  the  back  inhabitants.  You 
both  spread  false  stories  among  the  Indians.  "I  hope  you 
will  take  good  notice  of  what  they"  (the  Iroquois)  "said 
to  you  about  it  in  my  presence."* 

To  Shikellimy,  the  Governor  gave  ten  pounds  and 
compliments.  To  Sbikellimy's  two  sons  he  gave  six 
pounds  each,  to  Sachsidowa,  the  Tuscarora  chief,  he  gave 
five  pounds.  These  same  Indians  also  received  free  enter 
tainment  while  in  Philadelphia.  Conrad  Weiser  well 
knew  where  Pennsylvania  money  would  bring  the  best 
returns  in  Indian  affairs.  When  Virginia  received  his 
report  she  came  to  terms  promptly.  A  present  of  one 
hundred  pounds'  value  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Gover 
nor  Thomas  by  Virginia.  Governor  Gooch  writes  :  "We 
request  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  send  your  honest  Inter 
preter  once  more  to  the  Indian  chiefs,  and  if  possible  pre 
vail  with  them  to  accept  through  your  hands  a  present 
from  us  of  one  hundred  pounds'  sterling  value,  in  such 
goods  as  you  may  think  proper,  as  a  token  of  our  sincere 
disposition  to  preserve  peace  and  friendship  with  them, 
and  as  an  earnest  that  we  will  not  fail  to  send  commis 
sioners  next  spring,  at  the  time  and  place  that  shall  be 
agreed  upon,  to  treat  with  them  concerning  the  lands  in 
dispute.  "§ 

The  Provincial  Council  of  Pennsylvania  agreed  that 
Conrad  Weiser  should  be  sent  at  once  to  Onondago  to 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  651. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  654. 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1 743.  89 

arrange  for  the  time  and  place  of  meeting,  and  to  deliver 
the  generous  present  sent  by  Virginia.  When  Weiser 
arrived  at  Onondago,  and  had  .exchanged  the  usual  greet 
ings  with  the  Indians,  Tocanontie,  known  as  the  "Black 
Prince"  of  the  Onondagos,  expressed  great  satisfaction 
at  Weiser's  arrival,  saying,  you  never  come  without  good 
news  from  our  brethren  in  Philadelphia.  Weiser  smiled 
"and  told  him  it  was  enough  to  kill  a  man  to  come  such  a 
long  and  bad  road  over  hills,  rocks,  old  trees  and  rivers, 
and  to  fight  through  a  cloud  of  vermin,  and  all  kinds  of 
poisen'd  worms  and  creeping  things,  besides  being  loaded 
with  a  disagreeable  message,  upon  which  they  laughed." 
Weiser  went  about  this  mission  with  a  marked  degree  of 
care.  He  had  Shikellirny  with  him,  and  they  held  several 
secret  preliminary  interviews  with  the  leading  men,  before 
the  great  Council  Fire  took  place.  At  these  interviews 
Weiser  was  told  that  the  Six  Nations  had  put  the  settle 
ment  of  this  Virginia  affair  into  the  hands  of  the  Onon 
dago  Nation,  that  all  the  Iroquois  had  great  "regard  for 
Onas  and  his  people,  that  they  would  do  anything  for 
them  in  their  power,  and  they  looked  upon  the  persons 
who  kept  house  for  Onas"  (meaning  the  Governor)  "as  if 
Onas  was  there  himself."  Then  Weiser  listened  to  Joun- 
haty,  the  captain  of  the  Indians  in  the  Virginia  skirmish, 
relate  the  circumstance  with  all  its  details. 

After  this  the  captain  gave  a  feast  to  which  Assary- 
quoa*  and  Onas§  were  invited  together  with  eighteen 
chiefs.  "The  feast  consisted  of  a  cask  of  rum  of  about 
two  gallons;  several  songs  were  sung  before  the  feast 
began,  in  which  they  thanked  Assaryquoa  for  visiting 
them ;  they  also  thanked  Onas  for  conducting  Assaryquoa 

*Governor  of  Virginia,  represented  by  Weiser. 
§Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  represented  by  Shikellirny. 


9°  CONRAD  WEISER. 

and  showing  him  the  way  to  Onondago;  the  sun  was 
praised  for  having  given  light,  and  for  dispelling  the 
clouds;  then  the  cask  was  opened,  and  a  cup  of  about 
three-fourths  of  a  gill  was  rilled  for  Canassatego,  who 
drank  to  the  health  of  Assaryquoa;  next  him  drank  Cahesh- 
carowano  to  the  health  of  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  after  this  manner  we  drank  round,"  writes  Weiser. 
"The  next  time  the  cup  was  first  reached  to  me  by  Joun- 
haty,  who  attended  the  feast,  I  wished  long  life  to  the 
councellors  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  drank  my  cup,  so  did 
Shikellimo  and  the  rest ;  after  that  the  kettle  was  handed 
around  with  a  wooden  spoon  in  it,  every  one  took  so  much 
as  he  pleased,  whilst  we  were  drinking  and  smoking,  news 
came  that  a  deputation  of  Nanticoke  Indians  arrived  at 
Cachiadachse  from  Maryland ;  the  house  of  Canassatego 
was  ordained  for  them,  since  the  town  house  was  taken 
up  by  Onas  and  Assaryquoa ;  after  all  the  rum  was  drunks 
the  usual  thanks  was  given  from  every  nation  or  deputy 
with  the  usual  sound  of  Jo-haa,  and  we  parted."* 

For  several  days  after  this  there  was  a  grand  collect 
ing  of  the  head  men  from  the  surrounding  tribes  and 
nations.  Many  ceremonies  were  observed  in  receiving 
them.  Finally  when  the  great  Conference  took  place, 
Weiser  spoke  to  them  with  all  the  profuseness  of  Indian 
metaphor.  Belt  after  belt  of  wampum  was  used,  and  the 
magnitude  of  Virginia's  present  was  made  to  dazzle  in  the 
Indians'  eyes.  Weiser  offered  to  make  peace  with  them 
on  behalf  of  Virginia,  and  then  demanded  their  reply. 
"All  the  wampum,"  writes  Weiser  in  his  journal, §  "were 
hung  over  a  stick  laid  across  the  house  about  six  foot 
from  the  ground,  several  kettles  of  hominy,  boiled  Indian 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  661,  662. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  665. 


THE  VIRGINIA  TROUBLE  OF   1743-  91 

corn  and  bread  was  brought  in  by  the  women,  the  biggest 
of  which  was  set  before  Assaryquoa"  (Conrad  Weiser) 
"by  the  divider;  all  dined  together;  there  were  about 
sixty  people.  After  dinner  they  walked  out,  every  nation's 
deputies  by  themselves,  and  soon  came  in  again,  and  sat 
together  for  about  two  hours;  then  Zilla  Woolie  pro 
claimed  that  Assaryquoa  was  to  have  an  answer  now 
immediately;  upon  which  all  the  men  in  town  gath 
ered  again  and  the  house  was  full,  and  many  stood  out  of 
door  (so  it  was  in  the  forenoon  when  the  message  was 
delivered  to  them). 

"Zilla  Woolie  desired  Assaryquoa  to  give  ear,  Toca- 
nuntie  being  appointed  for  their  speaker,  spoke  to  the 
following  purpose:  'Brother  Assaryquoa,  the  unhappy 
skirmish  which  happened  last  winter  betwixt  your  people 
and  some  of  our  warriors  was  not  less  surprising  to  us 
than  to  you ;  we  were  very  sorry  to  hear  it,  all  amongst 
us  were  surprised;  a  smoke  arose  from  the  bottomless 
Pitt,  and  a  dark  cloud  overshadowed  us;  the  chain  of 
friendship  was  endangered  and  disappeared,  and  all  was 
in  confusion.  We  the  chiefs  of  the  United  Nations  took 
hold  of  the  chain  with  all  our  strength,  we  were  resolved 
not  to  let  it  slip  before  we  received  a  deadly  blow.  But  to 
our  great  satisfaction,  in  the  darkest  time,  our  Brother 
Onas  enter 'd  our  Door  and  offer'd  his  Mediation.  He 
judged  very  right  to  become  mediator  betwixt  us.  We 
were  drunk  on  both  sides,  and  the  overflow  of  our  galls 
and  the  blood  that  was  shed  had  corrupted  our  hearts, 
both  yours  and  our's.  You  did  very  well  to  come  to  our 
fire  and  comfort  the  mourning  ffamilies.  We  thank  you ; 
this  belt  shall  serve  for  the  same  purpose  to  comfort  the 
ffamilies  in  mourning  amongst  you.'  '  The  speaker  here 
laid  a  belt  of  wampum  on  the  table  and  Conrad  Weiser  on 


92  CONRAD   WEISER. 

behalf  of  Virginia  thanked  them.  The  Indian  speaker 
laid  down  a  belt  of  wampum  for  every  proposition  upon 
which  he  spoke.  Under  the  eighth  belt  he  thanked  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  for  the  present  the  old  and  wise  men 
of  that  country  had  sent  them  by  the  Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania.  "Let  this  string  of  wampum  serve  to  assure 
you  .  .  .  that  we  will  come  down  within  the  borders  of 
Pennsylvania  to  a  place  called  Canadequeany,  next  spring, 
and  will  be  very  glad  of  seeing  your  commissioners  there, 
we  will  treat  them  as  becomes  brethren  with  good  cheer 
and  pleasure.  We  will  set  out  from  our  several  towns 
after  eight  moons  are  past  by,  when  the  ninth  is  just  to  be 
seen,  this  present  moon,  which  is  almost  expired,  not  to 
be  reckoned,  upon  which  you  may  depend."* 

Thus  Conrad  Weiser  prevented  \var  between  Virginia 
and  the  Six  Nations.  Such  a  war  must  eventually  have 
involved  the  other  colonies.  Weiser  also  arranged  for  a 
treaty  to  take  place  at  Lancaster  the  following  year 
(1744)  where  Maryland  and  Virginia  could  meet  to  buy 
out  the  Iroquois  land  claims,  which  these  astute  diplomats 
had  so  skillfully  established  within  their  borders,  and 
where  Pennsylvania  could  suppress  all  disputes  and  renew 
her  old  chains  of  friendship. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  665,  667. 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  93 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  LANCASTER  TREATY. 

Virginia  treats  with  the  Indians — Virginia  also  denies  Land  Claims 
but  offers  Presents— The  Iroquois  establish  their  Claim  to  Western 
Virginia— The  Cause  of  the  Indian  Complaint  against  Virginia- 
Virginia  attempts  to  teach  the  Indians  History— -The  Iroquois 
Reply — The  Iroquois'  Opinion  of  the  Catawba  Indians — The  In 
dians  want  to  see  the  promised  Presents — Two  Views  of  the  Deed 
—Pennsylvania  the  Mediator— The  Juniata  Squatters— The  Mur 
der  of  John  Armstrong — Pennsylvania  makes  a  Present  to  the 
Indians— French  versus  English  Drinking  Glasses— Importance 

*  of  the  Treaty  —  Weiser's  Suggestion  —  Maryland  hesitates — 
— Weiser  Distrusted— Lancaster  in  1744— The  Arrival  of  the  In 
dians—They  pitch  their  Camp— The  Indians'  Public  Welcome— An 
Indian  Dance— Indian  Behavior— Maryland's  Attitude  at  the 
opening  of  the  Treaty — Maryland  denies  the  Indian  Land  Claim — 
The  Iroquois  Reply— The  Indians'  Version  of  the  Dongan  Deed- 
Maryland's  Reply — Maryland  gives  the  Indians  a  Present — Public 
Opposition  to  a  secret  Treaty— Banquet  given  to  the  Indians  in  the 
Court  House— The  Indians  Christen  the  Governor  of  Maryland- 
Signing  the  Deed— Shikellimy  refuses  to  sign— The  Indian  Deed 
to  Maryland — The  Deed  finally  signed. 

THE  approaching  treaty  at  Lancaster  was  anticipated 
with  no  small  degree  of  anxiety  by  the  different 
colonies.  A  French  war  was  expected  at  any  time,  and 
unless  the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies  were  held  in  the 
colonial  interest,  it  was  conceded  by  all  that  the  French 
would  secure  their  friendship,  and  then  the  entire  frontier 
of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pennsylvania  and  New  York 
would  be  open  to  their  marauding  expeditions.  The  fear 
of  such  results  very  naturally  aided  in  bringing  Virginia 
and  Maryland  into  a  conciliatory  attitude  towards  the 
Indians.  Conrad  Weiser  was  the  leading  spirit  in  securing 
this  condition  of  affairs.  The  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania  used  Weiser  to  keep  him  informed  of  the  actions 


94  CONRAD  WEISER. 

of  the  Indians,  and  asked  him  to  write  out  his  suggestions 
in  full  about  the  approaching  treaty. 

In  acknowledging  Weiser  s  letter  the  Governor's 
secretary  says :  "I  handed  your  communication  to  the 
Governor,  who  is  very  well  pleased  with  every  part  of  it, 
and  most  where  you  say  that  Maryland  may  treat  first 
before  the  Virginia  people  arrive,  but  there  the  Governor 
has  ordered  me  to  tell  you  that  they  will  not  consent  to 
treat  separately,  but  both  at  the  same  time,  and  of  this 
you  may  certainly  depend,  and  accordingly  arrange  with 
the  Indians." 

Governor  Thomas  experienced  many  difficulties  in 
working  out  Conrad  Weiser's  plans.  The  Maryland, 
government  had  been  bitterly  divided  upon  the  subject 
since  1742,  at  which  time  the  Governor  recommended  this 
subject  to  the  Maryland  Assembly.  The  Legislature 
concurred,  but  a  dispute  at  once  arose  about  the  method 
of  appointing  commissioners  to  the  treaty.  The  Assem 
bly  insisted  upon  the  right  to  appoint  half  of  the  com 
missioners,  and  to  draw  up  their  instructions.  Governor 
Bladen  looked  upon  this  as  a  usurpation  of  his  powers, 
and  declined  to  confirm  their  proceedings.  The  House 
would  not  yield  and  negotiations  were  suspended.  The 
Governor  finally  appointed  the  commissioners  on  his  own 
account. 

Before  this  dispute  was  finally  settled  at  Annapolis  the 
Virginia  commissioners  arrived  and  were  informed  by 
the  Maryland  delegates  that  Conrad  Weiser  was  a  sus 
picious  character,  and  not  to  be  trusted.  The  Maryland 
distrust  of  Weiser  was  so  great  that  it  caused  the  Vir 
ginia  commissioners  to  write  home  for  new  instructions 
relative  to  an  interpreter.  In  this  letter,  dated  at  Annapo 
lis,  May,  20,  1744,  they  say  that  the  Maryland  com- 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  95 

missioners  "have  great  suspicion  of  Mr.  Weiser,  and  we 

believe  that  they  will  not  solely  rely  upon  him ; 

we  submit  it  to  your  Honor  whether  it  will  not  be  proper 
for  us  to  have  your  command  to  have  another,  if  we  find 
it  necessary,  this  we  think  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  do  by 
our  instructions,  which  are  positive  as  to  Weiser ;  but  if 
your  Honor  thinks  proper  to  write  us  by  the  Post  to 
Philadelphia,  a  liberty  to  take  another,  we  shall  either 
do  it  or  not  as  we  see  occasion."  Before  the  Virginia 
delegation  left  Annapolis  for  Philadelphia,  Weiser's  letter 
to  the  Maryland  commissioners  containing  his  plans  was 
received.  In  reporting  this  letter  to  Governor  Gooch, 
the  Virginia  commissioners  say,  "Before  we  left  Annapo 
lis  there  was  an  express  from  Conrad  Weiser,  with  an 
artful  letter  relating  to  the  Indian  affairs,  which  they 
say  is  Logan,  tho'  Weiser  signs  it;  a  good  deal  of 
expense  is  proposed  in  favor  of  the  Indians,  and  they  are 
persuaded  that  there  will  arise  some  difficulty,  by  our 
having  no  other  interpreter  but  Weiser."*  In  this  letter 
to  Maryland,  Conrad  Weiser  insisted  that  much  more 
could  be  accomplished  in  this  treaty  if  the  Governor  him 
self  would  come  to  Lancaster,  instead  of  sending  commis 
sioners;  that  the  Indians  on  such  occasions  would  only 
talk  with  the  Governor.  After  a  long  wrangle  Maryland 
sent  commissioners.  When  the  Virginia  delegation 
reached  Philadelphia  and  came  under  the  influence  of 
Governor  Thomas,  we  hear  nothing  more  derogatory  to 
Conrad  Weiser.  Indeed,  the  subtle  influence  of  the 
Indian  diplomat  appears  in  the  letters  of  these  commis 
sioners  to  Virginia. 

The  little  town  of  Lancaster  was  sixteen  years  old 

*See  Journal  of  William  Black,  Secretary  of  the  Virginia  Com 
missioners,  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography, 
yol.  I.,  pp.  129,  238. 


96  CONRAD  WEISER. 

at  the  time  of  the  treaty.  Only  a  few  brick  and  stone 
buildings  overlooked  the  home-like  cluster  of  wooden 
houses.  The  treaty  was  held  in  the  Court  House,  a  two- 
story  brick  building  erected  in  1/39.  There  were  two 
court  rooms,  one  on  the  first  floor  capable  of  holding 
eight  hundred  persons.  The  one  upstairs  was  supplied 
with  a  huge  fire-place.  To  this  room  the  February  ses 
sion  of  court  was  accustomed  to  adjourn. 

The  commissioners  and  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania  with  their  numerous  followers  had  been  assembled 
in  Lancaster  several  days  before  the  Indians  arrived.  On 
Friday,  June  22,  while  the  commissioners  were  all  din 
ing  together  in  the  Court  House  the  long  expected  dele 
gation  of  Indians  appeared.  The  procession  headed  by 
Canassatego  numbered  two  hundred  and  fifty-two.  A 
number  of  the  women  and  children  were  mounted  on 
horseback.  A  great  crowd  of  people  followed  them. 
When  they  came  in  front  of  the  Court  House  their  leaders 
saluted  the  commissioners  with  a  song  which  was  an  in 
vitation  to  the  white  people  to  renew  all  former  treaties, 
and  to  make  good  the  one  now  proposed. 

Conrad  Weiser  conducted  this  motley  procession  of 
sachems,  chiefs,  warriors,  squaws  and  Indian  children  to 
some  vacant  lots  in  the  outskirts  of  the  town.  Here  the 
authorities  had  placed  some  poles  and  boards  to  assist  the 
Indians  in  building  their  wigwams,  which  were  largely 
constructed  from  the  boughs  of  the  trees  in  the  adjacent 
woods.  It  was  said  of  these  Indians  that  they  would  not 
permit  themselves  to  be  entertained  in  houses  made  by 
the  white  men.  On  these  lots  their  cabins  were  placed 
according  to  their  rank,  the  Onondagos  being  first.  When 
the  commissioners  and  the  curious  people  in  Lancaster 
came  out  to  view  the  Indian  camp,  Conrad  Weiser 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  97 

requested  them  not  to  talk  much  about  the  Indians,  nor 
to  laugh  at  their  dress  or  behavior,  since  many  of  them 
understood  English  and  might  take  offence  at  such 
remarks,  which  would  make  it  more  difficult  to  conduct 
the  treaty. 

That  afternoon  the  commissioners  assembled  in  the 
Court  House  to  welcome  the  Indians.  After  shaking 
hands  with  all,  Governor  Thomas  seated  himself  in  the 
centre  on  the  judges'  bench.  The  Virginia  commission 
ers,  Col.  Thomas  Lee  and  Col.  William  Beverely,  took 
position  on  the  right.  The  Maryland  commissioners, 
Hon.  Edmund  Jennings  and  Hon.  Philip  Thomas  were 
on  the  left.  Around  the  large  half  oval  table,  which 
stood  down  and  in  front  of  the  judges'  bench  sat  the  sec 
retaries,  William  Peters,  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  centre, 
William  Black,  of  Virginia,  on  the  right,  and  Witham 
Marshe,  of  Maryland,  on  the  left.  The  Indians  also  took 
position  according  to  their  rank,  on  the  ascending  steps 
which  flanked  the  judges'  bench.  The  body  of  the  house 
was  rilled  with  attendants  of  the  treaty  and  with  specta 
tors.  After  a  hearty  speech  of  welcome  by  Governor 
Thomas,  interpreted  by  Conrad  Weiser,  "a  good  quan 
tity  of  punch,  wine  and  pipes  were  given  to  the  sachems, 
and  the  Governor  and  all  the  commissioners  drank  to 
them,  whom  they  pledged.  When  they  had  smoked 
some  small  time,  and  each  drank  a  glass  or  two  of  wine 
and  punch,  they  retired  to  their  cabins,"*  where  they  had 
been  bidden  to  rest  a  few  days  before  commencing  the 
business  of  the  treaty. 

The  following  day  the  Indians  all  remained  in  their 
wigwams,  while  the  commissioners  with  Governor 
Thomas  and  Conrad  Weiser  went  to  visit  the  Seventh 

*Marshe's  Journal,  p.  14. 


9  CONRAD  WEISER. 

Day  Baptists  at  Ephrata,  it  being  their  Sabbath  day.  That 
evening  Witham  Marshe  and  James  Logan  went  to  the 
Indian  camp  to  witness  one  of  their  dances,  which  Marshe 
describes  in  the  following  manner :  "Thirty  or  forty  of 
the  younger  men  formed  themselves  into  a  ring,  a  fire 
being  lighted  (notwithstanding  the  excessive  heat)  and 
burning  clear  in  the  midst  of  them.  Near  .his  sat  three 
elderly  Indians  who  beat  a  drum  to  the  time  of  the  others 
dancing,  when  the  dancers  hopped  round  the  ring  after 
a  frantic  fashion,  not  unlike  the  priests  of  Bacchus  in  old 
times,  and  repeated  sundry  times,  these  sounds :  'Yo-hoh ! 
BughF  Soon  after  this  the  major  part  of  the  dancers 
(or  rather  hoppers)  set  up  a  horrid  shriek  or  halloo! 
They  continued  dancing  and  hopping  after  this  manner 
for  several  hours  and  rested  very  seldom.  Once,  while 
I  stood  with  them  they  did  seat  themselves,  immediately 
thereupon  the  three  old  men  began  to  sing  an  Indian  song, 
the  tune  of  which  was  not  disagreeable  to  the  white 
by-standers.  Upon  this,  the  young  warriors  renewed 
their  terrible  shriek  and  halloo,  and  formed  them 
selves  into  a  ring  environing  the  three  old  ones,  and 
danced  as  before.  .  .  . 

"These  young  men  are  surprisingly  agile,  strong  and 
straight-limbed.  They  shoot  both  with  the  gun  and  bow 
and  arrow  most  dexterously.  They  likewise  throw  their 
tomahawk  (a  little  hatchet)  with  great  certainty,  and  at 
an  indifferent  large  object  for  twenty  or  thirty  yards  dis 
tance.  This  weapon  they  use  against  their  enemies,  when 
they  have  spent  their  powder  and  ball,  and  destroy  many 
of  them  with  it.  The  chiefs  who  were  deputed  to  treat 
with  the  English  by  their  different  nations  were  very 
sober  men,  which  is  rare  for  an  Indian  to  be  so,  if  he  can 
get  liquor.  They  behaved  very  well  during  our  stay  with 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  99 

them,  and  sundry  times  refused  drinking  in  a  moderate 
way.  Whenever  they  renew  old  treaties  of  friendship, 
or  make  any  bargains  about  lands  they  sell  to  the  Eng 
lish,  they  take  great  care  to  abstain  from  intoxicating 
drink  for  fear  of  being  overreached,  but  when  they  have 
finished  this  business  then  some  of  them  will  drink  with 
out  measure."* 

The  Maryland  commissioners  had  no  intention  of 
recognizing  any  Indian  claims  to  land  within  the  borders 
of  their  Province.  Their  position  was  based  upon  the 
following  facts:  (i)  In  1652,  Maryland  bought  from 
the  Minquas  or  Susquehanna  Indians  all  their  claims  on 
both  sides  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay  up  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Susquehanna  River.  (2)  In  1663  eight  hundred  Seneca 
and  Cayuga  Indians  from  the  Five  Nation  Confederacy 
were  defeated  by  the  Minqua  Indians  aided  by  the  Mary- 
landers.  The  Iroquois  never  relinquished  this  war,  until 
a  famine  had  so  reduced  the  Minquas  that  in  1675  when 
the  Marylanders  had  withdrawn  their  alliance,  the  Min 
quas  were  completely  subdued  by  the  Five  Nations,  who 
now  claimed  a  right  to  the  Susquehanna  lands  to  the  head 
of  the  Chesapeake  Bay.  From  these  facts  Maryland 
claimed  that  the  Iroquois  right  was  merely  from  con 
quest,  and  this  was  surrendered  when  Governor  Dongan, 
of  New  York,  obtained  his  deed  from  the  Six  Nations 
for  their  land  on  the  Susquehanna  River,  because  ( i ) 
Penn  had  bought  that  deed  in  1696;  (2)  the  Conestoga 
Indians  had  confirmed  it  in  1699;  (3)  the  Conestoga 
Indians  (the  remnant  of  the  ancient  Minquas)  were  put 
on  a  reservation  in  Pennsylvania  in  1718,  and  when  they 
for  a  second  time  confirmed  Bengali's  deed  it  was  done  in 
the  presence  of  the  Onondago  deputies;  (4)  Pennsyl- 

*Marshe's  Journal,  pp,  14,  15. 


IOO  CONRAD  WEISER. 

vania  had  purchased  these  conquest  lands  from  the  Iro- 
quois  in  1736,  as  far  north  and  west  as  the  Blue  Moun 
tains.  Therefore  the  Six  Nations  had  no  land  claims 
within  the  borders  of  Maryland. 

When  the  Maryland  commissioners  came  before 
the  Indians  at  Lancaster  they  said  that  when  they  were 
first  notified  of  this  demand  in  1737  they  felt  that  upon 
second  thought  the  Indians  would  withdraw  it  since 
there  could  be  no  possible  reason  for  such  a  claim. 
Speaking  directly  to  the  Indians  they  said :  "It  was  very 
inconsiderately  said  by  you,  that  you  would  do  your 
selves  justice  by  going  to  take  payment  yourselves;  such 
an  attempt  would  have  entirely  dissolved  the  cnain  of 
friendship  subsisting  not  only  between  us,  but  perhaps 
the  other  English  and  you.  We  assure  you  our  people, 
who  are  numerous,  courageous,  and  have  arms  ready  in 
their  hands,  will  not  suffer  themselves  to  be  hurt  in  their 
lives  and  estates."*  The  Indians  were  then  told  that  the 
old  and  wise  people  of  Maryland  had  reflected  upon  these 
rash  threats  of  the  Iroquois  deputies  and  concluded  to 
hold  a  treaty  whereby  they  could  learn  by  what  right  the 
Six  Nations  claimed  this  land.  "We  are  desirous  of 
brightening  the  chain  of  friendship,  and  for  this  purpose 
we  have  brought  a  quantity  of  goods  with  us.  We  are 
not  satisfied  with  the  justice  of  your  claim  for  land,  but 
we  have  brought  the  goods  along  to  show  our  brotherly 
kindness  and  affection  for  the  Red  Man." 

The  next  day  Canassatego  arose  to  reply  to  the 
Maryland  commissioners.  This  remarkable  Iroquois 
orator  "was  a  tall  well-made  man."  He  "had  a  very  full 
chest  and  brawny  limbs.  He  had  a  manly  countenance, 
mixed  with  a  good-natured  smile.  He  was  about  sixty 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  703- 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  IOI 

years  of  age,  very  active,  strong,  and  had  a  surprising 
liveliness  in  his  speech."  .  .  .  .§  Canassatego  referred 
in  very  complimentary  language  to  the  selection  of  Lan 
caster  as  a  place  of  meeting,  and  the  generous  reception 
which  had  been  tendered  them.  Then  turning  to  the 
Maryland  commissioners,  he  said:  "You  tell  us  that 
when  about  seven  years  ago  you  heard  by  our  brother 
Onas  of  our  claim  to  some  lands  in  your  Province,  you 
took  no  notice  of  it,  believing,  as  you  say,  that  when  we 
should  come  to  reconsider  that  matter  we  should  find 
that  we  had  no  right  to  make  any  complaint  of  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Maryland  and  would  withdraw  our  demand. 
And  when  about  two  years  ago  we  mentioned  it  again 
to -our  brother  Onas,  you  say  we  did  it  in  such  terms  as 
looked  like  a  design  to  terrify  you;  and  you  tell  us 
further,  that  we  must  be  beside  ourselves  in  using  such 
rash  expressions  as  to  tell  you  we  know  how  to  do  our 
selves  justice  if  you  should  still  refuse.  It  is  true  we  did 
say  so,  but  without  any  ill  design,  for  we  must  inform 
you"  that  when  we  first  asked  brother  Onas  to  intercede 
for  us,  we  desired  him  to  also  write  to  "the  Great  King 
beyond  the  seas,  who  would  own  us  for  his  children  as 
well  as  you,  to  compel  you  to  do  us  justice.  And  two 
years  ago,  when  we  found  that  you  paid  no  regard  to  our 
just  demands,  nor  that  brother  Onas  had  conveyed  our 
complaint  to  the  Great  King  over  the  seas,  we  were 
resolved  to  use  such  expressions  as  would  make  the  great 
est  impressions  on  your  minds,  and  we  find  that  it  had 
its  effect,  for  you  tell  us  'that  your  wise  men  held  a 
council  together  and  agreed  to  invite  us,  and  to  inquire 
of  our  right  to  any  of  your  lands;  and  if  it  should  be 
found  that  we  had  a  right  we  were  to  have  a  compensa- 

§From  Marshe's  Journal,  p.  12. 


IO2  CONRAD  WEISER. 

tion  for  them; this  shows  that  your  wise  men 

understood  our  expressions  in  their  true  sense.  We  had 
no  designs  to  terrify  you,  but  to  put  you  to  doing  us  the 
justice  you  had  so  long  delayed.-.  .  .  .  We  are  well 
pleased  to  hear  that  you  are  provided  with  goods  and  do 
assure  of  our  willingness  to  treat  with  you  for  these 
unpurchased  lands."  .  .  .  You  tell  us  that  you  have  been 
in  possession  of  this  land  "above  one  hundred  years,  but 
what  is  one  hundred  years  in  comparison  to  the  length  of 
time  since  our  claim  began — since  we  came  out  of  this 
ground  ?  For  we  must  tell  you  that  long  before  one  hun 
dred  years  our  ancestors  came  out  of  this  very  ground, 
and  their  children  have  remained  here  ever  since.  You 
came  out  of  the  ground  in  a  country  that  lies  beyond  the 
seas,  there  you  may  have  a  just  claim,  but  here  you  must 
allow  us  to  be  your  elder  brethren,  and  the  lands  long 
before  you  knew  anything  of  them."  We  were  so  well 
pleased  with  the  Dutch,  when  they  came  here  over  one 
hundred  years  ago,  "that  we  tied  their  ship  to  the  bushes 
on  the  shore  and  afterwards  liking  them  still  better  the 
longer  they  stayed  with  us,  and  thinking  the  bushes  too 
slender,  we  removed  the  rope  and  tied  it  to  the  trees,  and 
as  the  trees  were  liable  to  be  blown  down  by  high  winds, 
or  to  decay  of  themselves,  we,  from  the  affection  we  bore 
them,  again  removed  the  rope,  and  tied  it  to  a  strong  big 
rock  (here  Conrad  Weiser  said  that  they  meant  the 
Oneida  country),  and  not  content  with  this,  for  its 
further  security  we  removed  the  rope  to  the  Big  Moun 
tain  (Onondago  country),  and  there  we  tied  it  very  fast 
and  rolled  wampum  about  it."  After  this  when  the  Eng 
lish  came  and  became  one  people  with  us  as  the  Dutch 
were,  they  (the  English)  "found  that  the  rope  which  tied 
the  ship  to  the  great  mountain  was  only  fastened  with 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  103 

wampum,  which  was  liable  to  break  and  rot,  and  to  perish 
in  a  course  of  years,  he  therefore  told  us  that  he  would 
give  us  a  silver  chain  which  would  be  much  stronger  and 
last  forever. 

"We  have  been  good  friends  ever  since,  yet  we  are 
sensible  that  with  all  the  advantages  of  the  white  man's 
guns  and  knives  and  hatchets,  we  are  each  year  growing 
poorer,  deer  are  growing  scarcer.  We  are  losing  much 
since  the  white  man  came  among  us,  and  particularly 
from  that  pen  and  ink  work  going  on  at  the  table  (point 
ing  to  the  secretaries),  and  we  will  give  you  an  instance 
of  this. 

"Our  brother  Onas,  a  great  while  ago,  came  to  Albany 
to  buy  the  Susquehanna  lands  of  us,  but  our  brother,  the 
Governor  of  New  York,  who,  as  we  suppose,  had  not  a 
good  understanding  with  our  brother  Onas,  advised  us 
not  to  sell  him  any  lands,  for  he  would  make  an  ill  use  of 
it,  and  pretending  to  be  our  good  friend  he  advised  us, 
in  order  to  prevent  Onas  or  any  other  person  from  impos 
ing  upon  us,  and  that  we  might  always  have  our  land 
when  we  should  want  it,  to  put  it  into  his  hands,  and  told 
us  he  would  keep  it  for  our  use,  and  never  open  his  hands, 
but  keep  them  close  shut,  and  not  part  with  any  of  it  but 
at  our  request.  Accordingly  we  trusted  him,  and  put  our 
lands  into  his  hands  and  charged  him  to  keep  it  safe  for 
our  use;  but  some  time  after  he  went  away  to  England 
and  carried  our  land  with  him,  and  there  sold  it  to  our 
brother  Onas  for  a  large  sum  of  money ;  and  when  at  the 
instance  of  our  brother  Onas  we  were  minded  to  sell  him 
some  lands,  he  told  us  that  we  had  sold  the  Susquehanna 
lands  already  to  the  Governor  of  New  York,  and  that  he 
had  bought  them  from  him  in  England,  tho'  when  he 
came  to  understand  how  the  Governor  of  New  York  had 


IO4  CONRAD  WEISER. 

deceived  us,  he  very  generously  paid  us  for  our  lands  over 
again We  have  had"  the  Maryland  deeds  "inter 
preted  for  us,  and  we  acknowledge  them  to  be  good  and 
valid,  and  that  the  Conestoga  or  Susquehanna  Indians 
had  a  right  to  sell  those  lands  unto  you,  for  they  were 
then  theirs,  but  since  that  time  we  have  conquered  them, 
and  their  country  now  belongs  to  us,  and  the  lands  we 
demand  satisfaction  for  are  no  part  of  the  land  com 
prised  in  those  deeds — they  are  the  Cohongorontas 
(Potomac)  lands.  These  we  are  sure  you  have  not  pos 
sessed  one  hundred  years,  no  nor  above  ten  years." 

The  Maryland  commissioners  replied  as  follows :  "We 
have  considered  what  you  said  concerning  your  title  to 
some  lands  now  in  our  Province,  and  also  of  the  place 
where  they  lie.  Altho'  we  cannot  admit  your  right, 
yet  we  are  so  resolved  to  live  in  brotherly  love  and  affec 
tion  with  the  Six  Nations  that  upon  giving  us  a  release 
in  writing  for  all  your  claim  to  any  lands  in  Maryland, 
we  shall  make  you  a  compensation  to  the  value  of  three 
hundred  pounds  currency."  For  the  part  payment  of  this 
three  hundred  pounds  a  parcel  of  goods  with  the  prices 
attached  were  spread  out  upon  the  table  in  the  Court 
House. 

After  the  Indians  had  examined  these  they  expressed 
their  dissatisfaction  with  the  prices  attached.  Accord 
ingly  a  council  was  held  and  Conrad  Weiser  was  called 
in  to  advise  them.  He  sat  down  among  them,  and  after 
some  discussion  the  Indians  agreed  to  take  the  goods  at 
the  valuation  of  £220  155.  In  addition  to  this  the  com 
missioners  of  Maryland  presented  the  Indians  with  $100 
in  gold,  which  was  received  with  the  Red  Man's  shout  of 
"Jo-hah."  These  Maryland  presents  were  probably  the 
result  of  Conrad  Weiser's  persistent  influence,  urging  the 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  IO5 

necessity  of  the  colonists'  outdoing  the  French  if  they 
would  hold  the  friendship  of  the  Iroquois. 

Early  in  these  negotiations  Virginia  and  Maryland 
closed  the  Court  House  doors  to  all  visitors  from  these 
two  States.  When  this  was  enforced  it  produced  great 
indignation  among  many.  No  measures  were  taken  to 
exclude  Pennsylvania  visitors,  until  the  Maryland  deed 
was  ready  for  the  Indians'  signatures,  then  out  of  feat 
of  undue  influence  on  the  part  of  those  present  from 
Pennsylvania,  who  were  supposed  to  be  in  the  interests 
of  the  Proprietors,  a  strictly  secret  session  was  held.  In 
this  meeting,  which  is  not  referred  to  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  treaty,  the  Indians  refused  to  sign  the  release.  Con 
siderable  delay  was  occasioned  until  Conrad  Weiser 
explained  the  demands  of  the  Maryland  commissioners 
"in  so  clear  a  manner  that  there  came  such  an  amicable 
determination  as  proved  agreeable  to  each  party.""  The 
"amicable  determination"  spoken  of  by  Marshe  was  the 
verbal  promise  of  the  Indians  to  sign  the  deed  when  it 
was  engrossed. 

To  celebrate  what  seemed  to  the  commissioners  as  a 
diplomatic  victory  it  was  decided  to  give  the  Indians  a 
great  dinner.  The  tables  were  spread  in  the  Court  House. 
Twenty-four  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  were  invited, 
together  with  a  large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Lancaster. 
Five  tables  were  covered  with  a  great  variety  of  palatable 
dishes.  The  Indians  were  seated  at  two  separate  tables, 
with  Canassatego  at  the  head  of  one,  the  other  Indians 
taking  place  according  to  rank.  The  three  secretaries 
assisted  by  Thomas  Cookson,  prothonotary  of  Lancaster 
county,  William  Logan,  and  Col.  Rigbie,  carved  the 
meat  and  served  the  Indians.  Conrad  Weiser  stood 

*Marshe's  Journal,  p.  19. 


IO6  CONRAD  WEISER. 

between  the  Governor's  table  and  the  Indians,  informing 
them  when  the  Governor  drank  to  their  healths,  and  giv 
ing  general  directions  to  the  order  of  the  ceremonies. 
The  Indians  were  served  in  addition  to  the  meats,  with 
cider  and  wine  mixed.  The  sachems  "seemed  prodig 
iously  pleased  with  their  feast,  for  they  fed  lustily,  drank 
heartily,  and  were  very  greasy  before  they  finished  their 
dinner,  for,  bye  the  bye,  they  make  no  use  of  forks."* 

The  Indians  were  now  feeling  in  a  jovial  state  of 
mind  and  they  seized  upon  this  opportunity  to  perform 
the  ceremony  of  giving  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland  an 
Indian  name.  Since  Penn's  days  they  had  called  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  brother  Onas,  Virginia's  Gov 
ernor  was  known  among  them  as  Assaraquoa,  but  Mary 
land  had  no  name  by  which  it  was  known.  Accordingly, 
after  much  demonstration  and  speech  making,  the  com 
missioner  of  Maryland  representing  tlie  Governor,  the 
absent  official  was  christened  by  the  Indians  "Tocary- 
ho-gon,"  meaning  excellent  position  between  Assaraquoa 
and  Onas.  Conrad  Weiser  was  interpreter  for  these  cere 
monies,  which  ended  by  all  drinking  bumpers  of 
wine  to  the  King's  health.  Governor  Thomas  and  the 
commissioners,  says  Marshe,  "indeed,  all  the  persons 
present,  except  the  Indians,  gave  three  several  huzzas, 
after  the  English  manner,  on  drinking  the  King's  health, 
which  a  good  deal  surprised  them,  they  having  never 
before  heard  the  like  noise." 

At  the  close  of  these  ceremonies  the  Governor  and 
commissioners  retired  for  about  an  hour,  when  Mr. 
Marshe  produced  an  engrossed  copy  of  the  deed  of  land 
from  the  Indians.  Some  difficulty  had  been  anticipated 
in  getting  the  Indians  to  sign  it.  "Here,  by  the  order  of 

*Marshe's  Journal,  p.  20. 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY. 


our  commissioners,"  says  Marshe,  "I  produced  the 
engrossed  release  for  the  lands,  with  the  seals  fixed.  We 
were  obliged  to  put  about  the  glasses  pretty  briskly,  and 
then  Mr.  Weiser  interpreted  the  contents  of  it  to  the 
sachems,  who  conferring  among  themselves  about  the 
execution  of  it,  the  major  part  of  them  seemed  very 
inclinable  to  sign  and  deliver  it. 

"But    upon    Shikellimy,    an    Oneida    chief's    remon 

strance,   some  of  the  others,  with  himself,   refused   for 

that  day  executing  it,  which  refusal  of  Shikellimy's,  we 

imputed,   and  not  without  reason,  to  some  sinster  and 

underhanded    means  made    use    of    by    Pennsylvania  to 

induce  the  sachems  not  to  give  up  their  right  to  the  lands 

by  deed,   without   having   a  larger   consideration   given 

them  by  the  Province  of  Maryland  than  what  was  speci 

fied    in  the    release.      Shikellimy,    who,    before  we  had 

esteemed  one  of  our  fastest  friends,  put  us  under  a  deep 

surprise  and  confusion,  by  his  unfair  behavior;  yet  we 

in  some  measure  extricated  ourselves  out  of  them,  by  the 

honest  Canassatego's  and  the  other  sachems  to'  the  num 

ber  of  sixteen,  delivering  the  deed,  after  the  forms  cus 

tomary  to  the  English,  to  which  there  were  a  great  many 

gentlemen  signed  their  names  as  witnesses.     Mr.  Weiser 

assured  the  commissioners  that  he  with  Canassatego  and 

some  other  chiefs  would  so  effectually  represent  the  unfair 

dealings  of  Shikellimy  and  his  partisans  in  Council  that 

he  did  not  doubt  to  induce  him  and  them  totally  to  finish 

this  business  on  Monday  next,  manage-  all  the  insinua 

tions  and  misrepresentations  agitated  by  the  enemies  of 

Maryland,  and,  indeed,  Mr.  Interpreter  proved  successful, 

as  is  evident  in  the  transactions  of  Monday,  and  may  be 

seen  in  the  printed  treaty."*     Weiser's  diplomatic  skill 

*Marshe's  Journal,  pp.  19,  20. 


CONRAD   WEISER. 

is  well  illustrated  in  this  affair.  The  Maryland  commis- 
s;oners,  who  before  the  treaty  were  loud  in  expressions 
of  Weiser's  duplicity  and  treachery  were  now  his  warm 
friends.  Shikellimy,  who  had  been  on  intimate  terms 
with  Weiser  for  many  years  finds  his  confidence  not  in 
the  least  shaken. 

To  what  extent  the  Maryland  commissioners  were 
aware  that  Weiser  secured  such  changes  in  the  deed  as 
to  satisfy  Pemrs  heirs  and  Shikellimy  is  not  known. 
Marshe  himself  seems  to  be  entirely  oblivious  of  such  a 
change.*  The  celebrated  boundary  dispute  between 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  was  then  pending,  and  the 
deed  which  Shikellimy  refused  to  sign  would  have  given 
Maryland  an  Indian  title  to  a  large  portion  of  land 
claimed  by  Pennsylvania.  Marshe  reflects  this  idea, 
which  was  the  opinion  of  the  Maryland  commissioners, 
when  he  says,  we  "thereby  gained  not  only  some  hundred 
thousand  acres  of  land  for  Lord  Baltimore,  who  had  no 
good  right  to  them  before  this  release,  but  an  indisput 
able  and  quiet  enjoyment  of  them  to  the  several  posses 
sors,  who  in  fact  had  bought  of  that  Lord's  agents."§ 
The  release  which  the  Six  Nations  did  eventually  sign 
for  Maryland  recognized  an  undetermined  boundary  line 
between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  and  in  no  way  tried 
to  fix  that  boundary  as  Marshe  and  the  commissioners 
from  Maryland  supposed.  The  release  reads  for  all 
"lands  lying  two  miles  above  the  uppermost  forks  of 
Patowmack  or  Cohongoruton  River,  near  which  Thomas 
Cresap  has  a  hunting  or  trading  cabin,  by  a  north  line 
to  the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania.  But  in  case  such  limits 
shall  not  include  every  settlement  or  inhabitant  of  Mary- 

*See  note  by  Dr.  Egle,  in  Marsha's  Journal,  p.  21. 
§Marshe's  Journal,  p.  21. 


SHIKELLIMY,  THE  ONEIDA  CHIEF 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY. 


land,  then  such  other  lines  and  courses  from  the  said  two 
miles  above  the  forks  to  the  outermost  inhabitants  or 
settlements,  as  shall  include  every  settlement  and  inhab 
itant  in  Maryland,  and  from  thence  by  a  north  line  to 
the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  shall  be  the  limits.  And 
further,  if  any  people  already  have  or  shall  settle  beyond 
the  lands  now  described  and  bounded,  they  shall  enjoy 
the  same  free  from  any  disturbance  of  us  in  any  manner 
whatsoever,  and  we  do  and  shall  accept  those  people  for 
our  Brethern,  and  as  such  shall  always  treat  them.  We 
earnestly  desire  to  live  with  you  as  Brethern,  and  hope 
you  will  show  us  all  brotherly  kindness;  in  token  thereof 
we  present  you  with  this  belt  of  wampum." 

Shikellimy  never    signed    this    deed.       Since  Canas- 
satego  was  a  superior  sachem  we  have-  no  record  of  Shi- 
kellimy's  views.     We  only  know  that  the  old  man  was 
always  opposed  to  the  immoderate  use  of  strong  liquor, 
and   stood  aloof   from   men  under  its  effects.      Marshe 
gives  us  the   following  interesting  account  of  how  the 
release  was  finally  secured   on   the   following   Monday, 
when    the    commissioners    and    the    Indians    all    met  at 
George   Sanderson's   Inn,   instead   of   the   Court   House. 
"When  the  several  chiefs  who  had  not  signed  the  deed 
of  release  and   renunciation  of  their  claim  in  lands   in 
Maryland  did  now  cheerfully  and  without  any  hesitation 
execute  the  same,  in  the  presence  of  the  commissioners 
and  Mr.  Weiser;  which  latter  they  caused  to  sign  and 
deliver  in  behalf  of  a  nation  (Mohawk)  not  present,  both 
with  his  Indian  name  of  Tarach-a-wa-gon,  and  that  of 
Weiser.     Thus  we  happily  effected  the  purchase  of  the 
lands  in  Maryland,  by  the  dexterous  management  of  the 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  7*9,  720. 


HO  CONRAD  WEISER. 

interpreter. "§  The  Indians  seemed  perfectly  satisfied 
with  what  they  had  received  for  their  Maryland  claims. 
Shikellimy's  opposition  was  based  on  a  determination  not 
to  recognize  that  Maryland  had  any  land  claims  north  of 
the  disputed  boundary  line.  We  have  no  record  of  Shi 
kellimy's  views;  he  probably  had  his  own  reflections  when 
he  witnessed  the  bestowing  of  a  broad  gold-laced  hat 
upon  an  Iroquois  chief  who  was  active  in  securing  the 
signatures  to  the  deed. 

During  the  same  days  that  these  Maryland  negotia 
tions  were  pending  the  Virginia  commissioners  had  their 
affairs  in  progress  also.  The  previous  difficulties  between 
the  Iroquois  and  Virginia,  which  Conrad  Weiser  so  for 
tunately  settled,  put  the  commissioners  into  a  genial  frame 
of  mind.  They  met  the  Indians  upon  the  following 
grounds.  "You  wrote  us  in  1736,  through  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  that  you  expected  some  consideration 
for  your  lands  in  Virginia.  When  we  received  this  letter 
we  examined  all  our  old  treaties,  and  found  that  the  Five 
Nations  had  given  up  all  their  land  claims  to  the  King 
of  England,  who  had'  possession  here  over  one  hundred 
years  ago,  therefore  we  hold  our  title  under  the  Great 
King. 

"Fearing  that  there  might  be  some  mistake  about  your 
claim  we  asked  the  Governor  of  New  York  to  look  into 
it.  He  sent  his  interpreter  to  you  in  1743,  who  laid  this 
before  you  at  a  council  held  at  Onondago."  You  replied, 
"that  if  you  had  any  demand  or  pretension  on  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia  in  any  way,  you  would  have  made  it 
known  to  the  Governor  of  New  York."  Now  this  cor 
responds  to  what  you  said  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania  in  1742,  because  then  you  only  laid  claim  to  land 

§Marshe's  Journal,  p.  22. 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  Ill 

in  Maryland.  We  are  pleased  with  your  good  faith  and 
disposition  towards  friendship.  We  have  with  us  a  chest 
full  of  new  goods.  The  key  is  in  our  pockets.  You  are 
our  brethren,  the  Great  King  is  our  common  father,  and 
we  will  live  with  you  as  Christians  ought  to  do  in  peace 
and  love.  Therefore  we  beg  you  to  tell  us  upon  what 
foundation  you  claim  land  in  Virginia,  when  and  what 
Indians  did  you  ever  conquer  in  Virginia?  If  it  appears 
that  you  have  any  right  to  these  lands  we  will  make  you 
satisfaction. 

The  Iroquois  made  the  following  reply :  We  own  the 
land.  We  claim  it  by  "right  of  conquest — a  right  too 
dearly  purchased,  and  which  cost  us  too  much  blood  to 
give  up  'without  any  reason  at  all,'  as  you  say  we  have 
done  at  Albany;  but  we  should  be  obliged  to  you  if  you 
would  let  us  see  that  letter,  and  inform  us  who  was  the 
interpreter,  and  whose  names  are  put  to  the  letter;  for 
as  the  whole  transaction  can't  be  above  a  year's  standing, 
it  must  be  fresh  in  everybody's  memory,  and  some  of  our 
council  would  easily  remember  it ;  but  we  assure  you,  and 
we  are  well  able  to  prove,  that  neither  we,  nor  any  part 
of  us,  have  ever  relinquished  our  rights,  or  gave  such  an 
answer  as  you  say  is  mentioned  in  your  letter.  Could 
we  so  few  years  ago  make  a  formal  demand  by  James 
Logan  and  not  be  sensible  of  our  right?  And  hath  any 
thing  happened  since  that  time  to  make  us  less  sensible? 
No All  the  world  knows  we  conquered  the  sev 
eral  nations  living  on  the  Susquehanna,  Potomac,  and  on 
the  back  of  the  great  mountain  (Blue  Mountains),  in 
Virginia.  .  .  .  We  know  very  well  that  it  has  often  been 
said  by  the  Virginian  that  the  Great  King  of  England, 
and  the  people  of  that  colony  conquered  the  Indians  that 
lived  there,  but  it  is  not  true.  We  will  allow  that  they 


112  CONRAD  WEISER. 

have  conquered  the  Sachdagughroonans  and  drove  back 
the  Tuscaroras,  and  that  they  have  on  that  a  right  to  some 
part  of  Virginia,  but  as  to  what  lies  beyond  the  moun 
tains,  we  conquered  the  nations  residing  there,  and  that 
land  if  ever  the  Virginians  get  a  right  to  it,  it  must  be 
by  us 

"We  are  glad  to  hear  that  you  have  brought  a  big 
chest  of  'new  goods,'  and  that  you  have  the  key  in  your 
pockets,  we  will  open  all  our  hearts  to  you  that  you  may 

know  everything  in  them You  may  remember  that 

about  twenty  years  ago  you  had  a  treaty  with  us  at 
Albany,  you  took  a  belt  of  wampum  and  made  a  fence 
with  it  on  the  top  of  a  mountain.  You  said  that  we  were 
to  stay  west  of  that  fence  and  you  would  remain  east 
of  it.  That  is  the  mountain  we  mean,  and  we  desire  that 
treaty  may  be  confirmed.  After  we  left  Albany  we 
brought  our  road  a  great  deal  more  to  the  west  that  we 
might  comply  with  your  proposal,  but  though  it  was  of 
your  own  making,  your  people  never  observed  it,  but 
came  and  lived  on  our  side  of  the  hill,  which  we  don't 
blame  you  for,  as  you  live  at  a  great  distance  near  the 
seas,  and  can't  be  thought  to  know  what  your  people  do 
in  the  back  parts,  and  on  their  settling  contrary  to  your 
proposals  on  our  new  road,  it  fell  out  that  our  warriors 
did  some  hurt  to  your  people's  cattle  of  which  a  com 
plaint  was  made  and  transmitted  to  us  by  our  brother 
Onas.  And  we  at  his  request  altered  the  road  again  and 
brought  it  to  the  foot  of  the  great  mountain  where  it  now 
is,  and  the  nature  of  the  country  makes  it  impossible  for 
us  to  move  it'  any  further  west.  .  .  . 

"We  had  not  been  long  in  the  use  of  this  new  road 
before  your  people  came  like  flocks  of  birds  and  sat  down 
on  both  sides  of  it,  and  yet  we  never  made  a  complaint 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  113 

to  you,  though  you  must  have  been  sensible  those  things 
must  have  been  done  by  your  people  in  manifest  breach 
of  your  own  proposals  made  at  Albany;  and  therefore 
as  we  are  now  opening  our  hearts  to  you,  we  cannot  help 
complaining.  .  .  .  The  affair  of  the  road  must  be  looked 
upon  as  a  preliminary  to  be  settled  before  the  grant  of 
lands,  and  that  either  the  Virginia  people  must  be  obliged 
to  remove  more  easterly,  or  if  they  are  permitted  (to 
remain  in  Shenandoah  Valley),  to  say  that  our  warriors 
marching  that  way  to  the  southward  shall  go  shares  with 
them  in  what  they  plant."* 

A  few  days  later  the  Virginia  commissioners  endeav 
ored  to  set  the  Indians  right  upon  the  history  of  their 
past  treaties.  "If  the  Six  Nations  have  made  any  con 
quests  over  Indians  that  may  at  any  time  have  lived  on 
the  west  side  of  the- great  mountains  of  Virginia,  yet  they 
never  possessed  any  lands  there  that  wre  ever  heard.  That 
part  was  altogether  deserted,  and  free  for  any  people  to 
enter  upon,  as  the  people  of  Virginia  have  done  by  order 
of  the  Great  King,  very  justly  as  well  as  by  an  ancient 
right  as  by  its  being  freed  from  the  possession  of  any 
other,  and  from  any  claim  even  of  you  the  Six  Nations, 
our  brethren,  until  within  these  eight  years.  Our  first 
treaty  was  one  of  friendship  made  at  Albany  in  1674. 
The  next  one  was  made  at  the  same  place  in  1686,  when 
you  declared  the  Five  Nations  to  be  subjects  of  the  Great 
King,  our  father,  and  gave  up  to  him  all  your  lands  for 
his  protection.  You  acknowledged  this  in  a  treaty  with 
the  Governor  of  New  York  the  following  year.  These 
are  the  very  words  that  you  used  on  that  occasion,  have 
you  forgotten  them?  *O  brethren  you  tell  us  the  King 
of  England  is  a  very  great  King,  and  why  should  you  not 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  709,  713. 


1 14  CONRAD  WEISER. 

join  with  us  in  a  very  just  cause  when  the  French  joins 
with  our  enemies  in  an  unjust  cause.  O  brethren,  we  see  the 
reason  for  this,  for  the  French  would  fain  kill  us  all,  and 
when  that  is  done  they  would  carry  all  the  beaver  trade  to 
Canada,  and  the  great  King  of  England  would  lose  the 
lands  likewise;  and,  therefore,  O  great  Sachem  beyond 
the  great  lakes,  awake,  and  suffer  not  those  poor  Indians 
that  have  given  themselves  and  their  lands  under  your 
protection  to  be  destroyed  by  the  French  without  a 
cause.'  "* 

This  plea  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois  in  1687  was 
occasioned  by  the  threatenings  of  the  war  of  the  Palati 
nate  (1689-1697).  The  last  treaty  you  made  with  us 
you  have  not  reported  correctly.  "Your  brethren,  the 
white  people  in  Virginia,  are  in  no  article  of  that  treaty 
prohibited  to  pass  and  settle  to  the  westward  of  the  great 
mountains,"  but  the  Indians  tributary  to  you  are  by  that 
treaty  forbidden  from  passing  to  the  eastward  of  those 
mountains,  or  to  the  southward  of  the  Potomac  River. 
It  was  further  agreed  in  that  treaty  that  no  Indians 
should  pass  through  the  forbidden  territory  without 
passes.  Therefore,  "what  right  can  you  have  to  lands 
that  you  have  no  right  to  walk  upon  but  upon  certain 
conditions?  .  .  .  You  have  not  observed  this  part  of  your 
treaty,  and  because  we  have  not  strictly  enforced  it  some 
trouble  has  arisen.  We  can  show  you  this  treaty,  and  the 
names  of  the  Indians  who  signed  it.  Brethren,  this  dis 
pute  is  not  between  you  and  Virginia,  you  are  setting  up 
your  right  against  the  Great  King,  who  is  our  common 
father  and  means  to  do  justice  to  all  his  children. 
Brethren,  there  would  have  been  no  trouble  about  the 
road  you  speak  of  if  you  had  taken  our  advice  and  made 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  717. 


OF 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY. 


peace  with  the  Catawba  Indians.  Then  you  could  have 
staid  out  of  Virginia,  and  there  would  have  been  no  dis 
pute  between  us."  Then  the  Virginia  commissioners  once 
more  expressed  their  good  will  towards  the  Iroquois  and 
told  them  of  their  willingness  to  settle  for  those  disputed 
lands. 

From  this  point  in  the  proceedings  the  Indians  showed 
no  disposition  to  argue  the  land  question  with  the  Vir 
ginia  commissioners  on  the  basis  of  old  treaties.  They 
knew  their  power.  They  knew  that  the  war  between 
France  and  England  had  commenced.  They  knew  that 
the  French  were  bidding  high  for  Iroquois  alliance.  For 
these  reasons  it  is  highly  probable  that  they  were  deter 
mined  to  force  recognition  of  their  land  claims,  and  give 
the  English,  in  individual  colonies,  an  opportunity  in  the 
aggregate  to  outbid  the  French.  Therefore,  the  Iroquois 
took  another  tack.  "The  world,"  they  said,  was  at  first 
"made  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  water  different  from 
what  it  is  on  this  side,  as  may  be  known  from  the  different 
color  of  our  skin  and  our  flesh,  and  that  which  you  call 
justice  may  not  be  so  amongst  us.  You  have  your  laws 
and  customs,  so  have  we.  The  Great  King  might  send 
you  over  to  conquer  the  Indians,  but  it  looks  to  us  that 
God  did  not  approve  of  it,  if  He  had,  He  would  not  have 
placed  the  sea  where  it  is,  as  the  limits  between  us  and 
you. 

"Brother  Assaraquoa,  though  great  things  are  well 
remembered  among  us,  yet  we  don't  remember  that  we 
were  ever  conquered  by  the  Great  King,  or  that  we  have 
been  employed  by  that  Great  King  to  conquer  others;  if 
it  was  so  it  was  beyond  our  memory.  You  tell  us  we 
have  not  kept  our  peace  with  the  Catawbas;  we  tell  you 
that  the  Catawbas  have  broken  faith  with  us.  They  have 


Il6  CONRAD  WEISER. 

called  us  women.  The  war  must  continue  between  them 
and  us  until  one  or  the  other  of  us  is  destroyed.  For  this 
reason  the  road  must  be  kept  open  between  us  and  the 
Catawba  country.  You  have  some  very  ill-natured  people 
living  along  this  road,  we  desire  that  you  who  are  in 
power  may  know  who  they  are  and  arrange  that  our 
warriors  may  have  a  reasonable  amount  of  victuals  when 
they  are  in  want.  You  know  very  well  when  the  white 
people  came  first  here  they  were  very  poor ;  but  now  they 
have  got  our  lands  and  are  by  them  become  rich,  and  we 
are  now  poor.  What  little  we  had  for  the  land  goes  soon 
away,  but  the  land  lasts  forever. 

"You  told  us  you  had  brought  with  you  a  chest  of 
goods,  and  that  you  have  the  key  in  your  pockets;  but 
we  have  never  seen  the  chest  nor  the  goods  that  are  said 
to  be  in  it.  It  may  be  small  and  the  goods  few.  We 
want  to  see  them,  and  are  desirous  to  come  to  some  con 
clusion.  We  have  been  sleeping  here  these  ten  days  past, 
and  have  not  done  anything  to  the  purpose."* 

This  brought  the  Virginia  commissioners  to  the 
point,  and  the  Indians  were  promised  that  the  goods 
should  be  seen  on  Monday.  The  Indians  were  told  that 
enough  had  been  said  about  the  titles  to  the  land.  The 
chests  were  opened  and  the  goods  were  spread  before 
them.  "They  cost,"  said  the  commissioners,  "two  hun 
dred  pounds,  Pennsylvania  money,  and  were  bought  by 
a  person  §  recommended  to  us  by  the  Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  with  ready  cash.  We  ordered  them  to  be  good 
in  their  kinds,  and  we  believe  they  are  so.  These  goods 
and  two  hundred  pounds  in  gold  which  now  lie  on  the 
table,  we  will  give  you,  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations, 

*Penna.   Colonial   Records,  vol.   IV.,  720,  721. 
§Probably  Conrad  Weiser. 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  1 1/ 

upon  conditions,  that  you  immediately  make  a  deed,  rec 
ognizing  the  King's  right  to  all  the  lands  that  are  or 
shall  be  by  his  Majesty's  appointment  in  the  colony  of 
Virginia."  The  commissioners  also  guaranteed  the 
Indians  an  open  road  to  the  Catawba  country,  promising 
that  the  people  of  Virginia  should  perform  their  part  if 
the  Indians  perform  theirs.  The  Iroquois  understood  this 
to  mean  that  their  war  parties  should  be  fed  while  passing 
through  Virginia,  and  that  their  warriors  should  abstain 
from  shooting  the  farmers'  hogs,  cattle  or  chickens.  The 
following  day  the  Virginia  commissioners  gave  the 
Indians  one  of  the  promised  hundred  pounds  in  gold,  in 
order,  they  said,  to  make  the  "chain  of  union  and  friend 
ship  as  bright  as  the  sun,  that  it  may  not  contract  any 
more  rust  forever."  Another  day  was  consumed  in  pre 
senting  the  other  one  hundred  pounds  in  gold,  and  prom 
ising  to  recommend  the  Iroquois  to  the  favor  of  the  King 
of  England.  Canassatego  was  given  a  camblet  coat,  and 
the  chiefs  were  furnished  with  passes  for  their  warriors 
who  intended  going  through  Virginia. 

When  the  treaty  was  over  the  Indians  believed  that 
they  had  established  land  claims  in  Virginia,  that  the 
open  road  was  guaranteed,  that  their  warriors  were  to  be 
fed  while  passing  through  the  State,  and  that  they  had 
sold  land  only  to  the  head- waters  of  the  streams  feeding 
the  Ohio  River.  The  Virginians,  on  the  other  hand, 
believed  that  they  had  extinguished  all  Iroquois  land 
claims  forever  within  the  charter  limits  of  their  State. 

In  this  treaty  Pennsylvania,  guided  by  Conrad 
Weiser,  was  the  mediator  and  peacemaker.  Virginia 
and  Maryland  were  compelled  to  make  financial  provision 
for  the  Indians  before  coming  to  the  treaty.  They  were 
induced  to  lay  aside  their  opposition  to  Iroquois  land 


n8 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


claims,  and  settle  in  such  a  manner  as  would  secure  the 
friendship  of  the  Six  Nations,  thus  thwarting  the 
schemes  of  the  French  and  protecting  the  frontiers  of  the 
English  from  the  Carolinas  to  New  England. 

While  Pennsylvania  was  thus  leading  the  astonished 
Maryland  and  Virginia  commissioners  through  the  hid 
den  paths  of  Indian  diplomacy,  she  had  troubles  of  her 
own  to  settle  with  those  keen-witted  Red  Men.  Since 
the  purchase  of  1736  traders  and  squatters  had  been 
greatly  attracted  by  the  lands  in  Juniata  Valley.  This 
region  lay  beyond  the  limits  of  the  previous  purchases, 
and  whenever  settlers  took  possession  of  unpurchased 
land,  Indian  outrages  were  sure  to  occur. 

Some  time  previous  to  this  treaty  John  Armstrong,  a 
trader,  with  two  of  his  men,  and  their  horses  loaded  with 
merchandise,  were  following  the  Allegheny  path  towards 
the  Ohio  for  the  purpose  of  trade.  An  Indian  who 
claimed  to  have  been  wronged  by  "Jack  Armstrong"  in 
a  bargain,  followed  the  trader  until  he  was  about  crossing 
the  Juniata  at  the  Narrows  when  they  murdered  Arm 
strong  and  his  men,  and  plundered  their  goods.  This 
matter  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Shikellimy  at  Shamo- 
kin,  who  caused  the  murderers  to  be  apprehended,  and 
after  giving  them  a  hearing,  ordered  two  of  them  to  be 
sent  to  jail  at  Lancaster  to  await  trial  at  the  hands  of  the 
white  man. 

While  Shikellimy's  sons  were  conveying  the  prison 
ers  to  Lancaster  the  friends  of  John  Mussemeelin,  one  of 
the  prisoners  who  was  related  to  some  important  Dela 
ware  sachems,  induced  Shikellimy's  sons  to  allow  Musse 
meelin  to  escape.  The  other  Indian  was  locked  safely 
in  the  prison.  At  the  Lancaster  Treaty  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  demanded  of  the  Iroquois  that  they  com- 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY. 


mand  their  subjects,  the  Delawares,  to  surrender  Musse- 
meelin  to  the  authorities  of  the  Province.  The  Governor 
invited  the  Indians  to  Lancaster  to  witness  the  trial.  The 
Iroquois  were  also  given  to  understand  that  they  must 
cause  search  to  be  made  for  the  stolen  goods,  and  have 
them  or  their  value  restored  to  the  heirs  of  Jack  Arm 
strong.  The  Six  Nations  before  they  replied  to  this 
demand  were  well  aware  that  a  present  was  awaiting 
them  from  Pennsylvania,  equal  to,  if  not  greater,  than 
the  ones  given  either  by  Virginia  or  Maryland. 

The  Iroquois'  reply  is  characteristic  of  the  Indians' 
idea  of  justice.  "We  join  with  you  in  your  concern  for 
such  a  vile  proceeding;  and  to  testify  that  we  have  the 
same  inclinations  with  you  to  keep  the  road  clear,  free  and 
open  we  give  you  this  string  of  wampum.  Brother  Onas, 
these  things  happen  frequently  and  we  desire  that  you 
will  consider  them  well,  and  not  be  too  much  concerned. 
Three  Indians  have  been  killed  at  different  times  at  Ohio, 
and  we  never  mentioned  anything  of  them  to  you,  imag 
ining  it  might  have  been  occasioned  by  some  unfortunate 
quarrels  .....  We  desire  you  to  consider  these  things 
well,  and  to  take  the  grief  from  your  hearts  we  give  you 
this  string  of  wampum. 

"We  have  reproved  the  Delawares  severely  for  their 
conduct,  and  will  see  that  the  stolen  goods  are  restored. 
On  our  return  home  we  will  order  the  Delawares  to  send 
Mussemeelin  to  you  for  trial,  but  not  as  a  prisoner.  You 
have  the  guilty  Indian  now  in  jail.  We  will  expect  you 
to  do  Mussemeelin  justice  and  return  him  to  his  people 
in  safety." 

After  mutual  congratulations  between  Pennsylvania 
and  the  Six  Nations  a  present  of  goods  to  the  value  of 
three  hundred  pounds  was  given  them  on  conditions  that 


I2O  CONRAD  VVEISER. 

they  stand  aloof  from  the  French  and  keep  Pennsylvania 
thoroughly  informed  of  all  the  movements  of  the  enemy, 
and  also  of  the  secret  designs  of  the  French  allies.  The 
Indians  were  then  told  of  the  progress  of  the  war  and  of 
the  glorious  victories  of  the  English  over  the  French. 

When  the  Indians  replied  to  this  little  expression  of 
loyal  pride  in  the  prowess  of  English  arms  they  said, 
"You  tell  us  you  beat  the  French,  if  so  you  must  have 
taken  a  great  deal  of  rum  from  them,  and  can  the  better 
spare  us  some  of  that  liquor  to  make  us  rejoice  with  you 
in  the  victory.  The  Governor  and  commissioners  ordered 
a  dram  of  rum  to  be  given  to  each  in  a  small  glass,  call 
ing  it  a  'French  glass.'  " 

The  next  day  Canassatego,  turning  to  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  said :  "We  mentioned  to  you  yesterday 
the  booty  you  had  taken  from  the  French,  and  asked  you 
for  some  of  the  rum  which  we  supposed  to  be  part  of  it, 
and  you  gave  us  some,  but  it  turned  out  unfortunately 
that  you  gave  us  it  in  French  glasses,  we  desire  now  you 
will  give  us  some  in  English  glasses." 

The  Governor  replied,  "We  are  glad  to  hear  that  you 
have  such  a  dislike  for  what  is  French.  They  cheat  you 
in  your  glasses  as  well  as  in  everything  else.  You  must 
consider  that  we  are  at  a  distance  from  Williamsburg, 
Annapolis  and  Philadelphia,  where  our  rum  stores  are, 
and  that  although  we  brought  up  a  good  quantity  with 
us,  you  have  almost  drank  it  out;  but  notwithstanding 
this,  \ve  have  enough  left  to  fill  our  English  glasses,  and 
will  show  you  the  difference  between  the  narrowness  of 
the  French  and  the  generosity  of  the  English  towards 
you." 

To  this  the  Indians  gave  five  "Yo-hahs."  The  Gov 
ernor  and  commissioners  called  for  some  rum  and  some 


THE  LANCASTER  TREATY.  121 

middle-sized  wine  glasses.  They  all  drank  to  the  health 
of  the  King  of  England  and  the  Six  Nations,  and  so 
ended  the  treaty  "by  three  loud  huzza's  in  which  all  the 
company  joined." 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
THE  IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY. 

Causes  for  Six  Nations'  Neutrality— Attitude  of  Col.  Johnson  and 
Conrad  Weiser— French  Overtures— Position  of  Six  Nations— Dif 
ficulties  besetting  Neutrality— Peter  Chartiers  divides  the  Shawan- 
ese— The  Shawanese  apologize— The  Shawanese  reprimanded  by 
Pennsylvania— Renewed  Efforts  toward  a  Catawba  Peace— Weiser 
again  attempts  to  make  Peace  between  the  Northern  and  Southern 
Indians— Weiser's  Letter— Weiser  befriends  Shikcllimy— Weiser 
goes  to  Onandago— Weiser  reports  his  Interview  with  the  Indians 
—Instructions  for  the  Albany  Conference,  1745 — Pennsylvania 
objects  to  a  Union  of  the  Colonies— Pennsylvania  compelled  to 
treats  with  the  Indians  after  the  Conference  adjourns— The  Indians 
foil  the  Instructions  of  the  Commissioners — Differences  between 
the  Governor  and  the  Assembly— Governor  Thomas  resigns— The 
Mohawks  join  the  English— -The  Friends  oppose  the  use  of  Indian 
Allies  in  War— Weiser  begins  to  oppose  Neutrality— Weiser 
criticises  the  White  Man's  Indian  Policy— John  Kinsey  and  the 
Pennsylvania  Assembly  champion  Iroquois  Neutrality— Reasons 
given  by  the  Iroquois  and  the  Friends  for  Neutrality — Neutrality 
increases  the  Indian  Trade  in  Pennsylvania. 

AFTER  the  Lancaster  treaty  the  Iroquois  journeyed 
leisurely  home  entertaining  a  very  good  opinion 
of  themselves.  They  felt  that  their  position,  geographic 
ally,  was  one  of  good  fortune.  The  English  had  paid 
well  for  their  friendship,  now  what  would  the  French  do? 
Father  Onontio,  the  Governor  of  Canada,  had  invited 
them  to  come  and  see  him.  They  would  go.  French 
presents  could  be  received  as  readily  as  those  of  the  Eng 
lish.  The  Iroquois  knew  their  strength.  Had  they  not 
been  courted  by  both  nations?  Let  it  continue.  The 
Indian  had  better  rest  securely  in  his  neutrality,  and  enjoy 
the  bounty  of  two  rival  nations.  Thus  reasoned  the  wise 
men  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  such  were  the  conclusions 


IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY.  123 

reached  at  the  great  "Council  Fires"  held  for  the  Con 
federation  at  Onondago. 

At  the  same  time  the  subtle  influence  of  the  French 
was  rapidly  gaining  headway  among  the  Senecas.  The 
persuasive  Col.  Johnson  of  New  York  was  as  steadily 
gaining  the  Mohawks  for  allies.  Alone  stood  Conrad 
Weiser  holding  the  Indian  policy  of  Virginia  and  Penn 
sylvania  in  his  hand,  and  urging  neutrality.  During  four 
years  this  struggle  went  on,  often  threatening  to  split 
the  ancient  confederacy  of  the  Six  Nations  to  fragments. 

At  Lancaster  the  Iroquois  deputies  had  promised  to 
inform  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  of  the  movements 
of  the  French.  This  they  did  faithfully.  Scarcely  two 
months  after  the  treaty,  word  came  through  Shikellimy 
and  Conrad  Weiser  that  the  Governor  of  Canada  had  sent 
an  embassy  to  the  Onondagos  to  condole  with  them  on 
the  recent  death  of  one  of  their  chiefs.  This  embassy 
advised  the  Indians  to  remain  neutral  during  the  war, 
and  the  French  would  soon  destroy  the  English.  Onontio 
would  see  that  the  Indians  had  all  the  powder  and  lead 
they  needed,  and  since  the  cowardly  English  traders  at 
Oswego  had  run  away  he  would  take  the  trading  station 
at  that  place  under  his  care,  and  furnish  the  Indians  all 
the  goods  they  needed  at  very  low  prices. 

Shikellimy  then  informed  Weiser  that  the  Council  of 
the  Six  Nations  had  decided  to  send  word  to  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Canada  that  the  Iroquois  did  not  approve  of 
Onontio's  "intention  to  take  the  House  at  Oswego  to  him 
self,  which  could  not  be  done  without  bloodshed."  They 
declared  that  the  undertaking  was  fraught  with  danger, 
and  insinuated  that  the  French  were  mean  and  cowardly 
to  attack  the  English  "in  their  backs."  They  advised,  and 
the  Indian  councils  loved  to  give  advice,  that  Onontio 


124  CONRAD   WEISER. 

act  "more  honorably  as  becometh  a  warrior,  and  go 
around  by  sea  and  face  the  English."  With  much  pertin 
ence  the  Indians  asked  why  this  war  should  be  carried  on 
across  their  territory.  Why  could  not  the  French  and 
English  face  each  other  across  the  water,  why  should  the 
Indians  be  asked  to  take  sides  ?  It  was  the  Six  Nations' 
desire  to  remain  neutral,  and  why  could  they  not  be 
allowed  to  do  so?  In  this  effort  the  Indians  were  aided 
by  Conrad  Weiser,  and  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 
New  York  and  the  New  England  colonists  used  every 
effort  to  induce  the  Iroquois  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
against  the  French.  Virginia  and  the  South  clamored 
for  a  peace  between  the  Catawbas  and  the  Six  Nations. 
The  French  then  exerted  every  possible  influence  to 
induce  the  Indians  to  turn  against  the  English,  and  wher 
ever  this  was  not  popular  among  the  Indians  neutrality 
was  urged. 

This  struggle  of  the  Iroquois  for  neutrality  was  beset 
with  difficulties.  Division  was  already  shaking  the  Con 
federacy  to  its  foundations.  There  was  a  strong  French 
party  predominating  among  the  Senecas  and  western 
nations.  There  Avas  also  a  strong  English  party  predom 
inating  among  the  Mohawks  and  their  eastern  allies,  who 
under  the  influence  of  Col.  Johnson  and  the  New  Eng 
land  agents,  were  anxious  to  fight  the  French.  Then  the 
great  central  nation,  the  Onondagos,  flanked  by  the  Cayu- 
gas  and  the  Oneidas,  listened  to  the  voice  of  Conrad 
Weiser  and  tried  to  follow  a  neutral  course.  Their  path 
was,  however,  beset  with  difficulties. 

The  neutral  nations  were  held  responsible  for  the  acts 
of  the  allies  of  the  entire  Confederacy.  Peter  Chartiers, 
a -half-breed,  and  a  trader  among  the  Shawanese,  came 
under  French  influence.  He  persuaded  his  people  to 


IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY.  125 

remove  from  the  Allegheny  River  and  come  nearer  the 
French  forts  on  the  Mississippi.  The  Iroquois  forbade 
this.  As  a  result  Chartiers  caused  a  division  among  the 
Shawanese,  and  a  portion  of  them  joined  the  French. 
Then  rumors  of  Indian  raids  upon  the  frontiers  of  Penn 
sylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia  were  in  everybody's 
mouth.  Governor  Thomas  directed  Conrad  Weiser  "to 
employ  some  of  the  Delaware  Indians  at  Shamokin  as 
scouts  to  watch  the  enemies'  motions,  and  to  engage  the 
whole  body  of  Indians  there,  and  to  harass  them  in  their 
march,  in  case  they  should  attempt  anything  against  us, 
and  afterwards  to  join  our  remote  inhabitants  for  their 
mutual  defence,"* 

Beyond  injuring  a  few  traders,  Chartiers  did  no  mis 
chief  in  Pennsylvania.  Scaroyady,  an  Oneida  chief, 
was  put  in  control  of  the  Shawanese  affairs  by  the  Onon- 
dago  Council.  Before  the  war  was  over  Chartiers  found 
his  party  uncomfortably  in  the  minority.  Under  the 
subtle  influence  of  Scaroyady  a  large  number  of  the 
disaffected  Shawanese  deserted  Chartiers  and  came  back 
under  the  Iroquois  dominion. 

In  less  than  three  years  they  apologized  to  Pennsyl 
vania  for  their  actions,  saying :  "We  have  been  misled, 
and  have  carried  on  a  private  correspondence  with  the 
French  without  letting  you  or  our  brethren,  the  English, 
know  of  it.  We  traveled  secretly  through  the  bushes  to 
Canada,  and  the  French  promised  us  great  things,  but  we 
find  ourselves  deceived.  We  are  sorry  that  we  had  any 
thing  to  do  with  them.  We  now  find  that  we  could  not 
see,  altho'  the  sun  did  shine,  we  earnestly  desire  that 
you  would  intercede  with  our  brethren,  the  English,  for 
us,  who  are  left  in  Ohio,  that  we  may  be  permitted  to  be 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  6. 


126 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


restored  to  the  chain  of  friendship,  and  be  looked  upon  as 
heretofore  the  same  flesh  with  them."§ 

Conrad  Weiser  was  consulted  as  to  the  sincerity  of  the 
Shawanese   and   their   statements.      Weiser   had   always 
been  outspoken  in  his  contempt  for  these  Indians.     He 
had  often  asserted  that  they  were  renowned   for  their 
treachery.       Governor  Thomas,   who   reflected   Weiser's 
opinions  of  the  Shawanese,  expressed  himself  in  his  mes 
sage  to  the    Assembly    in    no    mild    terms.     Just  what 
Weiser  said  on  this  occasion  does  not  appear,  but  doubt 
less  his  views  shaped  the  policy  of  the  commissioners  at 
Lancaster  (1748),  who  severely  reprimanded  the  Shaw 
anese  for  their  conduct.     Then  Taming  Buck,  a  Shaw 
anese  chief,  in  reply  to  the  reprimand  said,    "we  .... 
are  sensible  of  our  ungrateful  returns  for  the  many  favors 
we  have  been  all  along  receiving  from  our  brethren,  the 
English."  ....    We   "came   along   the   road   with   our 
eyes  looking  down  to  the  earth,  and  have  not  taken  them 
from  thence  until  this  morning,  when  you  were  pleased 
to  chastize  us  and  then  pardon  us.     \Ve  have  been  a  fool 
ish  people  and  acted  wrong,  altho'  the  sun  shone  bright 
and  showed  us  very  clearly  what  was  our  duty.     We  are 
sorry  for  what  we  have  done,  and  promise  better  behavior 
in  the  future.     We  produce  to  you  a  certificate  of  the 
renewal  of  our  friendship  in  the  year  1739,  by  the  Pro 
prietor  and  Governor.     Be  pleased  to  sign  it  afresh,  that 
it  may  appear  to  the  world  we  are  now  admitted  into  your 
friendship,  and  all  former  crimes  are  buried  and  entirely 
forgot."* 

This  request  of  the  Shawanese  was  rejected.     The 
commissioners  refused  to  sign  the  certificate.    The  Shaw- 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  311. 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  315,  316. 


IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY.  127 

anese  were  told  that  it  was  sufficient  for  them  to  know 
that  they  were  forgiven,  on  condition  of  future  good 
behavior,  and  when  that  condition  was  performed  it 
would  be  time  enough  to  sign  treaties  of  friendship. 
Whether  Conrad  Weiser  advised  this  course  or  not  is 
uncertain.  He  could  at  least  have  prevented  it,  and 
induced  Pennsylvania  to  make  a  valuable  peace  with  the 
Shawanese,  now  when  they  were  so  humble.  The  French 
would  have  eagerly  seized  such  an  opportunity  and  made 
the  most  of  it.  With  colonial  short-sightedness  Pennsyl 
vania  looked  upon  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  as  some 
thing  permanent.  Indian  concessions  were,  therefore,  no 
longer  a  necessity.  While  other  tribes  received  presents 
at  Lancaster  in  1/48  the  Shawanese  merely  had  their 
guns  and  hatchets  mended.  The  Iroquois  had  kept  their 
pledges  made  in  1744,  and  the  haughty  Shawanese  were 
brought  to  their  knees  before  the  English.  They  went 
away  from  the  treaty  in  disgrace.  And  after  the  man 
ner  of  Indians  brooded  long  over  such  treatment.  In 
this  affair  Conrad  Weiser  again  permitted  seed  to  be  sown 
which  in  a  few  short  years  led  the  Shawanese  into  a 
French  alliance  and  steeped  western  Pennsylvania  in 
blood. 

When  the  news  reached  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia 
in  the  autumn  of  1744  that  Peter  Chartiers  had  led  a 
party  of  the  Shawanese  to  join  the  French,  it  was  believed 
that  the  Catawba  Indians  were  at  the  bottom  of  it. 
Indeed,  it  was  feared  that  unless  the  long-projected  peace 
between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Catawbas  could  be  consum 
mated,  the  entire  Muskokee  confederation  would  join  the 
French,  thus  exposing  the  whole  southern  frontier  to 
Indian  outrages.  As  a  result  renewed  efforts  were  made 
by  Virginia  and  Carolina  to  bring  about  the  much-desired 


128  CONRAD  WEISER. 

Iroquois  peace.  Although  the  Six  Nations  at  the  Lan 
caster  treaty  of  1744  declared  that  such  a  treaty  was 
impossible,  and  although  the  mountains  were  alive  with 
their  war  parties  during  the  autumn  of  1744,  so  great 
was  Governor  Gooch's  faith  in  the  influence  of  Conrad 
Weiser,  that  he  wrote  to  Governor  Thomas  in  November, 
1744,  enclosing  the  result  of  his  efforts  with  the  Catawba 
Indians  during  the  summer.  The  Catawbas  declared  that 
such  a  peace  would  be  highly  desirable.  They  had  faith 
fully  followed  the  advice  of  Governor  Gooch,  and  had  not 
permitted  one  of  their  men  to  go  to  war  with  the  Iro 
quois,  "for  these  four  years  last  past,"  they  said,  "though 
notwithstanding  they,  the  Six  Nations,  are  constantly 
upon  us,  and  have  killed  forty  odd  lately.  We  would  be 
willing  to  send  deputies  to  treat  with  the  Six  Nations  if 
wre  knew  that  they  would  be  kindly  received,  but  we 
remember  that  we  treacherously  killed  a  party  of  the  Six 
Nations'  deputies  a  few  years  ago,  how  then  would  it  be 
possible  for  us  now  to  send  deputies  to  the  Iroquois  in 
safety?  We  have  already  sent  our  belt  and  other  tokens 
to  the  Six  Nations  by  \vay  of  the  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  and  have  never  yet  received  any  answer  or 
token  from  them  other  than  constant  war.  We  desire 
that  a  letter  may  be  written  to  Conrad  Weiser,  instruct 
ing  him  to  get  a  letter  from  the  Six  Nations  signed  by 
their  own  hands,  with  tokens  also,  as  we  have  already 
done  before,  and  to  recall  their  warriors  that  no  more 
hostilities  may  be  committed.  We  earnestly  desire  that 
a  peace  may  be  concluded,  and  that  Conrad  Weiser  may 
assure  the  Six  Nations,  that  if  they  will  send  their  depu 
ties  to  us  with  a  messenger,  we  will  receive  them  with 
brotherly  love  in  our  arms;  and  we  also  desire  that  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  will  take  all  proper  measures 


IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY.  I2Q 

for  the  concluding  of  a  peace,  which  we  do  assure  you 
will  be  greatly  to  our  satisfaction.  We  expect  to  know 
by  the  spring  of  the  year  the  result  of  this  matter,  and  till 
then  shall  rest  satisfied. 

"His  X  mark,. 

"Signed  by  the  King  of  the  Catawbas. 
"October,  1744." 

Governor  Gooch  placed  this  affair  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  Governor  Thomas,  of  Pennsylvania,  saying,  "If  you 
had  not  the  management  of  this  affair"  I  "should  appre 
hend  great  difficulty  in  prevailing  with  the  Six  Nations 
to  accept  their  offer,  but  when  I  consider  the  address  of 
the  person§  it  is  submitted  to,  all  suspicions"  (apprehen 
sion)  "vanish.  Whatever  expense  you  are  at  on  this 
occasion,  shall  be  thankfully  repaid  by, 

"Sir, 
"your  most  obed't  & 

"humb.   Serv't, 
"WILL.  GOOCH."* 

Governor  Thomas  recommended  to  the  Assembly  that 
Conrad  Weiser  be  sent  to  Onondago  to  see  if  it  were  pos 
sible  to  bring  about  a  peace.  The  Assembly  favored  the 
suggestion,  and  offered  to  defray  such  necessary  expenses 
as  Virginia  did  not  meet.  The  Governor's  letter  to  Weiser 
asking  him  to  go  to  Onondago  arrived  while  Court  was 
in  session  at  Lancaster.  To  go  into  the  heart  of  the 
Iroquois  country  during  the  war,  when  French  intrigue 
was  working  among  the  Indians,  was  a  dangerous  thing 
to  do.  The  proposal  to  bring  about  a  peace  at  this  time 

§Conrad  Weiser. 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  pp.  663,  664. 


13°  CONRAD  WEISER. 

was  a  proposition  that  none  but  Conrad  Weiser  would  for 
a  moment  have  entertained.  He  postponed  his  reply  to 
the  Governor's  letter  until  Court  adjourned  and  he  could 
go  home  and  consider  it  in  the  quiet. 

On  the  loth  of  February,  1745,  he  sent  his  reply  to 
Secretary  Peters,  saying:  "I  shall  never  be  wanting  in 
your  Honour's  service  whatever  may  be  required  of  me 
that  tends  to  the  Honour  of  your  Government,  and  the 
good  of  the  Public,  and  am  very  willing  to  undertake  a 
journey  to  Ononclago  in  the  spring,  to  put  the  finishing 
hand  in  behalf  of  Onas,  to  so  good  a  work,  and  I  do  not 
doubt  of  success,  if  what  is  said  by  the  Catawba  King  be 
no  deceit,  which  I  fear  it  is.  My  reasons  are  thus.  The 
Catawbas  are  known  to  be  a  very  proud  people,  and  have, 
at  several  treaties  they  had  with  the  Cherokees,  used  high 
expressions  and  thought  themselves  stout  warriors  for 
having  deceived"  the  leader  of  the  Iroquois  deputies.  "I 
should  have  been  better  pleased  to  see  the  said  King's 
name  with  some  of  his  countrymen's  signed  to  the  letter 
they  sent  to  Governor  Gooch,  some  of  that  nation's  names 
are  known  to  the  Six  Nations,  the  Interpreter  should  also 
heve  signed.  Most  Indian  interpreters  are  traders,  and 
people  not  to  be  depended  on.  However  I  ought  to  leave 
this  to  Gov.  Gooch.  The  Catawbas  are  also  known  to  be 
an  irregular  people ;  they  have  no  counsel ;  the  richest  or 
greatest  among"  [them]  "calls  himself  a  King  with  the 
consent  of  his  brothers,  cousins,  and  proves  often  the 
greatest  full;"  (fool)  "acts  all  what  he  does  as  an  arbi 
trator,  the  rest  don't  mind  him,  and  after  all  sends  him  to 
the  grave  with  a  broken  head.  This  is  what  those  who 
were  prisoners  among  them  all  agree.  If  that  one  article 
is  true  with  them,  that  they  will  own  that  they  treacher 
ously  murdered  Garontowano  and  some  of  his  men,  a 


IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY.  13! 

peace  no  doubt  will  be  made  between  those  poor  wretches. 
I  shall  soon  go  up  to  Shamokin  to  see  Shickellimy,  and 
shall  then  have  an  opportunity  to  talk  a  great  deal  with 
Shickelimy,  and  if  he  seems  inclined  for  peace,  I  will  let 
him  know  of  Governor  Gooch's  request  to  your  Honor, 
otherwise  not,  and  will  on  my  return  from  Shamokin 
wait  upon  your  Honor  to  receive  the  necessary  instruc 
tions.  I  should  be  well  pleased  if  the  Six  Nations  would 
make  Williamsburg  the  place  of  Congress,  but  question 
very  much,  whether  they  will  not  think  of  given  up  too 
much,  or  submit  so  much  to  the  Catawbas,  they  the  Six 
Nations  will  refuse  at  once,  and  therefore  that  point  must 
be  given  up,  your  Honour  said  enough  about  that  in  the 
letter;  as  for  a  third  place,  I  shall  be  more  able  to  give 
my  sentiments  about  that  when  I  return  from 
Shamokin."*  Then  Weiser  soliloquizes  about  the  prob 
able  dangers  of  a  trip  to  Onondago  at  that  time.  "I  shall 
hardly  meet  any  Frenchman"  who  "can  hurt  me,  and  if 
there  are  more  I  think  they  will  have  more  to  fear  from 
me  than  I  from  them.  The  Counsel  of  the  Six  Nations 
have  always  looked  upon  me  as  their  friend,  and  one  of 
their  own  nation.  It  will  be  dangerous  for  a  few  French 
man  to  meddle  with  me  amongst  the  Indians,  they  will 
soon  find  their  mistakes."  Weiser  then  says  that  he  has 
much  more  to  fear  from  a  family  of  white  people  living 
in  his  own  valley.  He  declares  that  the  Heans  "are  worse 
than  any  French  and  Indians,  and  I  do  not  know  yet 
whether  my  wife  and  children,  will  be  so  far  out  of  fear 
that  I  can  leave  them,  the  Heans  has  still  their  friends,  as 
they  had  this  twenty  years,  othefways  not  one  soul  of  the 
family  would  in  this  day  be  in  the  Province,  or  if  they  had 
had  their  due,  they  would  have  ben  out  of  the  world.  I 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  pp.  671,  672. 


132  CONRAD  WEISER. 

do  not  know  how  to  do,  the  whole  neighborhood  is  afraid 
of  them,  and  the  many  felonies  they  have  committed,  and 
hitherto  escaped  punishment  will  be  sufficient  cause  for 
several  good  families  to  move  to  some  other  place.  I  did 
expect  at  least  that  they  would  all  be  bound  to  stay  in  their 
own  houses  in  time  of  night,  and  behave  well  in  all 
respects,  but  I  find  their  time  is  not  yet  come."  The 
Governor  evidently  took  this  matter  of  the  Heans  in 
charge,  for  Weiser  writes  thanking  the  Governor  for 
interesting  himself  in  the  misfortunes  "that  threatened 
me  and  my  family."  The  introduction  of  these  things 
indicate  Weiser's  reluctance  to  go  to  Onondago  while  the 
war  was  in  progress.  "As  for  the  time  to  set  out,"  he 
says,  "I  think  it  almost  impracticable  before  the  middle  of 
May,  because  for  the  creeks,  and  for  food  in  the  woods 
for  horses,  and  the  southern  Indians  cannot  expect  an 
answer  in  their  own  towns  before  the  latter  end  of  August 
next,  if  everything  goes  well ;  I  should  have  liked  it  much 
better,  if  they  had  sent  two  or  three  old  men  as  deputies, 
I  would  have  travelled  with  them  to  the  Mohawk's  Coun 
try  by  way  of  Albany,  and  having  got  the  opinions  of  the 
counsels  of  the  Mohawks,  I  would  have  acted  accordingly 
without  any  danger  to  the  Catabaws ;  I  intend  to  go  round 
by  Albany  now  if  I  do  go."  Since  the  Mohawks  were 
avowedly  in  the  English  interests  it  was  quite  clear  in 
Conrad  Weiser's  mind  that  Albany  would  offer  the  safest 
route  into  the  Onondago  country. 

Weiser  fully  realized  that  Shikellimy  was  the  door 
into  the  secrets  of  the  Onondago  Council,  and  if  com 
munications  were  to  be  l&pt  open  during  the  winter  some 
thing  must  be  done  for  the  faithful  old  Indian.  Early 
in  the  Winter  Weiser  had  sent  his  son  Sammie  to  Vir 
ginia,  after  one  of  his  honest  debtors.  On  the  way  he 


THE   IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE   FOR   NEUTRALITY.         133 

met  several  Iroquois  Indians  returning  from  their  raids 
against  the    Catawbas,    who    told    him    that    "Unhappy 
Jake,"  one  of  Shikellimy's  sons,  had  been  killed  in  an 
engagement  with  the  Catawbas.     For  this  reason  Weiser 
was  doubtful  about  the  prospect  of  a  peace  between  the 
Northern  and  Southern  Indians.     He  also  felt  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  Province  to  send  some  tribute  or  offering 
to  wipe  away  old  Shikellimy's  tears.      Such  a  present, 
Weiser  suggested  "would  not  only  be  satisfactory  to  Shi- 
kellimy,  but  very  agreeable  and  pleasing  to  the  council 
of  said  nation;  and,  consequently,  some  little  service  done 
to  ourselves."     In  a  postscript  Weiser  adds :     "It  is  cus 
tomary  with  the  Indians  that  let  what  will  happen,  the 
chiefs  or  people  in  trust  with  them,  don't  stir  to  do  any 
service  or  business  to  the  public,  when  they  are  in  mourn 
ing,  till  they  have  in  a  manner,  a  new  commission  as 
before  said,  in  being  fetched  out  of  mourning  and  invested 
with  new  courage  and  dispositions."" 

The  Governor  evidently  sent  Weiser  instructions  to 
procure  a  present  for  Shikellimy,  since  under  date  of 
February  n,  1745,  Weiser  writes  to  Richard  Peters: 
"I  could  get  no  goods  in  Lancaster  fit  for  anything,  .... 
have  therefore  sent  my  son  to  Philadelphia  to  purchase 
from  Mr.  Shippen,  if  you  wish  you  may  change  the 
order."  It  would  appear  that  the  Governor  had  changed 
the  order  to  three  pieces  of  strouds  instead  of  three  match 
coats.  Weiser  writes,  "I  think  it  would  be  extravagant 
to  give  it  all  to  Shikellimy,  I  intend  to  set  out  for 
Shamokin  the  25th  of  this  instant,  and  shall  take  but  three 
match  coats  and  one  half  duzend  of  silk  handkercher, 
and  leave  the  rest  until  I  receive  orders  from  you  what 
to  do  with.  I  think  there  must  be  a  mistake,  hope  it  is  not 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  666. 


J34  CONRAD  WEISER. 

in  my  order." §  Weiser  saw  to  it  that  every  possible 
attention  was  paid  to  Shikellimy.  Three  years  before  he 
recommended  the  Moravian  missionaries  to  establish  a 
free  smithshop  at  Shamokin,  and  continually  urged  the 
building  of  a  house  for  Shikellimy.  Shortly  after  the 
Lancaster  treaty  of  1744,  Shikellimy,  doubtless  following 
the  suggestion  of  Conrad  Weiser,  took  from  his  recently 
acquired  means  and  employed  eight  men,  Germans,  under 
the  direction  of  Weiser  to  build  a  house  for  him.  Conrad 
says  they  were  seventeen  days  building  "a  locke  house," 
which  was  "49^2  foot  long  and  iyl/2  wide,  and  covered 
with  shingles."* 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  1745,  Conrad  Weiser, 
Andrew  Montour,  Shikellimy  and  his  son  set  out  for 
Onondago.  At  Tioga  a  messenger  was  sent  ahead  to 
apprise  the  Red  Men  of  their  coming.  Indians  from  all 
the  nations  except  the  Mohawks  assembled  in  great  num 
bers  to  hear  what  Conrad  Weiser  had  to  say.  It  appears 
that  there  was  a  general  stir  among  the  natives  since  they 
were  arranging  to  meet  at  Oswego  and  go  to  Canada  to 
hold  a  treaty  with  the  French  Governor.  They  would 
have  started  the  day  before  Weiser  arrived  if  his  mes 
senger  had  not  appeared.  Weiser  asked  the  Indians  how 
such  proceedings  comported  with  their  promises  made  at 
Lancaster  the  year  before.  They  told  him  that  they  knew 
perfectly  well  what  they  were  doing.  We  know,  they 
said,  that  "the  French  Governor  of  Canada  will  try  to 
gain  upon  us  ....  the  French  are  known  to  be  a  crafty 
people  .  .  .  but  it  will  be  in  vain  for  him,  as  we  have  already 
agreed  what  to  say  to  him  and  will  not  go  from  it."|| 

§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  673. 
*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  661. 
|!Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  p.  778. 


THE   IROQUOIS  STRUGGLE  FOR   NEUTRALITY.         135 

Weiser    delivered     the     Catawbas'    message,    substitut 
ing  Williamsburg  as  the  place  of   meeting,   instead  of 
a  town  among  the  Southern  Indians,  knowing  full  well 
that  any   such   suggestion  would  be  resented  by  them. 
He    apologized    for    the    past    conduct    of    the    Cataw 
bas  as  best  he  could,  and  urged  the  Indians  to  send  depu 
ties  for  the  sake  of  Assaryquoa  and  Onas,  if  for  no  other 
reason.     The  Indians  through  the  Black   Prince,   their 
speaker,  replied  that  no  council  fire  had  ever  been  kindled 
at  Williamsburg,  but  they  would  be  willing  to  send  depu- 
•  ties  to  Philadelphia.     And  then  with  characteristic  In> 
quois  caution  declined  to  send  them  this  summer,  offering 
many  excuses,  and  promising  to  send  them  next  summer 
(1746).     The  Indians  were  very  much  incensed  at  the 
reported  conduct  of  Peter  Chartiers,  and  asked  why  Onas 
did  not  declare  war  against  him  at  once.       "After  the 
council  was  over,"  says  Weiser,  "the  Black  Prince  invited 
all  the  deputies  and  the  chiefs  of  Onondago,  myself  and 
company,  to  a  dinner;  we  all  went  directly  to  his  house; 
he  entertained  us  plentifully  with  hominy,  dried  venison 
and  fish,  and  after  dinner  we  were  served  with  a  dram 
round."*       While  at  dinner  Wreiser  learned  from  their 
conversation  that  a  large  number  were  in  favor  of  a  war 
with  the  Shawanese,  and  peace  with  the  Catawbas.     He 
also   learned   from   an   old   sachem   in   confidential   con 
versation  that  the  Six  Nations  deemed  it  to  their  best 
interests    to    maintain    a    strict    neutrality    between    the 
French  and  the  English,  "and  therefore  would  not  join 
with  either  nation  in  the  war,  unless  compelled  to  it  for 
their  own  preservation.     That  hitherto  from  their  situa 
tion  and  alliances,  they  had  been  courted  by  both,  but 
should  either  prevail  so  far  as  to  drive  the  other  out  of 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  781,  782. 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


the  country  they  (the  Indians)  should  be  no  longer  con 
sidered.  Presents  would  be  no  longer  made  to  them,  and 
in  the  end  they  should  be  obliged  to  submit  to  such  laws 
as  the  conquerors  should  think  fit  to  impose  on  them." 

When  Weiser  reported  this  to  Governor  Thomas,  a 
message  was  promptly  sent  to  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly, 
quoting  this  part  of  Weiser's  report,  and  calling  attention 
to  the  fact  that  the  Iroquois  had  received  a  belt  of  wam 
pum  from  the  French  Governor,  upon  which  was  wrought 
the  figure  of  a  hatchet.  Since  the  Indians  received  this, 
Governor  Thomas  looked  upon  the  act  with  suspicion, 
"and  by  no  means  a  good  omen  to  us.  There  is  but  one 
probable  means  of  securing  them,"  continued  the  Gov 
ernor,  "and  that  is  to  persuade  them  by  out-bidding  the 
enemy  to  an  open  declaration  for  us:  money,  notwith 
standing  their  reasoning,  having  always  been  the  prevail 
ing  argument  with  them.  Should  the  present  opportunity 
be  lost,  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that  the  intrigue  of  the 
French  in  the  ensuing  winter  will  seduce,  and  entirely 
alienate  them  from  us.  But  supposing  the  best  of  them, 
that  their  inclinations  are  with  us,  and  that  they  are 
resolved  to  preserve  a  neutrality,  if  their  allies  break  it 
and  take  up  the  hatchet  against  us,  they"  (the  Iroquois) 
"must  either  join  them"  (the  allies)  "or  fly  to  us  for  pro 
tection,  which  can  in  no  way  be  so  effectually  secured  to 
them  as  by  an  union  of  all  the  British  northern  colonies 
for  that  purpose.  This  is  a  matter  which  very  nearly 
concerns  the  quiet  and  safety  of  the  people  of  Pennsyl 
vania  and  as  such  I  recommend  it  to  your  most  serious 
consideration.  "§ 

The     difficulties    which  beset    the    Iroquois    in    their 
remarkable    struggle    for    neutrality,    and    the    dangers 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  772,  773. 


THE   IROQUOIS   STRUGGLE   FOR    NEUTRALITY.         137 

threatening  the  colonies  should  the  Six  Nations  join  the 
French,  led  to  Governor  Thomas'  suggestion,  the  execu 
tion  of  which  was  not  attempted  until  the  great  Albany 
conference  of  1754.  The  Assembly  approved  the  Gover 
nor's  suggestions,  and  expressed  regrets  that  his  health 
was  such  as  to  prevent  him  from  attending  the  treaty  at 
Albany.  It  also  approved  the  choice  of  commissioners, 
especially  since  two  out  of  the  three  were  members  of  the 
Assembly.  This  treaty  was  to  be  held  in  October,  1745, 
at  Albany.  The  Pennsylvania  commissioners  were 
instructed  to  treat  either  jointly  with  New  York  or  sepa 
rately,  "as  you  shall  judge  most  for  the  honor  and  inter 
est  of  the  Government  you  represent,  taking  especial  care 
that  you  do  not  suffer  the  least  diminution  of  either  in  the 
course  of  the  treaty.  You  are,  by  the  Province  inter 
preter,  Mr.  Weiser,  who  is  ordered  to  attend  you,  to 
inquire  by  all  private  ways  and  means  :— 

1.  Into  the  truth  of  the  Iroquois  conference  at  Mon 
treal. 

2.  You  are    to    demand    satisfaction    from    the  Six 
Nations  for  all  goods  plundered  from  our  traders  by  the 
Shawanese  under  Peter  Chartiers. 

3.  You  are  to  make  the  Iroquois  aware  that  such  rob 
bery  is  a  clear  breach  of  former  treaties, — but  you  are 
at  the  same  time  to  be  very  careful  not  to  do  or  say  any 
thing  that  may  impeach  the  title  of  the  Honorable  Pro 
prietors  of  this  Province  to  the  lands  upon  Ohio  by  virtue 
of  the  Royal  Grant  to  them  made. 

4.  You  are  to  expostulate  very  freely  with  the  Six 
Nations  over  their    breach    of    faith    made    to    Conrad 
Weiser  last  spring  when  they  promised  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  with  the  Catawbas  until  the  deputies  should 
meet  in  Philadelphia  next  spring,  now  they  have  allowed 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


their    warriors    to    go    against    the    Catawbas.     This  is 
treachery,  and  you  are  to  tell  them  so. 

5.  You  are  to  show  a  disinclination  to  believe  any 
Iroquois  stories  about  Catawba  treachery,  and  unless  the 
Six  Nations  are  willing  to  give  security  for  future  good 
behavior  you  are  to  threaten  a  withdrawal  of  mediation 
offered  by  the  King's  government  in  America. 

6.  If  this  security  is  offered  as  effectually  as  the  cir 
cumstances  of  these  people  will  admit.    You  are  to  renew 
the  offer  of  mediation  in  my  behalf  at  Philadelphia  next 
spring. 

7.  You  -are  to  show  them  that  their  receiving  a  belt 
of  wampum  from  the  French  is  looked  upon  by  us  as  an 
act  of  hostility. 

8.  You  are  to  remind  them  of  the  long  friendship 
existing  between  them  and  the  English  and  recount  to 
them  the  many  favors  shown  them  by  the  English. 

9.  You  are  to  persuade  them  into  a  continuance  of  our 
former   friendship,   and  if  you  find  them  cordially  dis 
posed  to  it,  and  can  have  any  dependence  upon  their  sin 
cerity,  you  are  to  present  them  with  the  two  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  voted  by  the  Assembly  in  such  goods  as  you 
shall  think  most  acceptable  to  them. 

10.  You  would  be  further  instructed,  were  I  at  liberty 
to  act  upon  my  own  judgment,"  [and  here  is  the  only  point 
in  which  the  Governor's  Indian  policy  differed  from  that 
of  the  Assembly]  "to  join  with  the  Government  of  New 
York  in  urging  the  United  Nations  to  an  open  declaration 
against  the  French,  and  in  promising  them  in  that  case 
an  aid  of  men,  arms  and  ammunition  for  their  defence."* 

John  Kinsey,  Speaker  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly, 
and  a  prominent  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  was 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  IV.,  pp.  776,  777. 


THE   IROQU01S   STRUGGLE   FOR   NEUTRALITY.          139 

the  leading  spirit  among  the  commissioners  who  met  at 
Albany  in  October,  1745.  Here  were  assembled  the  Gov 
ernor  of  New  York,  and  commissioners  from  Massa 
chusetts  and  Connecticut,  and  four  hundred  and  sixty 
Indians  representing  five  of  the  six  united  nations.  There 
were  none  of  the  Senecas  present ;  they  having  sent  \vord 
that  it  was  a  time  of  great  sickness  and  mortality  among 
them.  To  what  extent  this  report  was  true  is  not  known, 
but  since  the  French  influence  was  strongest  among  the 
Senecas,  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  French  restrained 
them  from  attending  the  Albany  treaty.  The  Pennsyl 
vania  deputies  with  Conrad  Weiser  rode  on  horse-back 
across  New  Jersey  to  Elizabethtown,  and  took  a  boat 
there  for  New  York  where  a  sloop  carried  them  to 
Albany.  The  Governor  of  New  York  received  them 
kindly  and  took  a  copy  of  their  instructions.  A  confer 
ence  was  held  by  the  commissioners  of  the  States  repre 
sented  to  decide  whether  they  should  treat  jointly  or 
separately  with  the  Indians.  New  York,  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  favored  a  joint  treaty.  It  "would  show 
our  union,  and  consequently  have  greater  weight  with  the 
Indians." 

Pennsylvania  objected  to  a  joint  treaty  because  (i) 
it  would  take  time  to  prepare  an  address  which  all  could 
endorse;  (2)  it  would  necessarily  introduce  subjects  of 
no  concern  to  Pennsylvania;  (3)  since  the  New  Eng 
land  colonies  insisted  that  the  Six  Nations  should  declare 
war  against  the  French,  Pennsylvania  must  oppose  it 
until  the  Legislatures  of  the  colonies  could  be  consulted; 
(4)  an  Indian  war  would  be  injurious  to  all  the  colonies, 
as  it  would  be  the  means  of  drawing  open  hostilities  upon 
all  our  borders;  (5)  the  Six  Nations  wished  to  remain 
neutral,  the  Indians  were  not  disposed  to  fight  each  other, 


14°  CONRAD  WEISER. 

and  should  we  enlist  the  Six  Nations  on  the  English 
side,  we  might  expect  what  occurred  during  the  last  war, 
"when  the  Indians  of  the  opposite  parties  passed  each 
other  without  fighting  and  only  scalped  the  white  people"  ; 
(6)  if  we  induce  the  Six  Nations  to  declare  war  with  the 
French  we  must  provide  for  them.  This  cannot  be  done 
without  the  consent  of  our  colonial  assemblies,  and  not 
to  do  this  would  be  betraying  the  Indians.  How  do  we 
know  now  what  our  assemblies  may  do? 

The  Pennsylvania  objections  had  but  little  influence. 
The  other  colonies  were  determined  to  push  the  Six 
Nations  into  a  war  with  the  French.  Massachusetts  said 
it  was  unreasonable  that  the  entire  burden  of  the  war 
should  rest  on  one  province  while  the  others  remained 
neutral,  and  if  the  neutral  colonies  were  determined 
not  to  bear  their  share  of  the  war  expenses,  they 
should  not  use  influences  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  from 
becoming  allies  of  the  New  England  Provinces.  The 
attitude  of  New  England  tried  the  patience  of  long- 
suffering  New  York,  who,  while  incensed,  stood  along 
with  Pennsylvania  in  her  opposition  to  the  course 
taken  by  New  England.  New  York  insisted  that  New 
England  had  been  too  precipitate  in  her  declaration 
of  war,  and  the  other  governments  were  not  obliged  to 
follow  her  example.  Proper  provisions  were  not  yet  made 
for  a  war.  New  York  had  done  all  she  could  to  prepare 
for  such  an  event,  and  New  England  must  remember  that 
provinces  with  a  long  unprotected  frontier  should  not  be 
dragged  into  a  war  for  which  they  were  not  prepared. 
It  was  finally  decided  that  Pennsylvania  should  treat 
separately  with  the  Indians  after  the  business  of  the  other 
provinces  was  completed.  In  this  joint  conference  the 
Indians  were  given  to  understand  that  unless  they 


THE   IROQUOIS   STRUGGLE  FOR  NEUTRALITY.         14! 

declared  war  against  the  French,  the  English  would  con 
sider  it  an  unfriendly  act.  The  Indians  replied  that  they 
had  a  great  number  of  allies  and  it  would  be  necessary  to 
consult  them  before  coming  to  a  decision.  "We  will, 
therefore,  before  we  make  use  of  the  hatchet  against  the 
French  or  their  Indians  send  four  of  our  people,  who  are 
now  ready,  to  Canada,  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the 
wrongs  they  have  done  our  brethren";  (the  English) 
"and  if  they  refuse  to  make  satisfaction,  then  we  will  be 
ready  to  use  the  hatchet  against  them  whenever  our 
brother,  the  Governor  of  New  York,  orders  us  to  do  it."* 
The  Mohawk  influence  colored  this  reply.  The  Indians 
gained  time,  and  succeeded  in  putting  off  the  demands 
of  New  England  without  losing  their  standing  among 
the  English,  and  as  a  closing  stroke  to  their  negotiations 
they  presented  a  belt  of  wampum  to  New  York  and  the 
New  England  provinces  with  the  request  that  "you,  our 
brethren,  should  all  be  united  in  your  councils,"  and  of 
one  mind,  "and  if  anything  of  importance  is  to  be  com 
municated  to  us  by  any  of  you,  this  is  the  place  where  it 
should  be  done." 

After  the  treaty  had  concluded  and  the  Governor  of 
New  York  had  returned  to  New  York  city,  the  Pennsyl 
vania  commissioners  held  their  conference  with  the 
Indians,  pressing  the  points  set  forth  in  their  instructions 
from  Governor  Thomas.  The  Indians  listened  with  great 
deference  and  made  answer  as  follows :  "Our  going  to 
Montreal  was  at  the  invitation  of  the  Governor  of  Can 
ada  we  told  him  that  formerly  we  had  inconsid 
erately  engaged  in  wars,  but  that  we  looked  upon  this  war 
between  the  English  and  French  only,  and  did  not  intend 
to  engage  on  either  side ;  for  that  the  French  and  English 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  18. 


J42  CONRAD  WEISER. 

made  war  and  made  peace  at  pleasure,  but  when  the 
Indians  engaged  in  wars  they  knew  not  when  it  would 
end.  We  also  told  the  French,  that  they  knew,  and  all 
the  world  knew,  the  countries  on  which  we  were  settled, 
and  particularly  the  Lakes  were  ours;  and,  therefore,  if 
they  would  fight  our  brethren,  the  English,  they  ought 
to  fight  on  the  salt  water,  and  that  they  must  not  come 
over  our  land  to  disturb  them,  or  to  obstruct  the  trade 
at  Oswego;  that  they,  the  French,  had  two  trading 
houses  on  those  lakes,  with  which  they  ought  to  be  con 
tented.  The  Governor  of  Canada  promised  that  he 
would  do  this  unless  the  King  of  France,  his  master, 
ordered  otherwise. 

"News  having   arrived    that   the    English   had  taken 
Cape  Breton,  the  Canadian  Governor  called  all  the  Indians 
around  him,  his  allies  as  well  as  the  Iroquois  deputies, 
and   holding  in   his   hand  a   large  belt  of  wampum   in 
which  the  figure  of  a  hatchet  was  worked,  said,    'Chil 
dren,  you  who  are  my  allies  must  live  and  die  with  me, 
they  cannot  deny  me  assistance;  as  for  my  children  of 
the   Six   Nations,   I  know  you   love  your  brethren,   the 
English,   and,   therefore,   I  shall  not  say  much  to  you; 
perhaps   you   would   not   be  pleased   with   it.     But,  chil 
dren,'  said  he,  'should  know  their  duty  to  their  father.' 
Then  speaking  to  us  all  he  desired  such  who  loved  him 
to  go  with  him  and  assist  him  in  defending  Quebec ;  and 
that  those  who  went  with  him  need  not  take  anything 
with  them  save  their  tobacco  pouches ;  that  he  would  pro 
vide  guns,  pistols,  swords,  ammunition,  provisions,  and 
everything,  even  paint  to  paint  them;  and  thereupon  deliv 
ered  the  belt  to  the  interpreter,  who  threw  it  at  the  feet 
of  the  Indians  present,  some  of  whom  inconsiderately,  and 
without  any  consultation  first,  had  took  it  up  and  danced 


THE   IROQU01S   STRUGGLE   FOR   NEUTRALITY.         143 

the  war  dance ;  and  afterwards  divers  of  the  Indians  pres 
ent,  chiefly  the  praying  Indians,  went  with  the  French 
Governor  to  Quebec,  where  they  staid  eight  or  ten  days, 
but  no  notice  was  taken  of  them,  nor  any  arms  or  neces 
saries  so  much  as  a  knife  provided  for  them;  nor  were 
they  permitted  to  speak  to  the  Governor,  which  so  exas 
perated  the  praying  Indians  that  they  left  Quebec  and  are 
since  gone  against  their  common  enemies  to  the  south 
ward." 

This  frank  report  of  the  Montreal  conference  weak 
ened  the  commissioners'  determination  to  press  the  other 
provisions  in  their  instructions.  The  Indians  made  no 
satisfactory  explanation  about  the  Catawba  affair  or  Peter 
Chartier's  treatment  of  the  Pennsylvania  traders  other 
than  to  say,  "Your  traders  go  very  far  back  into  the 
country,  which  we  desire  may  not  be  done,  because  it  is 
the  road  of  the  French." 

The  probability  is  that  the  Pennsylvania  traders  trav 
eled  as  far  west  as  the  French  route  to  the  Mississippi 
River  via  Detroit  and  the  Wabash.  At  any  rate  the  resti 
tution  of  the  traders'  property  was  not  pressed,  and  the 
commissioners  seemed  satisfied  with  the  Iroquois  state 
ment  relative  to  the  war  raids  against  the  Catawbas  since 
they  promised  to  restrain  their  warriors.  "It  is  not  in  our 
power,"  they  said,  "to  restrain  our  warriors,  as  the  Eng 
lish  can  do,  until  peace  be  finally  concluded.  This  the 
Catawbas  know." 

The  Indians  were  told  that  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania  would  expect  a  full  answer  to  these  points  in  the 
spring.  They  were  then  feasted  on  a  pair  of  oxen  and 
some  beer,  and  were  told  that  "since  winter  was  approach 
ing  they  would  want  clothing  to  preserve  them  from  the 
cold,  and  powder  and  lead  to  acquire  their  livelihood  by 


144  CONRAD  WEISER. 

hunting,  we  therefore  provide  the  goods  which  now  lie 
before  you,  to  wit:  Four  half  bars  of  lead,  six  pieces  of 
strouds,  two  pieces  of  striped  blankets,  one  piece  of 
Shrewsbury  cotton,  eight  dozen  knives,  four  pieces  of 
Indian  blankets,  four  pieces  of  half  thicks."  It  is  not 
clear  how  this  present  would  cost  two  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  which  was  appropriated  by  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly  for  that  purpose.  The  Indians,  however,  knew 
nothing  of  this,  and  received  their  gift  with  grateful 
hearts.  They  held  a  short  conference  among  themselves, 
and  returned  thanking  the  commissioners  for  the  present, 
saying,  "We  are  poor,  and  have  little  to  return,  however, 
out  of  what  we  have  we  present  you  with  six  bundles  of 
skins  which  you  see.  These  we  desire  may  be  accepted 
as  a  token  of  our  affection."  It  would  appear  that  Penn 
sylvania's  influence  in  this  Albany  treaty  was  very  slight, 
yet  the  fact  that  Pennsylvania  warmly  supported  the 
neutrality  policy  of  the  Six  Nations  lent  them  strength 
in  their  hour  of  greatest  need. 

During  the  winter  of  174.5  and  1746  numerous  rumors 
were  afloat  that  the  Iroquois  were  about  to  revolt  and  join 
the  French.  Governor  Thomas  feared  that  the  young 
men  of  the  Six  Nations,  being  of  a  warlike  disposition 
could  not  be  restrained,  and  would  in  the  spring  join  the 
French,  and  that  the  old  men  would  wink  at  this,  until 
finally  the  entire  Confederacy  would  be  arrayed  against 
the  English.  Then  the  whole  frontier  would  be  exposed 
to  savage  depredations.  The  Governor  used  every  effort 
to  persuade  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  to  join  with 
New  York  and  the  New  England  colonies  in  a  general 
treaty  with  the  Iroquois  to  be  held  in  July,  1746.  Since 
the  majority  in  the  Assembly  was  composed  of  members 
of  the  Society  of  Friends,  that  body  was  opposed  to  the 


THE   IROQUOIS   STRUGGLE   FOR   NEUTRALITY.         145 

movement.  It  was  feared  that  the  purposes  of  such  a  con 
gress  was  "to  engage  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  in  the 
war  against  the  French,  and  to  join  in  the  expedition 
against  Canada.  If  so,"  said  the  Assembly  to  the  Gov 
ernor,  "our  uniting  with  the  other  governments  in  the 
congress  proposed  will  be  of  little  use,  since  it  cannot  be 
doubted  but  that  provision  is  made  to  defray  the  expense 
which  shall  arise  thereby  and  that  these  Indians  will  pay 
greater  regard  to  the  directions  of  the  Crown  than  to  the 
joint  request  of  all  the  colonies.  Besides  the  Governor 
must  be  sensible  that  men  of  our  peaceable  principles  can 
not  consistently  therewith  join  in  persuading  the  Indians 
to  engage  in  war.  If  it  be  thought  there  be  any  real 
danger  of  the  Indians  deserting  the  British  interest  and 
going  over  to  the  French,  and  that  to  preserve  them  steady 
in  their  friendship  further  presents  are  necessary  to  secure 
them  in  their  fidelity  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and 
amity  with  the  inhabitants  of  this  and  the  neighboring 
colonies,  and  the  Governor  can  think  his  health  and  busi 
ness  will  permit  his  negotiating  this  affair  in  person,  we 
shall  be  willing  to  pay  the  expense  to  arise  by  it. 

"JOHN  KINSEY,  Speaker. 
"4th  mon.,  24th,  1746."* 

While  these  things  were  pending  Governor  Thomas, 
whose  health  had  been  rapidly  failing  since  the  Lancaster 
treaty  of  1744,  resigned  and  Anthony  Palmer,  a  memoer 
of  the  Council,  agreed  to  serve  as  President  of  the  Council 
until  Pemrs  heirs  should  select  another  Governor.  In 
conducting  Indian  affairs  the  Assembly  and  Conrad 
Weiser  each  had  unlimited  confidence  in  the  ability  of 
Governor  Thomas,  and  after  his  departure  they  each 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V,,  p.  49- 


CONRAD  VVEISER. 


became  more  assertive  and    dictatorial    when    consulted 
upon  these  matters. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1747,  Colonel  Johnson,  the 
Indian  agent  for  the  Province  of  New  York,  assisted  by 
Mr.  John  Henry  Lydius,  induced  the  young  men  among 
the  Mohawks  and  several  straggling  tribes  in  that  vicinity 
"to  take  up  the  hatchet"  against  the  French.  To  what 
extent  these  two  men  and  the  Province  of  New  York 
equipped  these  Indians  for  war  is  not  known,  but  in  their 
behalf  Colonel  John  Stoddard  wrote  to  Governor  Shirley, 
of  Massachusetts,  setting  forth  the  necessity  of  the  colo 
nies  furnishing  six  or  seven  hundred  pounds  to  fit  these 
Indians  for  war.  "We  cannot  expect,"  says  Stoddard, 
"that  either  Colonel  Johnson  or  Mr.  Lydius  should  pay 
this.  They  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  pains  to  get  the 
Indians  into  the  war,  and  have  effected  more  than  the 
Government  did  in  a  course  of  years.  If  we  let  this  plan 
drop  now  it  would  be  fatal  for  our  cause.  The  Indians 
would  despise  us  and  then  join  the  French.  For  the 
Indians  are  of  such  a  humor  that  if  we  deal  justly  and 
kindly  with  them,  they  will  put  their  lives  in  our  hands, 
but  if  we  deal  deceitfully  with  them,  that  will  soon  raise 
an  abhorrence  of  us.  Colonel  Johnson  and  Mr.  Lydius 
are  now  under  a  necessity  of  going  forward  and  fitting 
out  the  Indians,  so  long  as  they  have  any  substance 
remaining,  and  when  that  is  gone  the  affair  will  be  at  an 
end."* 

Governor  Shirley  then  sent  a  copy  of  Stoddard's  letter 
to  Pennsylvania  urging  that  a  sum  of  money  be  raised 
for  that  purpose.  "The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts," 
he  said,  "had  committed  their  share  of  the  affair  into  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Lydius,  and  voted  four  thousand  pounds 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  pp.  740,  741. 


THE  IROQUOIS   STRUGGLE   FOR   NEUTRALITY          147 

to  Colonel  Stoddard  to  be  used  to  encourage  the  Six 
Nations  to  prosecute  the  war." 

President  Palmer,  of  Pennsylvania,  during  the 
adjournment  of  the  Assembly  consulted  John  Kinsey,  the 
Speaker,  and  a  few  members  living  in  or  near  Philadel 
phia  about  the  advisability  of  calling  an  extra  session  of 
the  Legislature.  Kinsey  and  his  associates  told  Palmer 
that  they  thought  it  would  be  very  unwise  to  call  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Assembly  in  from  their  harvest,  that  the  con 
vening  of  the  Assembly  had  better  be  postponed  until 
autumn.  It  was  pretty  well  known  that  the  Friends  who 
were  in  the  majority  in  the  Assembly  would  vigorously 
oppose  any  efforts  to  utilize  Indians  and  their  method  of 
warfare  against  white  men,  even  if  they  were  French. 

Conrad  Weiser  had  been  instructed  to  go  to  Shamokin 
and  learn  what  he  could  of  the  actions  of  the  Six  Nations, 
and  in  his  report  give  his  own  judgment  of  the  affair. 
Personally  Weiser  favored  using  the  Iroquois  against  the 
French.  And  he  was  jealous  of  Colonel  Johnson  and  his 
management  of  the  Mohawk  Indian  affairs.  At  the  same 
time  when  Weiser  interviews  Shikellimy  he  wavers  and 
appears  to  favor  Iroquois  neutrality.  "The  treaty  of  Col. 
Johnson  and  Mr.  Lydius  with  the  Mohawks,"  he  says, 
"I  dislike  it.  And  the  Six  Nations  are  offended  at  the 
people  of  Albany,  because  the  Mohawks  are  paid  with 
goods  against  the  opinion  of  the  chief  counsel.  If  these 
two  gentlemen  had  as  much  judgment  as  they  have  pride, 
they  would  never  have  persuaded  the  Mohawks  into  a 
war  in  a  private  way,  for  it  may  turn  out  that  both  their 
scalps  may  be  taken  and  carried  to  Canada.  In  short,  I 
don't  think  it  proper  our  Government  should  countenance 
such  doings,  and  I  hope  the  counsel  will  not  look  upon  it 


148  CONRAD  WEISER. 

as  worthy  of  their  approbation."*  ....  "I  would  say 
if  I  could  without  words,  that  Mr.  Lydius  cannot  be 
ruined,  he  has  nothing  to  loose.  But  Col.  Johnson  may ; 
but  he  has  neither  wife  nor  children, §  and  Admiral  War 
ren  is  his  uncle,  and  the  Assembly  of  New  York 
have  supplied  their  Governor,  and  their  Governor  him 
(Admiral  Warren.)"  After  meeting  Shikellimy,  Weiser 
writes:  "Col.  Johnson  and  Mr.  Lydius  did  not  prevail 
upon  the  Council  of  the  Six  Nations  to  declare  war 
against  the  French,  but  only  upon  some  straggling  poor 
fellows,  to  enlist  themselves,  and  take  service,  by  taking 
the  presents  and  going  to  war  with  the  Mohawks.  I  am 
sorry  that  Governor  Shirley  is  deceived,  but  it  is  like 
(although  he  is  an  honest  and  capable  gentleman)  he 
believes  what  he  wishes  to  be  true,  like  the  rest  of  our 
fellow  creatures.  I  never  was  afraid  of  the  Six  Nations 
engaging  against  the  English,  but  always  doubted 
whether  they  would  fight  the  French.  When  I  heard 
that  the  Mohawks  had  actually  gone  to  war  against  the 
French,  I  was  sure  that  the  other  nations  would  join 
them.  But  when  at  Shamokin  I  was  assured  that  nothing 
would  be  done  until  their  people,  who  are  scattered,  are 
called  in." 

Then  Weiser  alludes  to  the  projected  expedition  into 
Canada,  which  the  colonies  had  abandoned.  It  "has  done 
a  great  deal  of  hurt,"  among  the  Indians.  "No  man  is 
able  to  excuse  it  with  the  Indians,  they  call  it  downright 
cowardice,  that  so  many  hundreds  dare  not  venture  to  go 
beyond  the  inhabited  parts  of  the  English  settlement, 
much  less  to  invade  Canada.  An  interpreter  must  be 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  751. 

§At  this  time  Col.  Johnson  was  a  widower  with  three  children. 
See  Stone,  vol.  I.,  p.  189. 


THE   IROQUOIS   STRUGGLE   FOR   NEUTRALITY.          149 

ashamed  to  hear  them  talk  of  it  among  themselves,  or  in 
familiarity  with  him.  The  Indians  undervalue,  or  rather 
make  nothing  of  our  valor,  and  think  we  English  will 
leave  them  in  the  lurch.  At  least  a  shipload  of  goods 
will  not  engage  them  into  the  war,  if  their  own  reasons 
don't,  for  they  say  the  English  have  goods  enough,  let 
us  take  the  presents,  and  promise  a  great  deal,  and  do 
little,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  white  people.  I 
have  known  the  Indians  above  thirty-three  years  now,  I 
have  had  some  warm  friends  among  them.  I  am  not 
deceived  in  my  mind  and  I  know  also  very  well  how  they 
have  been  dealt  with  by  the  white  people,  who  have  fre 
quently  learned  them  to  tell  lies  in  public  treaties,  and  to 
the  Commissioners  and  Governors  that  treated  with  them 

in  particular  in  a  neighboring  government If 

we  send  commissioners  from  all  the  Northern  colonies 
they  can  believe  Col.  Johnson  and  Mr.  John  Lydius,  their 
report,  that  the  Six  Nations  have  engaged  in  war  against 
the  French,  if  they  do  not  engage  before  such  commis 
sioners  meet  at  New  York.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  Six 
Nations  had  not  declared  for  war  when  Col.  Stoddard 
wrote  to  Governor  Shirley.  Johnson  and  Lydius  may 
have  known  better  or  have  been  too  credulous,  which 
I  am  apt  to  believe  for  charities  sake.  They  show  that 
their  judgment  is  under  age,  but  if  they  knew  better,  and 
with  a  design  gave  a  false  information,  I  have  nothing 
to  say  to  them.  If  the  commissioners  about  to  meet  at 
New  York  will  undertake  some  exploit  of  military,  such 
as  taking  Crown  Point  Ford  it  will  be  most  instrumental 
in  bringing  the  Six  Nations  into  open  alliance  with  us, 
not  only  by  word  of  mouth  as  they  hitherto  have  done, 
but  by  act  and  deeds,  in  the  meantime  let  them  be  assured 


I5O  CONRAD  WEISER. 

that  they  will  be  supplied  by  the  English  with  ammuni 
tion,  etc."* 

It  is  quite  evident  that  Conrad  Weiser  favored  an 
Iroquois  alliance  which  would  employ  the  Six  Nations  in 
the  war  against  the  French.  His  influence  in  this 
instance  in  directing  Indian  affairs  was  weaker  than  that 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly.  During  Palmer's  admin 
istration  the  Legislature  was  strong,  the  Executive  weak. 
John  Kinsey,  the  leader  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly, 
favored  the  Iroquois  struggle  for  neutrality.  He 
thwarted  the  efforts  of  New  York  and  New  England 
towards  securing  a  general  congress  of  the  colonies 
which  would  induce  the  Iroquois  to  take  sides.  He 
opposed  Conrad  Weiser's  desire  that  some  decisive  mili 
tary  blow  should  be  struck  as  a  means  to  secure  the 
Indians. 

The  Iroquois  adopted  the  policy  of  neutrality  (i) 
because  they  looked  upon  the  war  as  the  white  man's 
quarrel,  not  theirs;  (2)  because  as  long  as  they  remained 
neutral  they  were  courted  both  by  the  French  and  the 

English Skins  brought  a  higher  price,  presents 

were  more  numerous  at  public  treaties,  and  rum  flowed 
in  a  more  generous  strain.  The  Quaker  Assembly  of 
Pennsylvania  favored  the  Iroquois  policy  of  neutrality 
( i )  because  their  peace  principles  were  opposed  to  war 
per  sc;  (2)  because  they  abhorred  the  idea  of  employing 
the  brutal  methods  of  warfare  prevalent  among  savages ; 
(3)  because  experience  had  taught  that  Indian  allies  were 
expensive  and  treacherous. 

This  remarkable  struggle  for  neutrality  lasted  until 
the  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  with  the  exception 
of  a  slight  English  alliance  among  the  Mohawks,  and  a 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  pp.  761,  762. 


THE   IROQUOIS   STRUGGLE   FOR    NEUTRALITY.          151 

slight  French  alliance  among  the  Senecas  and  'Tray ing 
Indians,"  the  Iroquois  won.  The  most  fruitful  result  of 
the  struggle  to  Pennsylvania  was  the  winning  of  the 
great  Western  tribes  of  Indians  and  enlarging  the  fur 
trade  of  Philadelphia,  until  it  had  no  equal  on  the  Atlantic 
seaboard.  The  circumstances  which  led  to  this  signal 
triumph  in  trade  will  be  treated  in  the  following  chapter. 


152  CONRAD  WEISER. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
THE  FIRST  WINNING  OF  THE  WEST. 

Rivals  in  the  Beaver  Trade — French  Monopoly  of  Trade — The 
Indian  Letter — Croghan's  Letter — The  Assembly's  action  upon  this 
letter — Weiser  declines  to  forward  the  French  scalp — The  Indians 
dissatisfied  with  the  French  traders — Weiser  complains  of  Frauds 
practised  by  the  Indian  traders — Laws  difficult  to  enforce  among 
the  traders — Weiser  demands  Justice  for  the  Indians — George 
Croghan's  Influence — Conrad  Weiser  favors  sending  a  Present  to 
the  Western  Indians — Weiser  begs  assistance  for  Shikellimy — 
Weiser  begins  to  shape  the  Indian  Policy  of  the  West — Weiser 
brings  the  Ohio  Indians  to  Philadelphia — Weiser  guides  the  Indian 
Policy  of  the  Council — A  Council  Fire  opened  on  the  Ohio — 
Assembly  and  Council  differ  upon  the  Methods  of  raising  money 
to  meet  the  increasing  Indian  Expenses — Shikellimy  supports 
Weiser  in  his  Western  Schemes — John  Kinsey  brings  the  Assembly 
to  aid  Weiser's  Plans — Maryland  and  Virginia  solicited  for  Aid 
towards  the  Treaty — A  Proclamation  issued  against  the  Rum 
Traffic — The  Six  Nations  opposed  to  the  Ohio  Treaty — Weiser 
suddenly  summoned  to  Philadelphia — Pennsylvania's  Appetite  for 
the  Western  Fur  Trade. 

THE  French  and  the  English  had  for  many  years  been 
rivals  in  the  fur  trade.  The  southern  peninsula 
of  Michigan  was  a  rich  trapping  region,  where,  previous 
to  King  George's  war  the  French  enjoyed  a  monopoly 
of  the  beaver  trade.  After  the  Lancaster  treaty  of  1744, 
under  the  Iroquois  promise  of  protection,  the  Pennsyl 
vania  trader  grew  bolder.  The  Allegheny  River  became 
his  half-way  place.  He  built  his  camp  fires  on  the  south 
ern  shores  of  Lake  Erie,  and  drove  his  pack-horses  over 
the  Scioto.  A  few  of  the  boldest  hunted  wild  turkey  on 
the  Wabash.  The  Indian  soon  learned  who  paid  the  best 
prices  for  beaver.  Tt  took  the  French  traders  some  time 
to  realize  that  there  were  rivals  in  the  woods  out-bidding 
them.  As  soon  as  they  became  aware  of  this  they 


THE  FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE  WEST  153 

employed  Peter  Chartiers  and  his  band  of  disaffected 
Shawanese  Indians  to  rob  the  more  venturesome  traders 
from  Pennsylvania.  At  the  Albany  treaty  of  1745,  when 
Conrad  Weiser  was  endeavoring  to  secure  indemnity 
from  the  Indians  for  these  losses,  we  have  seen  that  Can- 
assatego,  in  behalf  of  the  Iroquois,  resented  it,  saying: 
"Your  traders  go  very  far  back  into  the  country,  which 
we  desire  may  not  be  done,  because  it  is  in  the  road  of 
the  French."* 

During  the  period  of  Peter  Chartiers'  successful  activ 
ity  against  the  traders  on  the  Mississippi  and  Wabash, 
the  French  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  an  almost  exclusive 
trade  in  this  rich  hunting  section.     The  price  of  furs 
went  down  rapidly.     The  French  told  the  Indians  that  it 
was  caused  by  the  war.     The  Indians,  however,  enter 
tained  their  own  opinions.    They  were  growing  more  and 
more  dissatisfied  with  the  French  rule.    Finally  when  the 
price  of  skins  had  so  far  declined  that  a  French  trader, 
one  day,  offered  an  Indian  only  a  charge  of  powder  and 
one  bullet  for  a  beaver  skin,  the  savage  buried  his  hatchet 
in  the  trader's  head,  and  walked  away  with  his  scalp.  § 
During  the  spring  of  174?  five  French  traders  were  killed 
on  the  south  side  of  Lake  Erie  alone.     It  is  more  than 
probable  that  the  Pennsylvania  traders  incited  the  Indians 
to  resent  the  treatment  they  received  from  the  French. 
The  Indians  around  "De  Troit"  claimed  to  be  of  the 
Six  Nations,  and  in  May,  1747,  they  sent  the  following 
letter  to  Governor  Thomas,  the  spelling  and  construction 
of  which  bear  the  unmistakable  ear-marks  of  a  jealous 
Pennsylvania  trader  :— 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  24. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  87. 


154  CONRAD    WEISER. 

May  Ye  i6th,  1747. 
BROTHER  OWASS  GIABOGA: 

Last  fall  when  our  King  of  ye  Six  Nations  were  Down 
att  Albny  you  and  our  Brother  of  New  York,  gave  them 
ye  hatchett  to  make  use  of  against  ye  French,  which  wee 
very  willingly,  and  with  True  harts  Tuck  houlcl  of,  and 
has  Naw  made  use  of  itt,  and  killed  five  of  ye. French, 
hard  by  this  fortt  which  is  call'd  Detroat,  and  wee  hope 
in  a  Little  Time  to  have  this  fortt  in  our  posesion.  We 
can  ashure  you  Brother,  we  shall  Take  all  Methods  to  cutt 
of  all  ye  French  in  these  parts;  we  are  Likewise  Joyn'd 
by  ye  Misasaga  &  Toaways,  which  are  all  as  one  with  us ; 
we  now  take  this  opertunaty  of  presenting  you  by  ye 
berrer,  one  of  those  Frenchmen's  Sculps,  ashuring  you 
itt  Shall  not  be  ye  Last  of  them.  You  shall  see  more  of 
them  as  Soon  as  we  have  complated  a  victory  over  them 
in  all  these  parts,  which  we  hope  will  be  very  soon  done ; 
we  hope  Brother,  you  will  Consider  that  wee  shall  be  in 
need  of  some  powder  and  Lead,  to  carry  on  ye  Expedi 
tion  with  a  vigor ;  we  hear  you  have  sent  an  army  against 
Canaday,  to  reduce  itt,  which  Army  wee  wish  may  have 
as  good  success  as  that  you  sent  against  Cape  Breton,  in 
s.shurance  of  our  Sincear  wishes  for  ye  sucksess  over  all 
your  &  our  enemies,  we  present  you  this  string  of  wam 
pum,  and  remains  ye  everlasting  Brothers, 

CONAGARESA. 

SUNATHOAKA 

KlNNERA.* 

Ten  days  later  George  Croghan,  the  prince  of  Penn 
sylvania  traders,  sent  a  letter  to  the  Governor,  with  which 
he  forwards  the  above-mentioned  Indian  letter  and 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  pp.  741,  742. 


COL.  GEORGE  CROGHAN,  THE   INDIAN   TRADER 


THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE  WEST.  155 

French  "sculp."  Croghan  states  that  these  Indians  were 
always  in  the  French  interest  until  now.  "Butt  This 
spring  all  most  all  the  Ingans  in  the  woods  have  declared 
against  ye  French,  and  I  think  this  will  be  a  fair  oper- 
tunity,  if  purshued  by  some  small  Presents,  to  have  all 
ye  French  cut  off  in  them  parts,  for  the  Ingans  are  very 
much  led  by  any  thing  that  will  Tend  to  their  own  self 
Interest,  and  will  think  a  great  Bail  of  a  Little  powder 
&  Lead  att  this  Time,  besides  it  will  be  a  Mains  of  Drow- 
ing"  (drawing)  "them,  that  has  not  yett  Joyn'd 
Sr.  I  remain  with  respect, 

yr.  humble  Servant  to  Comm'd 

GEORGE  CROGHAN. "§ 

These  letters  came  into  the  hands  of  Anthony  Palmer, 
President  of  the  Council.  After  being  read  it  was  decided 
that  they  should  be  laid  before  the  Assembly.  More  than 
a  month  elapsing,  and  the  Assembly  having  taken  no 
notice  thereof,  the  Governor  again  sent  a  message  to  that 
body,  saying,  "The  Indians  seated  on  Lake  Erie  and  on 
Inomoy  Creek,  that  runs  into  that  Lake,  being  part  of, 
or  in  alliance  with  the  Six  Nations,  said  by  the  Indian 
traders  to  be  numerous,  and  people  of  consequence  .... 
are  desirous  to  be  taken  into  friendship,  and  it  may  be 
of  great  service  to  encourage  such  applications,  you  will 
enable  us  to  make  them  proper  presents. ">;  The  Assembly 
in  its  reply  does  not  distinguish  the  Lake  Erie  Indians 
from  the  other  Iroquois,  but  simply  says,  "It  is,  never 
theless,  our  sentiments,  conformable  to  the  practice  of 
this  Government  since  its  first  establishment,  that  great 
care  should  at  all  times  be  taken  to  preserve  the  friendship 

§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  742- 

*Penha.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  97,  98- 


156  CONRAD    WEISER. 

and  good  correspondence  which  at  present  subsists 
between  us  and  the  Indians  ....  we  think  a  present  ought 
to  be  made  to  them,  and  shall,  therefore,  before  our  rising 
make  the  provision  necessary  to  this  end,  as  we  shall  like 
wise  do  for  payment  of  the  interpreter  and  maintenance 
of  the  Indians  expected  here  during  our  recess. ''§ 

Meanwhile  the  French  scalp  which  had  been  sent  from 
the  Lake  Erie  Indians  to  the  Governor  had  gone  as  far 
as  Thomas  McKee's,  a  trader  on  the  Susquehanna;  here 
it  remained  several  weeks  waiting  for  some  one  to  take 
it  to  Philadedphia.  Conrad  Weiser  saw  the  scalp  and 
met  the  Indians  who  brought  it  down.  "He  pressed  very 
•  hard  upon  me/'  says  Weiser,  "to  receive  the  scalp  for  the 
Government  of  Pennsylvania,  in  whose  favor  the  scalp 
was  taken,  and  at  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania's 
request  the  Indians  of  Canayiahagon  had  taken  up  the 
hatchet  against  the  French  and  that  I  was  the  fittest  man 
to  receive  it.  I  told  him  that  I  had  been  concerned  in 
Indian  affairs  these  many  years,  but  I  never  knew  that 
the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  had  given  the  hatchet, 
or  employed  anybody  to  kill  Frenchmen,  and  that  I  was 
sensible  the  Government  had  never  requested  the  Indians 
at  Canayiahagon  to  kill  Frenchmen,  and,  therefore,  I 
could  not  receive  the  scalp,  and  as  I  was  well  informed 
that  this  scalp  had  been  taken  in  time  of  peace  I  could 
in  no  ways  receive  it;  all  white  people  would  look  upon 
such  actions  with  contempt,  and  as  my  commission  for 
the  transaction  of  Indian  affairs  did  not  extend  to  Ohio 
or  Canayiahagon,  but  reached  only  to  the  Six  Nations, 
I  must  leave  that  affair  to  those  that  had  correspondence 
that  way  to  inform  the  Government  of  it,  and  receive  an 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  102. 


THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE   WEST.  157 

answer,  I  hoped  he  would  excuse  me,  and  so  we  parted 
in  friendship."* 

The  scalp  never  got  further  east  than  the  banks  of  the 
Susquehanna.  While  Pennsylvania  was  opposed  to  using 
these  Western  Indians  for  allies,  she  was  more  than  will 
ing  to  enlarge  her  area  of  fur  trade,  and  to  weaken  the 
strength  of  the  French  allies.  The  Governor  had  already 
learned  through  Conrad  Weiser  that  the  Zistagechroanu, 
a  powerful  tribe  of  Indians  living  to  the  north  of  Lake 
Fountenac  (Ontario),  who  had  been  in  the  custom  of 
trading  at  Oswego,  by  going  directly  across  the  lake, 
were  growing  dissatisfied,  and  even  rebellious  against  the 
French.  When  these  Indians  learned  that  their  Father 
Onontio  was  going  to  take  the  English  trading  station 
at  Oswego  into  his  charge,  they  sent  the  following  peti 
tion  to  the  Six  Nations  :— 

"Brethren  of  the  United  Nations;  we  have  hitherto 
been  kept  like  prisoners  on  the  other  side  of  the  Lake. 
Onontio,  our  Father,  told  us  that  if  we  should  treat  with 
the  English,  he  would  look  upon  it  as  a  breach  of  the 
peace  with  him ;  now  we  come  to  let  you  know  that  we 
will  no  more  be  stopped  from  treating  with  our  Brethren, 
the  English;  we  will  join  with  you  to  support  the  House 
at  Oswego,  where  the  goods  that  the  Indians  want  are 
so  plenty.  All  the  Indians  about  the  lakes  will  join,  and 
if  need  take  up  the  hatchet  against  our  foolish  Father 
Onontio,  whenever  you  request  it;  his  goods  are  very 
dear,  and  he  is  turned  malicious  because  he  sees  our 
women  and  children  clothed  fine  in  English  clothes, 
bought  at  Oswego.  We  have  already  let  them  know  that 
we  want  none  of  his  advice,  as  we  did  formerly  when 
we  were  young,  but  we  are  become  now  men  of  age,  and 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.   138. 


CONRAD  WEISER. 

would  think  for  ourselves,  let  the  consequences  be  what 
it  will."§ 

This  petition  from  the  north  of  Lake  Ontario  was  an 
index  of  the  growing  discontent  among  the  Indians  who 
had  been  trading  with  the  French. 

Conrad  Weiser  was  quick  to  see  in  this  an  oppor 
tunity    to    enlarge    the    trade    and    influence    of    Penn 
sylvania.       Indeed,    it    was    his    sleepless    activity    that 
enabled  the  Indian  trade  of  Pennsylvania  to  outgrow  that 
of  any  other  Province.     If  unscrupulous  traders  imposed 
upon  the  Indians,  which  was  a  common  practice  at  that 
time,  Weiser  was  prompt  to  inform  upon  them  and  tire 
less  in  securing  justice  for  the  Indians.     He  reported  that 
one  trader  at  the  head  waters  of  the  Joniady  (Juniata) 
River,  stole  forty-seven  deer  skins  and  three  horses  from 
a  "sober,    quiet    and    good-natured"    Indian.     "He    w^as 
down  at  my  house  with  his  complaint  a  few  days  before 
I  set  out  for  Shamokin,  I  sent  him  back  again  until  I  had 
learned  the  particulars,  being  I  could  not  talk  with  him 
sufficient  to  find  out  the  truth  of  the  story;  he  is  now" 
(July,    1747),   "with  Shikellimy  and  renewed  his  com 
plaint.     James    Dunning    is    gone    down    Ohio    River, 
and    will    stay   out   long;   the   Indian   was   content   that 
I    should    inform    the    Council    of    his    misfortune;    he 
not  only  lost  his  skins  and  horses,  but  pursued  James 
Dunning  in  vain  to  the  place  called  Canayiahagon,  on  the 
south  side  of  Lake  Erie,  from  thence  back  again  to  the 
place  where  he  left  the  skins,  and  from  thence  again  to 
Ohio,  but  all  in  vain:  for  he  could  not  find  or  come  up 
with  James  Dunning."     The  second  complaint  Weiser 
said  was  against  one  John  Powle,  with  whom  the  above- 
mentioned  Indian  left  several  bundles  of  skins  while  he 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  85. 


THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE   WEST.  159 

was  searching  for  James  Dunning.  "The  Indian,"  says 
Weiser,  "had  sent  his  brother  down  Joniady  River  with 
the  skins  that  were  left  after  Dunning  had  rifled  his 
store,  and  desired  his  brother  to  leave  his  two  bundles 
on  the  island  at  a  certain  Indian's  house,  which  this 
Indian  did,  and  then  fell  sick  at  the  house  of  the  said 
John  Powle  and  died  there.  Before  he  was  dead  John 
Powle  fetched  the  skins  from  the  island  (he  says  by  order 
of  the  deceased)  and  paid  himself  of  what  the  deceased 
owed  him,  who  had  skins  of  his  own  sufficient  to  answer 
all  his  debts  and  defray  his  expenses ;  and  would  pay  what 
he  wanted,  notwithstanding  the  deceased's  skins,  and  his 
that  is  alive  are  all  gone,  and  a  very  poor  account  John 
Powle  gives  of  the  whole.  The  Indians  insist  upon  it  that 
he  stole  them.  The  said  John  Powle  had  also  taken  a  very 
fine  gun  in  pawn  from  the  said  two  Indians  for  three 
gallons  of  liquor  (Brandywine).  After  the  deceased  paid 
him  he  did  not  deliver  up  the  gun,  but  alleged  that  he 
lent  it  out,  and  endeavored  to  cheat  the  Indian  out  of  it 
entirely.  I  sent  a  few  lines  to  him  by  the  Indians  to  come 
to  Joseph  Chambers'  "  (at  Paxton)  "to  meet  me  and 
answer  to  the  same  complaint.  He  appeared,  but  laughed 
at  the  Indian ;  but  upon  examination  I  found  he  was  a  liar, 
if  not  a  thief,  and  offered  his  oath  to  confirm  a  lie  of  which 
he  was  afterwards  convinced  by  me."  I  sent  for  Justice 
Armstrong,  who  did  nothing  more  than  order  Powle  to 
pay  the  Indian  for  the  gun.  "As  for  the  skins  I  could  do 
nothing.  I,  for  my  part,  am  convinced  that  he  stole  them, 
or  at  least  the  most  of  them.  A  great  deal  of  other  mis 
chief  has  been  done  to  some  of  the  Indians.  Some 
horses  have  been  taken  on  pretence  of  debt,  sometimes 
skins  belonging  to  a  third  person,  and  so  on."* 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  87,  88. 


l6o  CONRAD  WEISER. 

The  Council  reported  these  things  to  the  Assembly, 
which  recommended  that  if  upon  "inquiry  the  persons 
against  whom  the  Indians  complain  appear  to  he  guilty 
of  the  crimes  laid  to  their  charges,  they  ought  to  be 
prosecuted  and  punished  as  the  law  in  such  cases  directs, 
besides  being  obliged  to  make  restitution  if  they"  (the 
plunderers)  "are  able,  and  if  not  able,  that  compensation 
should  be  made  to  them"  (the  Indians)  "out  of  the  money 
we  intend,  to  provide  for  presents." § 

In  spite  of  the  favorable  attitude  of  the  Assembly, 
which  at  that  time  was  not  only  performing  the  part  of 
a  judiciary  with  appellate  jurisdiction,  but  also  vigor 
ously  absorbing  the  executive  functions,  Weiser  found  it 
exceedingly  difficult  to  secure  the  administration  of  jus 
tice  locally  in  Indian  affairs.  Very  few  magistrates  on 
the  frontier  would  administer  law  where  an  Indian  was 
concerned.  The  class  of  men  holding  the  commission  of 
Justice  on  the  border  was  now  quite  different  from  what 
it  had  been  in  the  early  days  when  the  Friends  and  such 
Germans  as  Weiser  lived  on  the  frontier  and  administered 
the  law  in  the  spirit  its  framers  intended.  It  was  entirely 
useless  for  the  Assembly  to  insist  that  the  laws  should  be 
enforced.  The  magistrates  held  commissions  from  the 
Governor,  and  the  gulf  between  the  executive  and  the 
legislative  was  growing  broader  and  broader.  For  these 
reasons  Weiser  was  demanding  from  the  Council  that 
justice  be  extended  to  the  Indians  who  had  lost  their 
horses  and  peltry.  In  a  few  weeks  he  writes  again,  say 
ing,  "I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  what  the  President  and 

Council  purport  to  do  about  the  Indian's  complaint 

Shikellimy  is  very  much  concerned  about  it,  and  did  want 
an  answer,  he  is  afeared  that  no  good  will  come  from  it, 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  102. 


THE   FIRST    WINNING  OF   THE   WEST.  l6l 

if  the  Council  don't  find  a  remedy  for  the  Indians  lost. 
I,  for  my  part,  am  fully  satisfied  that  the  Indian's  com 
plaint  is  just  in  the  main,  let  the  particulars  fall  out  as 
they  will ;  when  an  Indian  in  his  own  judgment  thinks 
himself  wronged  by  somebody,  more  especially  by  the 
white  people,  he  will  never  forgive,  and  he  is  apt  to 
revenge  himself,  and  urged  to  do  it  by  his  country  people. 
John  Armstrong,*  the  poor  man  had  warning  sufficient 
to  persuade  him  to  do  the  Indians  justice,  but  covetous- 
ness  prevented  him,  and  at  last  he  paid  too  dear  for  his 
faults.  Our  people  are  apt  to  forget  such  examples." | 

A  week  later  Weiser  writes,  "The  Indians  must  have 
satisfaction  for  possible  injuries.  If  we  will  deal  with 
them  according  to  our  public  treaties  and  show  that  we 
are  what  we  pretend  to  be,  that  is  to  say,  their  friends, 
people  of  honor  and  honesty,  the  Council  and  Assembly 
will  find  a  remedy.  I  own  it  will  be  a  difficult  matter  to 
get  at  the  truth  in  private  quarrels  between  the  white  and 
the  brown  people,  for  the  former  will  out-swear  the  very 
devil,  and  the  latter  oath  is  not  good  in  our  laws.  If  all 
come  to  all,  rather  than  the  poor  Indians  should  be 
wronged,  the  public  ought  to  make  satisfaction,  if  no 
remedy  can  be  found  to  prevent  it."§  These  things 
weighed  more  and  more  upon  Weiser's  mind  until  he 
declared  more  than  once  that  he  was  sick  of  Indian  affairs. 
The  same  summer  he  wrote  to  the  Council  again,  the 
Indians  having  pressed  him  to  explain  why  the  white 
people  had  not  kept  their  promise  made  at  the  recent 
treaties  about  the  illicit  sale  of  rum  among  the  Indians. 
"Scaiohady,"  he  says,  "pressed  upon  me  to  put  the  Gov- 

*Killed  at  Jack's  Narrows,  on  the  Juniata.     See  p.  130. 
iJPenna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  pp.  758,  759. 
§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  762. 


1 62  CONRAD    WEISER. 

ernment  in  mind  of  what  he  said  against  the  traders  in 
rum,  that  it  might  be  suppressed,  for  the  Indians  (said 
he)  will  drink  away  all  they  have  and  not  be  able  to  do 
anything  against  the  enemy  for  want  of  ammunition ;  and 
if  rightly  considered,  death,  without  judge  or  jury,  to  any 
man  that  carries  rum  to  sell  to  any  Indian  Town,  is  the 
only  remedy  to  prevent  that  trade  &  a  just  reward  to  the 
traders,  for  nothing  else  will  do.  It  is  an  abomination 
before  God  and  man,  to  say  nothing  of  the  particular  con 
sequences  it  is  altogether  hurtful  to  the  public,  for  what 
little  supplies  we  can  give  them  to  carry  on  the  war  is  not 
half  sufficient,  they  must  buy  the  greatest  part  with  their 
hunting,  and  if  they  meet  with  rum  they  will  buy  that  be 
fore  anything,  and  not  only  drink  away  their  skins  but 
their  clothing  and  everything  they  may  get  of  us ;  in  short, 
the  inconveniences  occasioned  by  that  trade  are  numerous 
at  this  very  time,  the  English  and  French  party"  (among 
the  Indians)  "will  fall  out  in  their  drunkenness  and  mur 
der  one  another,  and  the  English  will  be  charged  with  the 
mischief  thereof/'* 

The  rum  traffic  among  the  Indians  and  the  traders' 
disposition  to  plunder  were  the  hindering  things  which 
seriously  embarrassed  the  consummation  of  those  plans 
leading  towards  the  extension  of  the  Indian  trade.  Yet  in 
the  face  of  these  things,  Pennsylvania  so  extended  her 
fur  trade  into  the  West  during  King  George's  war  that  all 
New  France  trembled  and  called  for  a  cessation  of  hostili 
ties  until  they  could  reclaim  what  was  lost.  The  summer 
of  1747  developed  the  plan  which  brought  the  Indians  of 
the  Ohio  Valley  into  trade  relations  with  Pennsylvania 
and  turned  them  away  from  the  French  posts.  The  Coun 
cil  and  Assembly  hesitated  all  summer.  The  traders  urged 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  167. 


THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE  WEST.  163 

and  importuned  that  the  Lake  Erie  Indians  be  furnished 
with  ammunition,  and  the  hatchet  placed  in  their  hands 
against  the  French.  In  September,  George  Croghan 
writes  to  a  member  of  the  Council  telling  how  the  Lake 
Erie  Indians  are  making  war  briskly  against  the  French, 
in  the  expectation  of  a  present  of  powder  and  lead  from 
Pennsylvania.  "If  they  don't  get  it,"  says  Croghan,  "I 
am  of  opinion,  by  the  best  accounts  I  can  get,  that  they 
will  turn  to  the  French,  who  will  be  very  willing  to  make 
up  with  them  again.  So,  if  there  be  no  provision  made  to 
send  them  a  present  by  some  of  the  traders  directly,  send 
me  an  account  by  first  opportunity,  for  if  there  be  nothing 
sent,  I  will  not  send  out  any  goods  or  men  this  year  for 
fear  of  danger."*  Croghan  touched  the  two  vital  spots, 
the  French,  and  the  destruction  of  Indian  trade.  Thomas 
Lawrence  laid  the  letter  at  once  before  the  Council,  which 
was  in  favor  of  sending  a  present  to  the  value  of  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  pounds  to  the  Indians  on  Ohio  and  Lake 
Erie. 

The  secretary  was  instructed  to  send  a  copy  of  this 
resolution  to  Conrad  Weiser  requesting  his  advice  and 
sentiments  about  the  most  advantageous  manner  of  laying 
out  the  money.  §  Eight  days  later  Secretary  Peters 
laid  before  the  Council  "a  copy  of  his  letter  to  Conrad 
Weiser,  Esq.  &  likewise  the  draught  of  a  letter  to  be  sent 
to  the  Indians  on  or  near  Lake  Erie;  but  as  no  letter  is 
yet  come  to  hand  from  Mr.  Weiser  in  answer  to  the  Sec 
retary's  letter,  the  Council  postponed  the  consideration  of 
Indian  affairs  to  another  day.||  It  was  over  a  week 
before  Weiser's  letter  arrived.  He  agreed  with  the  Coun- 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  770. 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  119,  120. 

|jPenna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  120. 


164  CONRAD    WEISER. 

cil  "that  a  handsome  present  should  be  made  to  the 
Indians  on  Ohio  and  on  Lake  Erie,  who,  by  their  situation 
were  capable  of  doing  this  Province  abundance  of  mischief 
if  they  should  turn  to  the  French." 

The  Council  then  felt  at  liberty  to  go  into  a  considera 
tion  of  how  to  send  a  present  to  these  Indians.  It  was  de 
cided  that  two  hundred  pounds  would  be  sufficient  to 
invest  in  this  project.  A  number  of  the  members 
expressed  their  fears  of  entrusting  that  amount  of  goods 
to  an  Indian  trader.  What  assurance  would  we  have  that 
the  Indians  would  ever  receive  it  all,  they  asked.  It  was 
finally  decided  to  employ  George  Croghan  to  carry  the 
goods  to  the  Ohio  River,  and  in  the  presence  of  some  reli 
able  man  to  accompany  him,  Croghan  was  to  be  entrusted 
with  the  distribution  of  the  goods.  Considerable  delay 
was  occasioned  in  finding  a  suitable  man  to  go  with  Cro 
ghan  to  the  Ohio.  James  Logan  was  opposed  to  leaving 
the  matter  entirely  with  the  traders.  In  fact,  the  entire 
affair  was  adrift  for  the  want  of  a  man  who  knew  how  to 
push  these  Western  negotiations.  Up  to  this  date,  Octo 
ber,  1747,  the  Western  Indian  affairs  \vere  in  marked  con 
trast  with  those  of  the  Northern  Indians.  In  the  latter, 
Conrad  Weiser  held  a  commission  as  Provincial  inter 
preter,  and  directly  or  indirectly  shaped  the  Iroquois 
policy.  But  with  the  Lake  Erie  negotiations  the  pushing 
spirit  was  George  Croghan.  James  Logan  and  some 
others  in  the  Council  were  opposed  to  trusting  him,  or 
being  led  by  him. 

Weiser  had  been  very  much  occupied  all  summer  with 
business  relative  to  the  Six  Nations.  He  had  been  to 
Shamokin  several  times;  once  to  notify  the  Iroquois  of 
the  death  of  John  Perm  and  the  departure  of  Governor 
Thomas  to  England.  On  this  journey  he  took  several 


THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE   WEST.  165 

dozen  silk  handkerchiefs  that  the  Indians  might  have  the 
wherewithal  to  wipe  away  their  tears  of  grief.  On  re 
turning  from  his  October  trip  to  Shamokin,  Weiser  in 
forms  the  Council  that  Shikellimy  has  become  a  fit  object 
of  charity.  "Pie  is  extremely  poor;  in  his  sickness  the 
horses  have  eaten  all  his  corn ;  his  cloathes  he  gave  to  the 
Indian  doctor  to  cure  him  and  his  family,  but  all  in  vain ; 
he  has  nobody  to  hunt  for  him,  and  I  cannot  see  how  the 
poor  old  man  can  live,  he  has  been  a  true  servant  to  the 
government,  and  may  perhaps  still  be,  if  he  lives  to  do 
well  again.  As  the  winter  is  coming  on  again  I  think  it 
would  not  be  amiss  to  send  him  a  few  blankets  or  match- 
coats,  and  a  little  powder  and  lead;  if  the  government 
would  be  pleased  to  do  it,  and  you  could  send  it  up  soon 
I  would  send  my  sons  with  it  to  Shamokin  before  the  cold 
wheather  comes."  The  Council  immediately  ordered  that 
a  present  to  the  value  of  six  pounds  be  sent  at  once  to 
Shikellimy  by  Weiser's  sons. 

In  the  same  letter  Weiser  again  expresses  himself 
upon  the  Ohio  affair.  "It  is  my  humble  opinion  that  the 
Presents  intended  for  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  River 
should  be  larger.  If  that  what  George  Croghan  is  to  take 
with  him  is  intended  for  the  Indians  at  Canayiahagon" 
(on  south  side  of  Lake  Erie),  "the  Indians  at  Ohio,  our 
much  nearer  neighbors,  should  not  be  passed  over  without 
something."*  In  July  when  the  Council  appealed  to 
Weiser  for  his  judgment  upon  the  wisdom  of  making  a 
present  to  the  Indians  on  Lake  Erie,  the  far-seeing  inter 
preter  replied,  "that  a  small  present  ought  to  be  made  to 
the  Indians  on  Lake  Erie  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
theirs,  it  may  be  sent  by  some  honest  trader.  I  think 
George  Croghan  is  fit  to  perform  it.  I  always  took  him 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  138,  139. 


1 66  CONRAD    WEISER. 

for  an  honest  man,  and  have  as  yet  no  reason  to  think 
otherwise  of  him.?'§ 

In  November,  after  Weiser  had  been  pondering  for 
some  time  upon  this  western  problem,  ke  concludes  that 
the  important  quarter  for  Pennsylvania  to  expend  her 
energies  is  not  in  the  Lake  Erie  region,  but  at  the  forks 
of  the  Ohio.  In  this  conclusion  Weiser 's  keen  insight 
into  the  future  marks  him  as  the  only  man  outside  of  the 
French  who,  up  to  that  time,  grasped  the  fact  that  the 
Ohio  basin  would  be  the  seat  of  the  future  struggle 
between  the  French  and  the  English.  Indeed,  it  is  quite 
probable  that  in  this  Weiser  was  in  advance  of  the  keenest 
of  the  French  leaders.  It  was  only  after  Weiser  had  won 
this  region  for  Pennsylvania  that  the  French  wakened  up 
to  its  real  value,  and  Virginia  became  a  jealous  rival  of 
the  Keystone  traders. 

A  few  days  after  Weiser  reported  that  he  considered 
the  Ohio  Indians  were  equally  or  more  worthy  of  a  pres 
ent  than  the  tribes  on  Lake  Erie,  the  Provincial  Secretary 
received  a  letter  from  George  Croghan  stating  that  his 
wagon  was  in  Philadelphia  waiting  to  carry  the  goods 
to  the  Lake  Erie  Indians.  The  Council  then  decided  that 
since  they  had  not  been  able  to  find  a  suitable  man  to 
accompany  Croghan,  the  goods  should  be  taken  no  further 
than  John  Harris'  Ferry.  James  Logan  was  instructed 
to  direct  Croghan  to  hold  them  there  until  he  received 
further  orders.  And  Secretary  Peters  was  directed  "to 
dispatch  an  express  forthwith  to  Mr.  Weiser  to  let  him 

know  that  the  goods  are  sent  there And  that  the 

Council  will  proceed  no  further  without  consulting  him, 
and  as  the  season  was  far  advanced  they  desired  he  would 
not  fail  to  come  and  attend  the  board  as  soon  as  possi- 

§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  I.,  p.  762. 


THE  FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE  WEST.  167 

ble."*     This  was  virtually  placing  these  Ohio  negotia 
tions  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Conrad  Weiser. 

Three  days  later  Secretary  Peters  informed  the  Coun 
cil  that  he  had  heard  from  Weiser,  and  he  would  be  in 
Philadelphia  in  a  few  days.     He  sent  a  letter  with  the 
messenger  saying  that  in  Lancaster  he  had  met  ten  of 
these  Ohio  Indians,  who  were  on  their  way  to  Philadel 
phia.  '  And  Weiser  promised  that  he  would  arrive  as  soon 
as  they.     On  November  the  I3th,  Weiser  and  these  Ohio 
Indians  were  called  before  the  Council.     Their  leader 
addressed  himself  not  only  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  but  also  to  the  Governor  of  New  York.    "We  who 
speak  to  you,"  he  said,    "are  warriors  living  at  Ohio,  and 
address  you  on  behalf  of  ourselves  and  the  rest  of  the 
warriors  of  the  Six  Nations."    After  explaining  the  cause 
of  their  coming  and  alluding  to  the  ancient  friendship 
existing  between  the  Six  Nations  and  English,  and  after 
reviewing  the  stand  taken  by  the  Iroquois  for  neutrality, 
he  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  represented  warring 
and  hunting  tribes  of  the  Ohio  Valley  living  in  alliance 
with  the  Six  Nations,  that  the  young  men  could  no  longer 
remain  neutral.     "We,  the  young  Indians,  the  warriors, 
and  captains,   have  consulted  together  and  resolved  to 
take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  will  of  our  old  people. 
We  will  lay  aside  the  counsel  of  our  old  people  as  of  no 
use  except  in  time  of  peace.     We  have  done  this  only 
after  repeated  applications  from  our  brethren,  the  Eng 
lish.     And  we  are  now  come  to  tell  you  that  the  French 
have  hard  heads,  and  that  we  have  nothing  strong  enough 
to  break  them  with.    We  have  only  little  sticks  and  hick 
ories,  and  such  things  that  will  do  little  or  no  service 
against  the  hard  heads  of  the  French."    They  then  asked 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  139. 


1 68  CONRAD    WEISER. 

for  better  guns,  and  a  supply  of  powder  and  lead,  saying, 
"when  once  we,  the  young  warriors,  engaged  we  put  a 
great  deal  of  fire  under  our  kettle,  and  the  kettle  boiled 
high,  and  so  it  does  still  (meaning  that  they  carried  the 
war  on  briskly),  that  the  Frenchmen's  heads  might  soon 
be  boiled ;  but  when  we  looked  about  us  to  see  how  it  was 
with  the  English  kettle,  wre  saw  the  fire  was  almost  out, 
and  that  it  had  hardly  boiled  at  all,  and  that  no  French 
men's  heads  were  like  to  be  in  it.  This  truly  surprises 
us,  and  we  are  come  down  on  purpose  to  know  the  reason 
of  it.  How  came  it  to  pass  that  the  English,  who  brought 
us  into  the  war,  will  not  fight  themselves?  This  is  not 
a  good  appearance,  and  therefore  we  give  you  this  string 
of  wampum  to  hearten  and  encourage  you,  to  desire  that 
you  would  put  more  fire  under  your  kettle. "§ 

The  members  of  the  Council  decided  that  before  a 
reply  could  be  framed  to  this  speech  it  would  be  necessary 
to  learn  from  Conrad  Weiser  "the  particular  history  of 
these  Indians,  their  real  disposition  towards  us,  and  their 
future  designs."  Weiser  was  called  before  the  Council. 
He  told  them  that  the  Indians  had  only  told  a  portion  of 
their  mission,  and  he  would  see  what  he  could  learn  from 
them  in  conversation. 

The  Council  also  believed  that  it  would  be  best  to 
find  out  James  Logan's  sentiments  on  this  subject.  Since 
Logan  had  sometime  previous  retired  from  the  Council, 
Richard  Peters  and  Conrad  Weiser  were  appointed  to 
wait  on  him.  In  two  days  Weiser  came  before  the  Coun 
cil  with  a  policy.  His  purposes  were  clearly  defined.  He 
told  the  Council  that,  ''Last  summer  the  Governor  of 
Canada  had  sent  the  hatchet  to  the  Indians  about  the  lakes 
and  on  branches  of  the  Ohio ;  that  one  nation  took  it  up ; 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  147. 


THE  FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE  WEST.  169 

and  that  these  Indians  and  the  Indians  in  those  quarters, 
consisting  principally   of  warriors,   being   afraid   others 
would  do  the  like,  to  prevent  this  took  up  the  English 
hatchet,  and  proclaimed  war  against  the  French,  which 
had  a  good  effect,  no  more  daring  after  this  to  meddle 
with  the  French  hatchet.     That  these  Indians  on  Ohio 
had  concluded  to  kindle  a  Fire*  in  their  town,  and  had 
invited  all  the  Indians  to  a  considerable  distance  around 
about  them  to  come  to  their  fire  in  the  spring,  and  that 
they  had  consented    to    it."     Weiser    also    declared  that 
these  Ohio  Indians  numbered  five  hundred  warriors,  "and 
as  many  allies  more  numerous  than  themselves.     That  it 
was  always  the  custom  in  wartime  to  put  the  management 
into  the  hands  of  the  young  people,  and  that  it  would  be 
of  the  most  pernicious  consequences  at  this  time  if  the 
Council  did  not  approve  the  action  of  these  Indians  in 
taking  up  the  hatchet  in  the  English  interests,  and  encour 
age  them  in  their  work."     Weiser  went  further,  and  told 
the  Council  that  "he  thought  Providence  had  furnished 
this  Province  with  a  fine  opportunity  of  making  all  the 
Indians  about  the  lakes  their  friends,  and  warm  friends 
too."     The  Council  then  asked  Weiser  what  kind  of  a 
present  he  thought  ought  to  be  made  to  these  Indians. 
He  replied,  "that  the  value  of  one  hundred  pounds  would 
appear  but  small,  that  they  should  have  as  much  given 
them   at   least,    and    half  as   much   to   the   Canayiahaga 
Indians;  not  that  this  was  by  any  means  sufficient,  but 
would  be  a  good  salutation  present,  and  preparatory  to  a 
larger,  to  be  sent  in  the  summer.     This  he  judged  neces 
sary  to  be  done,  and  that  they  should  be  told  of  the  future 
present.     And  tho'  he  had  never  been  in  those  parts,  yet 
he  judged  the  attaching  these  Indians  and  their  friends  to 

*A  council. 


I7O  CONRAD  WEISER. 

the  English  cause  to  be  so  necessary  that  he  would,  if 
the  Council  pleased,  and  his  health  should  permit,  go  with 
the  present  himself,  and  see  with  his  own  eyes,  what  num 
ber  of  Indians  were  there,  and  in  what  disposition." 
Weiser  also  reported  that  in  consultation  with  James 
Logan  they  had  outlined  a  reply  to  be  made  to  the  Indians. 
The  Council  caused  this  to  be  read,  and  after  a  few  unim 
portant  changes  it  was  considered  suitable  to  be  presented 
to  the  Indians.  The  reply  complimented  them  for  listen 
ing  to  the  English  and  for  the  ready  concurrence  of  their 
allies.  "You  live,"  said  the  speaker,  "in  small  tribes  at 
a  distance  from  one  another.  Separate  you  \vill  be  easily 
overcome;  united,  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible  to 
hurt  you.  Like  .the  strings  on  which  you  put  your 
wampum,  a  single  thread  is  soon  snapped,  but  if  you 
weave  them  into  a  belt  and  fasten  them  tight  together, 
it  must  be  a  strong  hand  that  can  break  it.  We  are 
pleased  to  hear  that  the  pressing  instances  of  the  Governor 
of  New  York  and  New  England  you  have  taken  up  the 
hatchet  against  the  French,  who  you  know,  not  with 
standing  their  fair  speeches,  have  been  from  the  begin 
ning  your  inveterate  enemies.  And  in  confirmation  that 
we  approve  of  what  you  have  done,  we  give  you  this 
belt.  In  reference  to  the  English  kettle  not  boiling,  you 
gave  your  wampum  string  to  all  the  Governors,  therefore 
we  must  send  it  to  the  other  Provinces  before  we  can 
reply.  But  to  lessen  your  concern  on  this  account,  we 
are  to  apprize  you  that  the  French  were  sending  large 
forces  in  big  ships,  well  armed  with  great  cannon  over 
the  seas  to  Canada,  that  the  English  pursued  them, 
attacked  them,  took  their  men-of-war,  killed  a  number 
of  their  men  and  carried  the  rest  prisoners  to  England. 
This  victory  put  a  stop  for  the  present  to  the  expedition 


a 


THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE   WEST. 

intended  against  Canada.    You  are  therefore  not  to  judge 
by  the  appearance  things  make  now  that  the  English  Fire 
is  going  out,  but  that  this  is  only  accidental,  and  it  will 
soon  blaze  again."*     The  Indians  were  then  told  of  the 
warm  friendship  "the  sons  of  Onas"  had  for  them,  and 
a  present  worth  over  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  pounds 
was  waiting  for  the  Ohio  Indians  at  John  Harris'  Ferry. 
Also  a  present  worth  over  forty-six  pounds  was  there  for 
the  Lake  Erie  Indians.  The  Indians  were  highly  delighted 
with  their  treatment  and  danced  the  war  dance  as  an 
evidence  of  their  approbation.     The  Lake  Erie  Indians 
never  knew  that  Conrad  VVeiser  divided  the  two  hundred 
pounds  voted    as  a    present    to    them,    giving    the  Ohio 
Indians  three  parts  and  leaving  one  part  to  them.     By 
this  movement  Conrad  Weiser  set  on  foot  negotiations 
which  gave  Pennsylvania  a  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade  as 
far  west  as  the  Mississippi  River.     He  went  with  these 
Indians  to  John  Harris'  Ferry  and  distributed  the  goods. 
At  the  same  time  the  Council  promptly  began  arranging 
for  the  expedition  in  the  spring. 

The  President  and  Council  sent  a  message  to  the 
Assembly,  saying:— 

"GENTLEMEN  : — You  will  see  by  the  papers  which  are 
ordered  to  be  laid  before  you  that  we  have  had  a  treaty 
with  some  Indian  warriors  from  Ohio,  who  came  to  town 
for  that  purpose.  By  them  we  are  given  to  understand 
that  this  tribe  of  Indians,  being  a  mixture  of  the  Six 
Nations,  to  whom  these  warriors  belong,  have  actually 
resolved  to  adhere  to  their  brethren,  the  English,  against 
the  French,  and  propose  to  kindle  a  great  Fire  at  Ohio 
in  the  spring,  to  which  they  have  invited  the  Indians 

*Peima.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  149,  150. 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


living  around  about  them  to  join  with  them  in  these  reso 
lutions.  This  is  an  extraordinary  event  in  our  favor, 
which  ought  to  be  improved  to  the  greatest  advantage. 
•.From  the  situation  of  these  people,  being  mostly  within 
the  limits  of  this  Government,  they  are  capable  of  doing 
or  preventing  the  greatest  mischiefs;  and  from  what 
passed  at  conversation  between  them  and  the  interpreter, 
there  is  reason  to  apprehend  that  without  encouragement 
from  this  Province  they  may  be  seduced  by  the  French 
to  go  over  to  their  side,  whereby  the  lives  of  the  back 
inhabitants  will  be  in  the  utmost  clanger.  These  consid 
erations  have  induced  us  to  give  them  the  goods  men 
tioned  in  the  account  delivered  you  herewith,  and  to  prom 
ise  to  send  the  interpreter  with  a  larger  present  to  their 
Fire  at  Ohio  in  the  spring.  You  will  therefore  take  care 
at  this  session  to  come  to  such  resolves  as  will  enable  us 
to  make  good  our  engagements."* 

Several  weeks  elapsed  before  the  Assembly  came  to 
any  conclusion  upon  this  matter.  A  majority  of  the 
members  were  vigorously  opposed  to  using  bribes  to  per 
suade  the  Indians  into  war  against  the  French.  More 
over  there  was  a  growing  difference  between  the  Council 
and  the  Assembly  in  reference  to  raising  money  to  carry 
on  the  war.  The  Assembly  was  willing  to  add  to  the 
five  thousand  pounds  already  voted  for  the  King's  use, 
any  necessary  sum  provided  it  could  be  raised  by  issuing 
bills  of  credit.  The  President  of  the  Council  refused  to 
sanction  any  such  measure,  saying  that  his  instructions 
forbade  him  from  signing  any  acts  providing  for  the  issue 
of  bills  of  credit.  This  difficulty  very  much  embarrassed 
the  Assembly  in  providing  funds  for  encouraging  the 
Ohio  Indians  in  their  warlike  schemes  against  the  French. 

*Pcnna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  156,  157. 


'         THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF   THE   WEST.  173 

While  the  Assembly  was  vainly  trying  to  frame  a 
measure  that  would  provide  for  these  Indians,  Conrad 
Weiser  sent  a    letter    to    the    Council    telling    how  well 
pleased  Shikellimy  was  with  the  present  that  had  been 
sent  to  him.     Shikellimy,  it  appears,  heartily  approved 
of  Weiser's  schemes  with  the  Western  Indians.     He  told 
of  the  Twightwees,  the  Janontady  Hayas  (Juniata  Ohios) 
and  other  tribes  who  had  actually  made  war  with  the 
French,  having  "seized  all  the  French  goods  they  could 
meet  with,"  and  having  killed  several  French  traders  they 
sent  others  stripped  and  naked  to  their  father  Onontio  to 
acquaint    him     "that    his    children    the    Indians    were 
angry  with  him."     Weiser  also  reported  that  two  strong 
nations  of  French  Indians,  living  west  of  the  Great  Lakes, 
were  on  their  way  during  the  past  summer  to  attack  the 
frontier  inhabitants,  but  were  turned  back  by  the  Twigh 
twees,  who  told  them  that  such  an  attack  would  be  equiv 
alent  to  declaring  war  with  the  Six  Nations  and  their 
allies.    It  was  well  known  to  Weiser  that  all  such  informa 
tion  was  valuable  in  securing  the  appropriation  bill  from 
the  Assembly.   On  November  28th,  1747,  Weiser  reported 
that  he  had  accompanied  the  Ohio  Indians  on  their  home 
ward  journey  as  far  as  "Paxton,"  where  the  goods  that 
had  been  sent  on  were  divided  among  them.     "This  day," 
says  Weiser,  "I  delivered  the  goods  to  them,  and  they 
were  well  pleased,   for  my  adding  two  half  barrels  of 
powder  to  the  four  which  they  were  to  have.     George 
Croghan  was  present,  and  he  undertook  to  find  men  and 
horses  to  carry  the  powder  and  lead,  with  two  casks  of 
liquor  for  them  to  Ohio.    I  was  obliged  to  allow  them  the 
liquor  because  they  all  followed  my  advice  and  did  not 
get  drunk,  neither  in  town  nor  by  the  way." 

The  Assembly  adjourned  and  took  no  action  upon  the 


!/4  CONRAD    WEISER. 

Ohio  Indian  appropriation.  Finally  during  the  next  ses 
sion  of  the  House,  John  Kinsey,  the  Speaker,  sent  a  mes 
sage  to  the  Council  saying,  the  importance  of  our  alliance 
with  the  Western  Indians,  we  observe  from  the  treaty, 
depends  very  much  upon  their  own  report  of  themselves. 
"However,  as  they  are  a  part  of  the  Six  Nations,  who 
very  probably  in  these  calamitous  times  are  often  in  want 
of  necessaries  to  acquire  their  livelihood,  we  approve  of 
the  present  you  have  thought  fit  to  make  them,  and  also 
of  the  account  you  have  sent  the  Six  Nations  of  a  larger 
present  intended  for  them  in  the  spring;  and  we  shall  take 
the  care  which  is  necessary  to  enable  you  to  fulfill  that- 
engagement.  Permit  us,  however,  to  add  that  we  think 
it  will  be  necessary  to  press  their  union  among  them 
selves,  and  that  they  will  do  well  to  have  due  regard  to 
the  opinions  of  their  old  and  experienced  men ;  whose 
advice  from  the  account  they  give  seems  to  have  been  laid 
aside ;  most  of  us,  you  are  sensible,  are  men  of  peaceable 
principles,  and  the  presents  we  give  (and  those  formerly 
given  on  behalf  of  this  Government,  so  far  as  we  under 
stand),  were  to  supply  them  with  necessaries  toward 
acquiring  a  livelihood  and  to  cultivate  friendship  between 
us,  and  not  to  encourage  their  entering  into  war.  This 
we  think  most  for  the  King's  interest,  and  the  peace  and 
safety  of  his  colonies  in  America;  it  being  well  known 
that  wars  once  begun  amongst  them  are  not  to  be  ended 
without  great  difficulty,  and  are  attended  with  so  much 
bloodshed  and  cruelty  as  usually  excite  revenge  and  like 
inhumanity  from  the  Indians  in  the  French  interest 
against  those  in  amity  with  us,  and  against  others,  the 
King's  subjects.  We  observe  from  Conrad  Weiser's  let 
ter,  which  you  were  pleased  to  order  to  be  laid  before  us, 
the  Indians  continue  their  complaints  of  the  injuries  they 


THE   FIRST   WINNING  OF  THE   WEST.  175 

have  received  by  the  carrying  of  rum  amongst  them,  and 
we  therefore  hope  you  will  endeavor  to  prevent  this  for 
the  future  by  directing  the  laws  provided  against  this 
abuse,  duly  put  in  execution."* 

The  Council  was  now  at  liberty  to  go  on  with  its  plan. 
President  Palmer  wrote  at  once  to  the  Governors  of  Vir 
ginia  and  Maryland,  telling  them  how  important  an  alli 
ance  with  the  Western  Indians  was,  and  urging  the  neces 
sity  of  these  colonies'  making  a  considerable  addition  to 
the  present  which  was  to  be  sent  to  Ohio  in  the  spring. 
And  to  see  that  this  present  was  delivered,  Palmer  invited 
each  colony  to  send  commissioners  with  Conrad  Weiser 
to  Logstown.    Maryland  gave  no  attention  to  the  appeal, 
it  having  been  reported  that  she  had  no  more  money  to 
spend  upon  Indian  affairs.    Governor  Gooch,  of  Virginia, 
was  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  suggestion,  and  urged 
his  Legislature  to  make  an  appropriation  for  the  same.§ 
The  Council  was  exceedingly  anxious  to  send  a  large 
present  worth  at  least  a  thousand  pounds  into  Ohio  as 
early  in  the  spring  as  possible.     Promptness  was  urged  in 
order  to  anticipate  the  French.    The  Virginia  Legislature 
already    contained    members    who    were    entertaining  a 
growing  jealousy  of  the  Pennsylvania  fur  trade,  and  they 
feared  that  Virginia  might  lose  a  portion  of  her  Western 
claims  if  she  assisted  Pennsylvania  in  holding  a  treaty 
with  Ohio  Indians,  consequently  they  declined  to  appoint 
commissioners.     Governor   Gooch,   however,    sent   word 
that    he    would    furnish    whatever    sum    Pennsylvania 
thought  necessary. 

The  President    and    Council,    influenced    by  Conrad 
Weiser  and  the  Assembly,  concluded  to  issue  a  proclama- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  184,  185. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  222. 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


tion  against  the  Indian  rum  traffic,  and  have  Conrad 
Weiser  take  it  with  him  to  Ohio,  and  thus  see  if  the  sale 
of  rum  to  the  Indians  could  not  be  confined  to  the  licensed 
traders.  This  proclamation  provided  that  any  unlicensed 
person  found  carrying  more  than  one  gallon  of  rum 
among  the  Indians  should  forfeit  said  liquor,  and  even 
Indians  were  empowered  to  stave  the  casks  and  destroy 
the  rum  when  they  found  it. 

By  the  middle  of  February,  Conrad  Weiser  was  called 
before  the  Council  to  assist  in  selecting  goods  to  be  sent  to 
Ohio.  It  was  decided  to  furnish  one  ton  of  lead,  eighteen 
barrels  of  powder,  forty  guns,  and  the  other  usual  mer 
chandise  to  the  value  of  eight  hundred  and  twenty-eight 
pounds,  eight  shillings,  and  one-half  pence.  Over  twenty- 
two  more  pounds  were  considered  necessary  to  pay  the 
cost  of  transportation,  in  which  list  of  expenses  a  trunk 
and  a  hammock  were  set  apart  for  the  use  of  Conrad 
Weiser.  All  arrangements  now  appeared  to  be  made  for 
the  expedition,  which  only  awaited  the  opening  of  the 
spring  season.  But  during  the  winter  unforeseen  difficul 
ties  had  been  brewing.  Doubtless  they  started  among 
the  Iroquois  who  would  most  naturally  feel  jealous  of 
the  Ohio  Indians  treating  directly  with  Pennsylvania.  It 
was  the  policy  of  the  Six  Nations  that  all  tributary  nations 
should  effect  their  negotiations  through  them.  Before 
spring  Shikellimy  developed  a  determined  opposition  to 
Conrad  Weiser's  Western  journey.  He  came  down  to 
see  him  early  in  March,  and  arranged  things  to  delay  the 
interpreter's  departure  for  Ohio.  He  soon  convinced 
Weiser  that  nothing  material  would  come  from  the  Ohio 
mission.  Since  Shikellimy  had  always  been  the  source 
of  all  Weiser's  information  about  Indian  affairs,  it  is  easy 
to  understand  why  this  change  of  attitude  would  strongly 


THE  FIRST  WINNING  OF  THE  WEST.  177 

influence  Weiser.     Shikeilimy  insisted  that  these  Western 
Indians  had  not  gone  to  war  against  the  French,  that  they 
could  not  do  this  without  permission  of  the  Six  Nations, 
since  they  were  subjects  of  the  Confederacy.    Therefore, 
he  saw  no  reason  for  the  expedition  and  declined  Weiser's 
invitation    to    accompany    him.      Shikeilimy    went    still 
further  and  said  that  at  the  Great  Council  Fire  of  the  Six 
Nations  it  was  decided  to  send  deputies  to  Philadelphia 
early  in  the  spring  to  fix  upon  a  chief  for  the  Delawares 
and  other  important  business  which  would  make  it  neces 
sary  for  Weiser  to  attend,  since  he  was  the  official  inter 
preter  for  the  Six  Nations  as  well  as  for  Pennsylvania. 
Weiser  hurried  his  son  off  to  Philadelphia  with  this  news 
and  desired  an  immediate  reply.     "If  the  journey  should 
be  delayed  or  given  over,"  he  asked,  "what  must  be  said 
to  the  Indians  by  George  Croghan?     His  own  cargo  is 
already  gone,  and  he  must  follow  in  a  few  days.     I  will 
undertake  to  ride  to  George  Croghan's,  let  things  go  as 
they  will,  before  he  goes  to  the  woods.     I  reckon  he  will 
be  greatly  disappointed,   he  having  kept  about  twenty 
horses  in  readiness  to  carry  the  goods.    I  am  ready  to  do 
whatever  the  President  and  Council  will  be  pleased  to 
signifie  to  me."* 

The  Council  immediately  called  for  Weiser's  former 
letters,  and  since  "there  appeared  to  be  an  inconsistency 
between  them  and  this  present  letter,"  it  was  decided  to 
summon  Conrad  Weiser  and  Shikeilimy  before  the  Coun 
cil  with  all  possible  dispatch,  the  Council  not  being  able 
to  come  to  any  decision  among  themselves.  The  Secre 
tary  in  his  letter  says :  "It  is  expected  that  neither  of  you 
will  make  any  excuses  nor  the  least  delay,  since  not  to 
come,  or  not  to  come  forthwith,  as  the  matters  under 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  212,  213. 


1/8  CONRAD    VVEISER. 

consideration  affect  this  Province,  and,  indeed,  all  Indian 
nations  in  a  very  sensible  manner,  would  be  equally  dan 
gerous.'^ 

With  this  summons  Richard  Peters  sent  a  letter  to 
George  Croghan,  asking  Conrad  Weiser,  by  postscript,  to 
add  anything  he  thought  necessary,  ''for  I  am  sensible," 
writes  Peters,  that  "more  maybe  said  to  him,  and  it  will 
come  better  from  you."  In  Croghan's  letter  he  is  told 
that  the  expedition  must  be  delayed,  "but  he  will  be  gen 
erously  remunerated  for  any  extra  expense  which  it  may 
occasion."  When  Shikellimy  with  his  son  and  Conrad 
Wreiser  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  in  April,  1748,  the  old 
Indian  repeated  the  same  story  he  told  Weiser  in  the 
winter,  insisting  that  Conrad  must  remain  and  act  as 
interpreter,  when  the  Iroquois  should  come  down.  The 
Council  therefore  decided  to  postpone  the  Ohio  expedition 
until  after  the  Six  Nation  deputies  had  accomplished  their 
business  at  Philadelphia.  This  decision  was  the  more 
easily  reached  since  it  was  not  yet  known  what  Maryland 
and  Virginia  intended  to  do  toward  aiding  in  the  expenses 
of  the  treaty. 

Pennsylvania  had  now  learned  from  Conrad  Weiser 
that  the  Ohio  Valley  was  a  vast  fur  trading  section  capa 
ble  of  drawing  rich  tributary  currents  from  the  region 
around  the  Great  Lakes.  These  reasons,  more  than  any 
hope  of  allies,  influenced  Pennsylvania  to  secure  the 
friendship  of  the  Ohio  Indians.  If  Maryland  and  Vir 
ginia  should  furnish  no  help,  Pennsylvania  could  do  it 
alone.  If  the  Six  Nations,  through  Shikellimy,  should 
endeavor  to  persuade  Conrad  Weiser  from  the  mission, 
Pennsylvania  could  go  on  with  the  treaty.  Conrad  Weiser 
was  shrewd  enough  to  see  this,  and  to  a  man  who  loved 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  213. 


THE  FIRST  WINNING  OF  THE  WEST.  179 

a  dollar  as  devotedly  as  he,  this  opportunity  should  not 
be  lost,  nor  his  share  of  provincial  patronage  put  in  jeop 
ardy.  At  that  time  Weiser  and  Secretary  Peters  were 
both  buying  land  with  the  money  received  from  public 
service.  These  circumstances  may  explain  why  Weiser 
was  not  wholly  a  convert  to  the  views  of  the  Six  Nations. 
He  had  in  the  previous  autumn  defined  the  policy  of  the 
Province,  and  created  the  appetite  for  the  Western  trade. 
He  now  held  himself  neutral.  If  the  expedition  fail,  or  is 
intrusted  to  George  Croghan,  Weiser  will  have  served  the 
Six  Nations  with  fidelity.  If  the  Council  insists  upon 
delaying  the  mission  and  having  Weiser  conduct  it  he 
will  have  served  his  State  to  his  own  honor  and  profit. 
Whatever  were  his  motives  the  interpreter  kept  his  lips 
closed,  and  permitted  events  to  take  their  course.  Six 
months  earlier  his  policy  was  in  the  active  voice,  now  it 
was  in  the  passive. 


I  SO  CONRAD   WEISER. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   OHIO   MISSION. 

Croghan  goes  to  Ohio— The  Indians  appreciate  the  Proclamation 
against  the  Selling^of  Rum— The  Twightwees  or  Miami  Indians  are 
won  over  to  the  English — Weiser  introduces  Andrew  Montotir  to 
the  Council— -The  Twightwees  at  Lancaster — The  Twightwees  make 
a  Speech — The  Twightwees  describe  their  Country — Flattering 
Prospects  of  increased  Trade — Weiser  starts  for  Ohio — Weiser 
received  at  Logstovyn — The  Wyandot  Indians  won  over  to  the 
English  Cause — Weiser  restores  to  Carolina  her  lost  Prisoners — 
Weiser  destroys  the  Traders'  Rum  Stores— The  Indians  at 
Logstown  receive  their  Presents — Results  of  the  Logstown  Treaty 
— Organization  of  the  Ohio  Company — Results  of  this  Or 
ganization. 

THE  Council  of  Pennsylvania  decided  to  send  George 
Croghan  to  the  Ohio  country  early  in  the  spring 
of  1748  with  presents  to  the  value  of  two  hundred  pounds, 
which  was  to  be  an  earnest  of  a  more  valuable  present  to 
be  sent  later  in  the  summer  by  Conrad  Weiser.  Croghan 
went  out  in  April.  He  told  the  Indians  assembled  in 
Council,  that  he  was  sent  by  the  President  and  Council 
at  Philadelphia  "to  return  ....  thanks  for  the  French 
sculp  you  sent  down  last  spring."  He  then  told  them  of 
the  great  present  which  Mr.  Weiser  would  bring  them  in 
the  summer.  After  distributing  the  goods,  he  read  the 
proclamation  against  the  selling  of  rum  among  them.  The 
Indians  expressed  their  thanks  for  the  presents,  and  in 
an  especial  manner  rejoiced  over  the  coming  of  Conrad 
Weiser,  saying  that  he  could  not  come  in  a  more  oppor 
tune  time,  since  a  number  of  their  tribes  would  be  in  from 
the  hunt  and  very  destitute  of  ammunition. 

"You  tell  us,"  they  said,  "that  you  have  put  a  stop  to 


THE  OHIO  MISSION.  %  l8l 

the  traders  carrying  out  strong  liquors,  which  we  approve 
of  very  well,  for  we  have  suffered  considerable  from  such 
abuses, — for  there  is  many  people  who  bring  nothing  else 
but  liquor,  and  so  cheats  us  of  our  skins,  and  many  of 
our  people  have  lost  their  lives.  But  brothers  we  have 
one  thing  to  acquaint  you  with,  and  that  is  there  is  a  great 
nations  of  Indians  cqme  from  the  French  to  be  your 
brothers  as  well  as  ours,  who  say  they  never  tasted  Eng 
lish  rum  yet,  but  would  be  very  glad  to  taste  it  now,  as 
they  are  come  to  live  with  the  English,  so  we  hope  you 
will  order  some  of  your  traders  to  bring  them  some,  for 
which  request  we  send  you  this  string  of  wampum."* 

These  Indians  who  were  said  never  to  have  tasted 
English  rurn  were  the  Twightwees,  whose  hunting  and 
trapping  grounds  extended  to  the  Mississippi  River. 
They  had  been  allies  of  the  French,  but  when  they  heard 
of  Conrad  Weiser  and  the  big  Pennsylvania  present  they 
became  interested  in  the  English.  The  Twightwees  real 
ized  by  experience  that  the  French  fur  market,  in  sections 
where  there  was  no  rivalry,  was  very  poor.  They  had 
heard  of  the  Six  Nations  and  their  profitable  conferences 
held  in  Pennsylvania.  Accordingly  with  characteristic 
Indian  business  enterprise  they  sent  word  that  their  depu 
ties  were  coming  eastward  with  the  hope  of  kindling  a 
Council  Fire  at  Lancaster.  Conrad  Weiser  urged  that  a 
delegation  be  sent  at  once  to  meet  these  Indians  and  con 
duct  them  to  Lancaster. 

Weiser  then  presented  Andrew  Montour  to  the  Coun 
cil,  and  recommended  him  as  a  "person  who  might  be  of 
service  to  the  Province  in  quality  of  Indian  interpreter 
and  messenger.  .  .  ."  Andrew  Montour  was  the  son  of 
the  celebrated  French  woman,  Madame  Montour,  who 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  289. 


182  CONRAD    WEISER. 

married  an  Iroquois  chief.  Andrew  was  a  prominent  man 
among  the  Delawares,  and  sufficiently  familiar  with  the 
English  language  to  serve  well  as  an  interpreter. 

For  some  years  there  had  been  jealousy  and  bad  feel 
ing  between  Weiser  and  Montour,  growing  out  of 
Andrew's  efforts  to  secure  the  position  of  interpreter  for 
Virginia  in  her  negotiations  with  the  Six  Nations.  Now, 
however,  when  Weiser  realized  the  necessity  of  having  a 
man  like  Montour  in  order  to  secure  the  alliance  of  the 
Indians  in  the  Ohio  Valley,  all  past  differences  were 
healed.  He  was  invited  to  Weiser's  house  and  hand 
somely  entertained.  Weiser  ceased  writing  letters  to 
Secretary  Peters  complaining  of  him  and  his  crafty 
methods.  In  introducing  Montour  to  the  Council, 
Weiser  said  that  he  had  frequently  employed  him  in 
numerous  affairs  of  importance,  and  had  "found  him 
faithful,  knowing  and  prudent."  During  the  previous 
winter  Weiser  had  sent  Montour  to  Ohio  and  Lake  Erie, 
desiring  him  "to  observe  what  passed  among  the  Indians," 
and  gather  what  they  said  when  the  deputies  returned 
from  Pennsylvania.  This  was  Weiser's  method  of  pre 
paring  himself  for  a  mission  into  strange  lands.  He  then 
recommended  the  Council  to  remunerate  Andrew  for  his 
journey.  This  was  promptly  and  cheerfully  done. 

Montour  was  directed  to  go  to  the  woods  and  meet 
the  Twightwees'  deputies,  and  if  possible  persuade  them  to 
come  to  Philadelphia.  He  was  not  to  press  this  last  point, 
should  the  Indians  be  found  unfavorable.  And  in  no 
case  was  Andrew  to  fail  to  send  word  to  Conrad  Weiser 
telling  of  the  number  of  Indians,  their  purpose,  etc. 
When  Andrew  met  the  Ohio  Indians  he  found  it  impossi 
ble  to  persuade  them  to  come  to  Philadelphia.  They  were 
sure  that  the  city  was  "sickly,"  and  were  determined  to 


THE  OHIO  MISSION. 

hold  their  conference  at  Lancaster.  The  Council  dis 
cussed  this  for  a  long  time,  but  finally  it  was  decided  to 
appoint  four  commissioners  §  to  meet  the  Indians. 
Andrew  Montour  was  interpreter  for  the  Western 
Indians,  and  Conrad  Weiser  for  the  Six  Nations. 
Scaroyady,  an  Oneida  chief,  living  on  the  Ohio,  and 
exercising  for  the  Six  Nations  jurisdiction  over  the  West 
ern  tribes  similar  to  that  held  by  Shikellimy  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  was  to  have  been  their  speaker  on  this  occasion, 
but  was  disabled  by  a  fall.  Andrew  Montour  then  became 
speaker  for  the  Western  Indians. 

They  said  that  they  came  from  the  banks  of  the  "Oue- 
bach"  (Wabash),  "a  great  river  running  into  the  Ohio; 
....  last  fall."    Pennsylvania  sent  "a  message  addressed 
to  all  the  tribes  of  Indians  at  Ohio  and  elsewhere  in  amity 
with  the  English,  which  the  Six  Nations'  hunting  tribes 
delivered  to  the  Shawanese,  and  by  them,  given  to  us. 
Since  you  have  opened  the  door  for  us  we  are  glad  to 
come  to  you  and  grasp  firmly  the  chain  of  friendship, 
praying  that  it  may  never  grow  dull,  and  that  the  road 
between  us  and  you  may  never  grow  over  with  briers. 
We  have  not  come  to  this  conclusion  hastily.    We  thought 
many  nights  and  days  of  this  affair.    We  weighed  every 
thing  well  before  we  took  the  resolution  of  seeking  your 
friendship.    We  repeat  it,  our  request  does  not  come  from 
the  mouth  only;  no,  if  comes  from  the  heart."*     This  is 
what  we  said  "last  winter  to  the  Ohio  Indians,  we  say  it 
now  to  you,  and  in  confirmation  thereof  we  now  present 
you  these  thirty  beaver  skins."     A  calumet  pipe  with  a 
"long  stem  curiously  wrought  and  wrapped  round  with 

§Benjamin  Shoemaker,  Joseph  Turner,  Thomas  Hopkinson,  Wil 
liam  Logan. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  309- 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


wampum  of  several  colors"  was  then  filled  with  tobacco 
and  smoked  by  the  Indians  and  commissioners.  A  treaty 
of  peace  was  drawn  up  with  the  Twightwees  on  condition 
that  they  would  have  no  more  communication  with  the 
French.  An  exchange  of  presents  then  took  place.  Penn 
sylvania  gave  the  Indians  goods  to  the  value  of  one  hun 
dred  and  eighty-nine  pounds,  and  eight  pence.  The  In 
dians  gave  to  the  commissioners  :  "White  wampum  worth 
i  pound,  45.  od.  ;  fifty-five  pounds  of  beaver  skins  worth 
22  pounds,  os.  op.  ;  seven  and  one-half  pounds  of  ordinary 
beaver,  worth  2  pounds,  53.  od.  ;  forty-one  deer  skins, 
worth  7  pounds,  175.  Sd.  ;  fifteen  dressed  leather  skins, 
worth  5  pounds,  i6s.  od."  This  was  deducted  from  the 
cost  of  the  treaty,  making  the  net  expense  amount  to  149 
pounds,  1  8s.  od. 

The  Twightwee  chief  then  took  a  piece  of  chalk  and 
drew  on  the  Court  House  floor  the  courses  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  Rivers,  marking  the  Ouebach  (Wabash). 
They  represented  this  river  as  rising  in  a  little  lake  "at  a 
small  distance  from  the  west  end  of  Lake  Erie,  from 
which  it  runs  southwesterly  four  or  five  hundred  miles, 
and  falls  into  the  Ohio  about  three  hundred  miles  from 
the  Mississippi."  On  this  river  and  another  called  the 
Hatchet,  the  Twightwees  located  twenty  Indian  towns  in 
which  they  claimed  they  had  one  thousand  fighting  men. 
The  Twightwees  also  located  two  French  forts  on  the 
Mississippi  River  "whereby  it  is  manifest,"  write  the 
commissioners,  "that  if  these  Indians  and  their  allies 
prove  faithful  to  the  English,  the  French  will  be  deprived 
of  the  most  convenient  and  nearest  communication  with 
their  forts  on  the  Mississippi,  the  ready  road  lying 
through  their  nations,  and  that  there,  will  be  nothing  to 


THE  OHIO   MISSION.  185 

interrupt  an  intercourse  between  this  Province  and  that 
great  river."* 

At  the  close  of  the  treaty  the  Twightwees  said  that  they 
had  brought  along  a  few  skins  with  which  to  begin  trade. 
They  requested  the  commissioners  to  order  the  traders 
to  put  less  stones  in  their  scales,  in  order  that  the  skins 
might  weigh  more.  They  promised  that  if  the  prices  paid 
for  furs  were  good,  it  would  encourage  them  and  other 
tribes  to  trade  more  generally  with  the  Pennsylvania 
traders,  The  Council  in  writing  to  the  Proprietary  in 
England  of  this  treaty  said,  "we  hope  it  will  be  produc 
tive  of  considerable  advantages  to  the  people  of  this  Pro 
vince,  by  enlarging  our  Indian  trade,  and  extending  our 
friendship  to  Indians  hitherto  unknown  to  us."§ 

Before  the  Twightwees  departed  from  Lancaster  they 
were  told  by  the  Commissioners  that  there  was  a  prospect 
of  peace  between  England  and  France.  To  this  important 
statement  the  Indians  made  no  answer.  The  value 
of  this  new  relation  with  the  Twightwees  was  pretty  gen 
erally  appreciated.  The  Governor  wrote  to  the  Assembly 
that  such  an  alliance  would  not  only  enlarge  the  Indian 
trade,  but  would  seriously  interrupt  the  communications 
of  the  French,  in  Quebec,  with  their  settlements  on  the 
Mississippi  River ;  since  the  Twightwees'  town  lies  on  the 
route  followed  by  the  French  in  going  from  the  lake 
country  to  New  Orleans. 

On  the  nth  of  August,  1748,  Conrad  Weiser  started 
on  his  journey  to  the  Ohio.  His  route  lay  from  Tulpe- 
hocken  to  James  Galbreath's  and  George  Croghan's,  at 
which  places  he  found  lodgings.  After  the  third  day 
out  Weiser  camped  at  nights  in  the  woods  and  slept  in 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  315. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  322. 


lS6  CONRAD    WEISER. 

the  hammock  which  he  had  provided.    The  Province  had 
made  this  purchase  for  the  especial  purpose  of  protecting 
Weiser,  in  his  declining  years,  from  cold  and  exposure 
incident  to  lying  on  the  ground  at  night.     'The  Tusca- 
rora  Path/'  and  the  "Black  Log  Sleeping  Place"  marked 
the  trail  which  guided  Weiser  s  party  to  the  Juniata  River, 
where  they  camped  two  miles  below  "Standing  Stone" 
(Huntingdon),  called  by  the  Indians  "Onojutta  Haga," 
meaning    standing    stone    people.     At    Frankstown  they 
overtook  Croghan  and  his  train  of  pack  horses  laden  with 
the  Indian  presents.    Leaving  Frankstown,  where  Weiser 
remarked  that  he  saw  neither  a  house  nor  a  cabin,  they 
crossed  the  mountains  to  "Clearfields."     After  traveling 
one    hundred    and  eight    miles    from    Frankstown,  they 
crossed  the  Kiskiminitas  Creek  and  came  to  what  was 
then  called  the  Ohio  River,  now  known  as  the  Allegheny. 
Here  they  hired  a  canoe  for  1000  of  black  wampum,  and 
leaving  their  horses,  paddled  down  the  river.    At  the  dif 
ferent  Indian  villages  they  were  received  with  unfeigned 
joy.      Guns  were  fired   and   feasts  were  spread.     They 
reached  Logstown  on  the  evening  of  August  the  27th, 
and  were  greeted  by  the  firing  of  one  hundred  guns.    This 
Indian  village  with  its  corn  fields  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river,  was  between  eighteen  and  nineteen  miles  from 
the  forks  of  the  Ohio.     It  stood  on  the  land  now  the 
property  of  the  Harmony  Society,  at  Economy,  a  short 
distance  below  the  town,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  river. 
That  evening  all  the  old  and  wise  men  among  the 
Indians  met  and  shook  hands  with  Weiser.     Arrange 
ments  were  also  made  to  send  boats  to  "Chartier's  old 
Town,"  where  the  horses  were  left  and  get  the  goods. 
While  waiting  for  the  present  to  arrive,  Weiser  visited 
some  of  the  neighboring  Indian  towns  and  gathered  the 


THE  OHIO  MISSION. 


current    news    of    the    clay.     The    Indians    of  Coscosky 
wanted   the   Council   held   there   instead   of   Logstown. 
Weiser  told  them  that  last  spring  when  they  feared  that 
their  corn  crop  was  going  to  he  small  they  desired  that 
the  Council  might  be  held  at  Logstown,  hut  now  since  the 
crop  was  large  they  wanted  to  change  the  location  of  the 
Council.     Weiser  insisted  that  they  must  stand  by  their 
word,  especially  since  the  notice  had  been  given  out  at 
Lancaster,  and  the  other  tribes  would  be  offended  if  the 
seat  of  the  Council  was  changed.    The  secret  of  Weiser's 
success  with  the  Indians  was  due  to  a  desire  to  furnish 
them    with    a    reason    for    the    things    he    wanted,    as 
well  as  what  he  denied  them.     Now  that  we  find  him  a 
stranger  among  strange  Indians  we  can  the  better  examine 
the  fertility  of  his  resources.     Not  being  a  trader  the 
Indians  realized  that  he  had  no  mercenary  motives  and 
imposed  large  confidence  in  his  words.  Weiser  thoroughly 
knew  the  things  which  pleased  the  heart  of  an  Indian. 
On  the  day  when  the  deputies  from  the  distant  nations 
were  expected,  he  caused  the  English  flag  to  be  raised 
upon  a  long  pole,  and  the  King's  health  to  be  drunk  by  all 
the  Indians  and  white  men  present.     Towards  evening 
while  the  deputies  in  a  long  delegation  were  arriving,  a 
constant  firing  of  salutes  was  kept  up  by  all  the  Indians 
and  traders  in  the  town.    To  what  extent  these  festivities 
were  the  cause  of  Weiser's  having  a  severe  attack  of  colic 
that  night  is  not  known.     For  several  days  he  was  con 
fined  to  his  couch,  and  was  visited  by  the  leading  chiefs, 
who  were  very  solicitous  for  his  recovery. 

Various  rumors  of  an  Indian  war  with  the  French 
were  afloat.  When  Weiser  sent  his  secret  agent,  Andrew 
Montour,  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  this  report,  he  found 
that  it  was  without  foundation.  The  Wyandots,  a  power- 


1 88 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


ful  group  of  Indian  tribes,  at  one  time  in  the  French 
interest,  and  recently  avowed  friends  of  the  English,  were 
reported  to  Weiser  as  weakening  in  their  new  resolution 
and  inclined  to  go  back  to  the  French.    These  Wyandots, 
says  Weiser,  were  called  lonontady  Hagas,  and  were  an 
exceedingly    influential    body    of   Indians.     He    at   once 
called  a  council  of  their  chiefs  and  asked  them  why  they 
had  left  the  French.     They  replied  that  it  arose  from 
their  hard  usage.     The  French  had  treated  their  young 
men  in  the  wars  as  they  would  slaves.     And  for  some 
years  French  goods  had  been  so  dear  that  the  Indians 
could  not  buy  them.    They  further  said  that  all  the  Wyan- 
clot  tribes  were  dissatisfied  with  the  neutral  action  of  the 
Six  Nations  and  desired  that  they  would  take  a  decided 
stand  against  the  French.     They  reported  a  treaty  having 
been  made  over  fifty  years  previous  with  the  Governor 
of  New  York,  showing  in  confirmation  thereof  a  large 
belt  of  wampum,  which  they  believed  had  been  sent  to 
them  by  "the    Great    King    across    the    water";  Weiser 
describes  this  belt  as  follows:     It  "was  25  grains  wide 
and  265  long,  very  curiously  wrought;  there  were  seven 
images  of  men  holding  one  another  by  the  hand,  the  first 
signifying  the  Governor  of  New  York  (or  rather  as  they 
said    the    King    of     Great     Britain)  ;     the    second,    the 
Mohawks;  the  third,  the  Oneidas;  the  fourth,  the  Cayu- 
gas;  the  fifth,  the  Onondagos;  the  sixth,  the  Senecas;  the 
seventh,  the  Owandaets,  "[Wyandots]"  and  two  rows  of 
black  wampum  under  their  feet  thro'  the  whole  length  of 
the  belt  to  signify  the  road  from  Albany  thro'  the  Five 
Nations  to  the  Owendaets."     Weiser  gave  these  Indians 
some  tobacco  and  whiskey,  and  made  them  the  warm 
friends  of  the  English. 

A  few  days  after  Weiser  had  left  Berks  County  upon 


THE  OHIO  MISSION.  189 

this  mission  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  received  word 
from  Governor  Gooch,  of  Virginia,  that  he  had  been 
informed  by  Governor  Glenn,  of  South  Carolina,  that 
some  time  in  July  a  party  of  Northern  Indians  had  been 
on  a  war  excursion  against  the  Catawbas,  and  had  car 
ried  off  a  white  man,  Mr.  Haig,  and  his  servant.  Haig, 
it  appears,  was  a  captain  of  the  militia  and  a  justice  of  the 
peace,  a  much  valued  man  among  the  German  inhabitants. 
When  this  news  reached  Governor  Thomas,  a  dispatch 
was  at  once  sent  to  overtake  Conrad  Weiser,  and  place 
the  solution  of  the  affair  in  his  hands. 

While  Weiser  '  was  firing  salutes  and  treating  the 
Indians  at  Logstown,  his  secret  agents  were  not  idle, 
and  they  learned  that  the  Seneca  Indians  were  respon 
sible  for  this  crime.  Weiser  immediately  held  a 
council  with  the  Seneca  chiefs  on  the  Ohio,  and  after 
charging  them  with  the  deed  demanded  the  return 
of  Mr.  Haig.  The  Senecas  took  three  days  for  con 
sideration.  Weiser  was  well  aware  that  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  United  Confederacy  the  Senecas  were 
closest  to  the  French  interests  and  their  cause,  and  to  call 
these  proud  warriors  to  an  account  for  their  misdeeds  was 
a  dangerous  thing  to  do.  During  these  three  days  the 
emissaries  of  the  Pennsylvania  interpreter  were  vigilant. 
How  they  accomplished  their  work  is  not  known.  But 
Weiser  secured  the  Seneca  influence  on  the  Ohio  for  the 
English  cause.  After  three  days  the  chiefs  told  him  that 
the  woods  were  full  of  evil  spirits,  and  they  gave  him  a 
belt  of  wampum  "to  clear  his  eyes  and  mind,  and  remove 
all  bitterness  of  spirit." 

Their  speaker  then  reviewed  the  ancient  friend 
ship  of  the  Six  Nations  for  the  English,  and  finally 
brought  his  discourse  to  the  capture  of  Mr.  Haig. 


19°  CONRAD    WEISER. 

"We  are  very  sorry,"  he  said,  "that  at  your  coming  here 
we  are  obliged  to  talk  of  the  accident  that  lately  befel 
yon  in  Carolina,  where    some    of    our    warriors,  by  the 
instigation  of  the  Evil  Spirit,  struck  their  hatchet  into  our 
own  body  like,  for  our  brethren,  the  English  and  we  are 
of  one  body,  and  what  was  done  we  utterly  abhor  as  a 
thing  done  by  the  Evil  Spirit  himself.    We  never  expected 
any  of  our  people  would  ever  do  so  to  our  brethren.     We 
therefore  remove  our  hatchet,  which  by  the  influence  of 
the  Evil  Spirit  was  struck  into  your  body,  and  we  desire 
that  our  brethren,  the  Governor  of  New  York  and  Onas, 
may  use  their  utmost  endeavors  that  the  thing  may  be 
buried  in  the  bottomless  pit  that  it  may  never  be  seen 
again,  that  the  chain  of  friendship  which  is  of  so  long 
standing  may  be    preserved    bright    and    unhurt."     The 
Indians  then  gave  Weiser  a  belt  of  wampum,  and  taking 
up  another  which  was  almost  black,  said,    "Brethren,  as 
we  have  removed  our  hatchet  out  of  your  body,  or  prop 
erly  out  of  our  own,  we  now  desire  that  the  air  may  be 
cleared  up  again,  and  the  wound  given  may  be  healed, 
and    everything    put    in    good    understanding,  as  it  was 
before,  and  we  desire  that  you  will  assist  us  in  making 
up  everything  with  the  Governor  of  Carolina.     The. man 
that  has  been  brought  as  a  prisoner  we  now  deliver  up  to 
you,  he  is  yours."    The  speaker  then  laid  down  his  wam 
pum  and  taking  the  prisoner  by  the  hand  delivered  him 
to  Conrad  Weiser.     Sometime  afterwards  it  was  discov 
ered  that  the  prisoner  wras  one  Brown,  the  servant  to  Mr. 
Haig,  and  that  the  master  had  been  murdered  by  the 
Indians.     Nothing  further  was  done  since  Weiser  was 
informed  that  there  were  certain  English  traders  among 
the  Catawba  Indians  who  not  infrequently  betrayed  the 
position  of  the  Iroquois  to  the  Catawbas,  and  for  this 


THE  OHIO  MISSION.  IQI 

* 

reason  the  Iroquois  warriors  were  prone  to  take  revenge. 

During  the  delay  occasioned  hy  the  tardy  arrival  of 
the  goods  Weiser  was  very  much  annoyed  by  a  Mary 
land  trader  who  appeared  with  thirty  gallons  of  whiskey, 
and  opened  a  profitable  business.  Weiser  tried  to 
persuade  him  to  desist  and  hide  the  liquor  in  the  woods. 
The  trader  was  not  to  be  put  off  in  that  manner,  but 
pushed  his  trade  briskly.  Of  course  this  was  an  injury 
to  Croghan,  who  felt  that  he  was  the  only  trader  who 
should  be  allowed  to  sell  at  that  time.  Furthermore, 
Croghan  was  a  licensed  trader,  while  Nolan  was  a 
"detested  Marylander."  Accordingly,  Weiser  and 
Croghan  availed  themselves  of  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania 
and  staved  Nolan's  store  of  liquor.. 

After  two  weeks  of  embarrassing  delay  the  presents 
finally  arrived.  Weiser  called  a  full  council  and  repeated 
all  that  had  transpired  at  the  recent  treaty  at  Lancaster. 
The  goods  were  laid  out  before  the  eyes  of  the  Indians 
in  five  piles.  One  pile  Weiser  told  them  was  sent  by  the 
Governor  of  Virginia.  These  goods,  he  continued,  have 
been  sent  you  that  the  chain  of  friendship  may  be  made 
bright.  "A  French  peace  is  a  very  uncertain  one,  they 
keep  it  no  longer  than  their  interests  permit.  .  .  .  The 
French  King's  people  have  been  almost  starved  in  old 
France  for  want  of  provisions,  which  has  made  them  wish 
and  seek  for  peace;  but  our  wise  people  are  of  opinion 
that  after  their  bellies  are  full  they  will  quarrel  again  and 
raise  another  war.  All  nations  in  Europe  know  that 
their  friendship  is  mixed  with  poison,  and  many  who 
trusted  too  much  on  their  friendship  have  been  ruined." 
The  goods  were  then  uncovered  and  the  Indians  given  to 
understand  that  they  were  all  for  them.  Weiser  then 
complimented  these  Western  Indians  on  their  location  and 


IQ2  CONRAD    WEISER. 

avocation,  saying,  you  came  here  for  the  sake  of  hunting. 
Our  traders  followed  you  at  your  invitation.  Since  then 
some  of  your  young  men  have  robbed  our  traders.  You, 
no  doubt,  have  lived  here  long  enough  to  have  some  wise 
men  among  you,  who  will  control  your  conduct  in  the 
future,  that  you  may  be  more  upright  than  in  the  past 
when  only  a  few  hunters  lived  here.  You  have  recently 
made  loud  complaints  about  the  traders  wlio  carry  rum 
among  you.  You  ask  that  it  may  be  stopped.  I  will  read 
you  the  lawrs  made  by  the  Governor  and  wise  men  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is  not  in  your 
white  brethren's* power  to  stop  this  trade  entirely.  "You 
send  down  your  skins  by  the  traders  to  buy  rum  for  you. 
You  go  yourselves  and  fetch  horseloacls  of  strong  liquor." 
Only  "the  other  day  an  Indian  came  to  this  town  out  of 
Maryland  with  three  horseloads  of  liquor,  so  it  appears 
you  love  it  so  well  that  you  cannot  be  without  it.  You 
know  very  well  that  the  country  near  the  Endless  Moun 
tains  (Blue  Mountains)  affords  strong  liquor,  and  the 
moment  the  traders  buy  it  they  are  gone  out  of  the  inhab 
itants  and  are  traveling  to  this  place  without  being  dis 
covered  ;  besides  this  you  never  agree  about  it — one  will 
have  it,  the  other  won't  (tho'  very  few7),  a  third  says  he 
will  have  it  cheaper ;  this  last  we  believe  is  spoken  from 
your  hearts  (here  they  laughed).  Your  brethren,  there 
fore,  have  ordered  that  every  -  -  of  whiskey  shall 
be  sold  to  you  for  five  bucks  in  your  town,  and  if  a  trader 
offers  to  sell  whiskey  to  you,  and  will  not  let  you  have 
it  at  that  price,  you  may  take  it  from  him  and  drink  it 
for  nothing."* 

Before    distributing    the    goods    Weiser    called  up  a 
trader  saying,  here  is  a  sober,  honest  man  whom  you  have 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  357- 


THE  OHIO  MISSION. 

"robbed  of  the  value  of  three  hundred  bucks,  and  you  all 
know  by  whom.  Let,  therefore  satisfaction  be  made  to 
the  trader."  The  five  piles  of  goods  were  distributed  as 
follows,  one  pile  to  the  Seneca  nation,  which  was  very 
powerful  in  that  region,  the  second  pile  to  the  remaining 
nations  of  the  Iroquois  Confederacy,  not  including  the 
Tuscaroras.  The  third  pile  was  given  to  the  Delaware 
Indians.  A  fourth  pile  to  the  Shawanese  tribes,  and  the 
fifth  and  sixth  piles  to  the  Wyandots,  and  other  extremely 
Western  tribes.  The  Indians  seemed  very  thankful  for 
these  presents,  saying  through  their  speaker,  "Our 
brethren  (the  white  men)  have  indeed  tied  our  hearts  to 
theirs.  We  at  present  can  but  return  thanks  with  an 
empty  hand  till  another  opportunity  serves  to  do  it  suffi 
ciently.  We  must  call  a  great  council  and  do  everything 
regularly,  in  the  meantime  look  upon  us  as  your  true 
brothers."  After  giving  a  few  individual  presents  Weiser 
hurried  home. 

This  treaty  left  Pennsylvania  in  possession  of  the 
Indian  trade  from  Logstown  to  the  Mississippi  River, 
and  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Michigan  region.  The  unor 
ganized  condition  of  the  English  fur  trade,  put  the  colo 
nists  at  a  great  disadvantage  compared  with  the  French. 
The  success  of  Weiser  s  Ohio  negotiations  opened  up  new 
and  exceedingly  profitable  lines  of  trade. 

Although  Maryland  refused  to  furnish  any  aid  toward 
the  expense  of  the  Logstown  treaty,  her  traders  were  now 
eager  to  avail  themselves  of  the  profits  resulting  from  the 
recently  developed  opportunities.  Accordingly  a  number 
of  Maryland  traders  pushed  into  Logstown  and  the  Ohio 
country.  Virginia  on  the  other  hand  had  paid  for  one- 
fifth  of  the  presents,  and  when  she  fully  realized  that  trade 
on  the  Ohio  was  safe,  that  Conrad  Weiser  and  Pennsyl- 


194  CONRAD    WEISER. 

vania  enterprise  had  unlocked  a  mine  of  wealth,  she 
became  aware  of  new  values  belonging  to  these  Ohio 
lands. 

The  Logstown  treaty  aroused  Virginia's  jealousy  of 
the  professed  boundaries  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  claimed 
that  the  Ohio  Valley  was  a  part  of  Virginia  by  virtue  of 
the  King's  charter,  and  certain  explorations  made  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley  by  Governor  Spottswood  in  1723. 
Moreover  this  region  had  been  bought  from  the  Iroquois 
Indians  at  the  Lancaster  Treaty  in  1744.  Did  not  the 
deed  say,  "extending  west  to  the  setting  sun"?  Did  not 
Pennsylvania  hear  this  and  enter  no  protest?  therefore, 
reasoned  Virginia,  these  lands  are  ours.  About  the  time 
that  Virginia  paid  one-fifth  of  the  expense  of  this  treaty, 
and  her  Council  read  the  report  of  Conrad  Weiser, 
Thomas  Lee,  a  member  of  the  King's  Council  in  Virginia, 
conceived  the  idea  of  organizing  a  land  company  to  be 
known  as  the  Ohio  Company.  It  was  represented  to  the 
English  Board  of  Trade  that  there  were  no  English  resi 
dents  in  those  regions.  "A  few  traders,"  wrote  Lee, 
wander  "from  tribe  to  tribe,  and  dwell  among  the  Indians, 
but  they  neither  cultivate  nor  occupy  the  land." 
Thomas  Lee  then  proposed  organizing  for  the  purpose  of 
settlement.  He  accordingly  associated  himself  with 
twelve  other  persons  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  of  whom 
Lawrence  and  Augustine  Washington  were  two.  With 
the  aid  of  Mr.  Mamburg,  a  London  merchant,  the  Ohio 
Company  was  put  in  operation.  The  King  of  England 
approved  their  petition  and  granted  them  500,000  acres 
of  land  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio  River,  between  the 
mouth  of  the  Monongahela  and  the  Kanawha  Rivers. 
The  company,  however,  held  the  privilege  of  occupying 
lands  north  of  the  Ohio  River  if  found  desirable.  Two 


THE  OHIO  MISSION.  195 

hundred  thousand  acres  were  to  be  selected  at  once,  and 
held  for  ten  years  free  from  quit  rents  or  any  tax  to  the 
King,  on  condition  that  the  company  should,  at  its  own 
expense,  seat  one  hundred  families  on  the  land  within 
seven  years,  and  build  a  fort,  and  maintain  a  garrison 
sufficient  to  protect  the  settlement.  Arrangements  were 
immediately  made  with  Mr.  Hamburg  to  send  over  goods 
to  the  value  of  four  thousand  pounds  for  Indian  trade. 
The  first  cargo  was  to  arrive  in  November,  1749,  and  the 
second  in  March,  1/50. 

As  a  result  of  this  movement  a  vigorous  and  bitter 
rivalry  sprang  up  among  the  English  traders.  All  man 
ner  of  stories  were  told  to  the  Indians  by  the  traders  of 
Pennsylvania  to  prejudice  them  against  the  traders  of 
Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  lack  of  organization  was 
the  weak  spot  in  English  trade.  Local  contention  and 
jealousy  was  beginning  to  destroy  the  fruit  of  what 
Conrad  Weiser  gained  at  Logstown  in  the  summer  of 

1748.  The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  used  the  peace  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle   to   their    own    advantage.      With    their 
system  of  trade  thoroughly  organized  and  controlled,  they 
began  a  careful  method  of  regaining  the  lost  friendship 
of  the  Western  Indians.     No  horde  of  rum  traders  and 
Indian  debauchees  were  permitted  to  follow  the  regular 
French  traders.    George  Croghan  writes  from  Ohio,  July, 

1749,  recounting  the  rumors  of  the  French  intention  to 
prevent  English  settlements  on  the  Ohio.    He  tells  of  two 
Maryland  traders  who  brought  word  to  the  Allegheny 
country  that  the  Virginians  were  going  to  settle  the  fol 
lowing  spring  along  the  Youghiogheny,  and  that  their 
traders  would  furnish  the  Indians  their  goods  cheaper 
than  the  Pennsylvania  traders  could.     He  informs  that 
the  Western    Indians    are    averse    to    having  any  white 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


people,  and  especially  the  Virginians,  settle  west  of  the 
Allegheny  Mountains.  He  realizes  the  distracted  and 
divided  state  of  Indian  trade  among  the  colonists,  and 
since  the  French  had  by  Conrad  Weiser's  treaty  lost  the 
T  wight  wee  or  Miami  trade,  Croghan  insists  that  the 
French  will  spare  no  trouble  and  expense  in  their  efforts 
to  regain  what  had  been  lost  during  the  war.  "No 
people,"  he  writes,  "carries  on  ye  Indian  trade  in  so  reg 
ular  a  manner  as  the  French.  I  wish  with  all  my  heart  ye 
Government  of  this  Province  would  take  some  method 
to  regulate  ye  Indian  trade,  and  to  prevent  many  disorders 
which  arise  from  ye  carrying  of  Spirits  in  ye  Indian  Cun- 
trys."  Croghan  had  sent  Andrew  Montour  to  Lake  Erie 
as  a  spy  to  learn  if  there  were  any  French  in  that  region, 
and  what  were  their  intentions.  "I  make  no  doubt  butt 
the  French  will  make  use  of  unfair  methods  to  bring  over 
all  the  Indians  they  can  to  their  interests."  Croghan 
believed  that  the  Indians  were  so  well  "grafted  in  ye  Eng 
lish  interests  that  they  will  not  be  easy  deceived  by  the 
French."  He  offered  to  remain  on  the  Ohio  with  Andrew 
Montour  and  keep  the  Indians  true  to  the  interest  of  Penn 
sylvania,  if  such  action  should  be  found  necessary.  Crog- 
han's  postscript  describes  a  drunken  spree  among  the 
Indians  which  occurred  near  his  Carlisle  farm  at  a  still 
house,  where  one  of  the  Indians  was  killed.  "I  cannot 
find  out,"  he  writes,  "whether  he  was  killed  by  one  of  the 
Indians  or  by  a  white  man.  But  I  shall  secure  all  the 
white  men  that  was  at  the  place  till  I  find  out  ye  truth  of 
ye  affair,  and  I  will  let  you  know  more  fully  ye  truth  of 
ye  matter.  Butt  I  think  all  stillers  and  tavernkeepers 
should  be  fined  for  making  ye  Indians  drunk,  and  espec- 
cially  warriors."* 

*Penna.  Archives,   vol.  II.,  pp.  32,  33. 


THE  OHIO  MISSION.  197 

Thus  rumors  of  Indian  outrages  were  increasing,  and 
the  temper  of  the  frontier  people  was  growing  more  sensi 
tive.  Adam  Furney,  of  Conewago,  west  of  the  Susque- 
hanna  River,  was  shot  hy  an  intoxicated  Indian.  The 
Redskin  had  been  importuning  Furney  for  more  rum, 
and  the  trader  persistently  refused,  until  the  infuriated 
savage  shot  him.  This  deed  occurred  very  near  the  dis 
puted  boundary  line.  It  was  uncertain  which  Province 
should  apprehend  the  Indian.  It  was  finally  decided  that 
Cumberland  County,  Pennsylvania, should  administer  jus 
tice.  The  "Indian  was  captured  and  lodged  in  jail  to  await 
his  trial,  when  contrary  to  all  expectations  Furney  recov 
ered.  It  was  then  thought  best  to  release  the  Indian.  This 
act  added  to  the  excitement  and  prejudice  of  the  frontier 
people. 

The  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  filled  the  forests  of 
western  Pennsylvania  with  unlicensed  traders  who 
were  eager  to  avail  themselves  of  the  protection  offered 
by  the  Logstown  treaty  and  reap  profit  from  the  uncon 
trolled  appetite  of  the  Indian.  As  a  result  numberless 
outbreaks  occurred,  especially  among  those  traders  who 
drank  with  the  Indians.  These  things  made  it  difficult 
for  the  wise  men  among  the  Indians  to  restrain  their 
young  men.  In  addition  to  these  troubles  the  Provinces 
which  had  borne  the  brunt  and  expense  of  the  recent  war 
were  now  anxious  to  reduce  all  Indian  expenses  to  a 
minimum.  Indeed,  they  were  desirous  of  hearing  no  more 
of  the  Indians  for  some  time.  While  the  colonists  were 
resting  in  this  indifferent  attitude  the  French  were  making 
renewed  and  well  planned  schemes  to  regain  all  that  had 
been  lost  during  the  war. 


198  CONRAD   WEISER. 


CHAPTER  XL 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF.; 


Trouble  with  the  Juniata  Squatters — Trouble  on  the  Southern  Bor 
der — The  Iroquois  intercede  for  the  Delaware  Hunting  Grounds — 
Weiser  asks  damages  for  Indian  Depredations — Indian  Insolence 
— The  Death  of  Shikellimy — Weiser  explains  why  the  Squatters 
came — Weiser  claims  that  the  Indians  defy  the  Laws  of  the 
Province — The  Senecas  complain  to  Governor  Hamilton — The 
Governor  promises  to  drive  off  the  Squatters — A  Proclamation 
issued — Weiser  told  to  keep  back  the  Indians — A  second  bloodless 
Invasion — Canassatego  offers  to  sell  Land — Hamilton  keeps  his 
promise  with  the  Indians — The  Indians  give  Advice — Weiser  and 
the  Magistrates  sent  to  drive  off  the  Squatters — Their  Cabins 
burned — Weiser  abandons  the  Undertaking — Why  did  Weiser 
withdraw  from  the  Project? — Invading  the  Path  Valley,  the  Big 
and  Little  Coves — The  Cumberland  County  Magistrates  Abandon 
the  Enterprise. 

THE  white  squatters  west  of  the  Susquehanna  River 
had  been  causing  trouble  for  thirty  years.  As 
early  as  1721  the  Governor  ordered  the  magistrates  of 
Lancaster  County  to  burn  and  destroy  the  cabins  of  the 
squatters  west  of  the  Susquehanna.  After  the  purchase  of 
1736,  when  all  the  land  southeast  of  the  Blue  Mountains 
had  been  bought  from  the  Indians,  the  squatters  soon 
appeared  beyond  those  mountains.  About  1740  or  1741, 
Frederick  Star  and  two  or  three  more  Germans  settled 
on  the  Juniata  about  twenty-five  miles  from  its  mouth. 
Probably  these  were  the  first  settlers  in  the  valley.  The 
Delaware  Indians  reported  this  action  of  Star  and  his 
companions  to  the  Six  Nations'  representative  at  Shamo- 
kin,  and  at  the  treaty  of  1742  the  Iroquois  chiefs 
demanded  that  these  settlers  be  "thrown  over  the  Big 
Mountain,"  Governor  Thomas  promised  to  have  them 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF."  199 

removed,  and  immediately  issued  a  proclamation  to  that 
effect.  The  following  year,  1743,  the  Governor's  secre 
tary  was  commissioned  to  remove  these  Juniata  settlers, 
which  was  done. 

While   it   was   comparatively   easy   to    drive   a    few 
German  families  out  of  the  Juniata  Valley,  it  was  not  so 
easy  to  dislodge  the  squatters  whose  rude  cabins  soon 
appeared  in  both  the  "Big  and  Little  Cove,"  and  in  the 
"Big  and  Little  Conolloways,"  all  of  which  places  were 
on  or  near  the  temporary  and  disputed  boundary  line 
between  Maryland  and   Pennsylvania.        Since  the  two 
Governments  were  not  then  on  good  terms  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  opposition  to  the  strict  orders  of  the 
Proprietaries,  who  were  then  in  England,  deemed  it  more 
prudent  not  to  molest  the  squatters.   The  Iroquois  Indians 
then  threatened  to  make  war  upon  Maryland  unless  these 
intruders  were  removed.     To  avoid  an  open  irruption 
here  Conrad  Weiser  planned  the  Lancaster  Treaty,  at 
which  Maryland  bought  out  the  Iroquois  claims  within 
Lord    Baltimore's    jurisdiction.      This    transferred    the 
responsibility  for  the  squatters  in  the  Coves  and  the  Con 
olloways   from   Maryland  to   Pennsylvania.       Since  the 
boundary  line  was  in  dispute  the  Six  Nations  agreed  to 
suspend  their  action  about  these  people  until  it  could  be 
determined  in  which  Province  they  were  located.     The 
war  immediately  followed,  and  during  these  years  the 
squatters  increased  rapidly  by  reason  of  the  confusion  in 
the  executive  matters  of  the  Province.     Not  only  in  the 
Coves  and  the  Conolloways,  but  on  the  Juniata  and  Sher 
man's  Creek  numerous  settlers  appeared.     Their  cabins 
and  patches  of  stump  land  spotted  the  trail  to  Allegheny. 
During  this  time  the  nearest  magistrates  issued  notices 
warning  them  of  the  danger,  and  advising  them  to  remove 


CONRAD    VVEISER. 

or  the  laws  of  the  Province  would  be  enforced.     These 
things  had  no  effect  whatever. 

After   the   treaty   of   Aix-la-Chapelle   the   Delaware 
Indians  complained  loudly  to  the  Six  Nations,  who  at 
once  detemined  to  demand  justice.     On  July  ist,  1749, 
deputies  from  the  Senecas  and  Onondago  nations,  with 
Indians  from  the  tributary  tribes,  arrived  in  Philadelphia, 
and  requested  an  audience  with  the  Governor.     These 
Indians  said  that  at  the  Big  Council  Fire  at  Onondago  in 
the  spring,  it  was  decided  by  all  the  nations  to  send  depu 
ties  to  Philadelphia  to  return  an  answer  concerning  the 
peace  between  the  Catawba  and  the  Iroquois  Indians,  and 
also  to  shake  hands  with  the  new  Governor   (Governor 
Hamilton),  whom  they  had  heard  had  arrived  from  Eng 
land.     It  was  agreed  at  the  Council  that  the  deputies 
should  meet  at  Wyoming  in  May.     These  Indians  said 
that  they  had  been  at    the   place    of    rendezvous  over  a 
month  waiting  for  the  others,  and  when  they  could  hear 
nothing  from    them,    they    were    undecided    whether  to 
return,  or  proceed  to  Philadelphia.    Finally  it  was  decided 
for  reasons  to  be  explained  during  the  conference  to  come 
and  meet  the  Governor.     These  Indians  did  not  tell  Gov 
ernor  Hamilton  how  they  loitered  along  the  way;  how 
they  stopped  at  Conrad  Weiser  s  and  a  number  of  the 
Tortuloes  injured  and  destroyed  a  large  amount  of  his 
property;  they    did    not    mention    how    Conrad  Weiser 
expostulated  and  tried  to  influence  them  until  he  finally 
secured  aid  from  the  Senecas  and  drove  them  off.* 

Governor  Hamilton  writing  to  the  Assembly  of  this 
affair  said,  that  Conrad  Weiser  had  spent  sixty  pounds 
defraying  the  expenses  of  these  Indians  to  and  from  Phil- 

*See  manuscript  letters  of  Conrad  Weiser,  in  the  collections  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  July  16,  1749. 


2OI 


adelphia.  "He  must  by  this  time  have  laid  out  a  consid 
erable  sum  more,  which  you  will  be  pleased  to  order  pay 
ment  of ;  And  tho'  from  your  long  knowledge  of  his  merit, 
it  might  be  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  anything  in  his 
favor,  yet  as  the  last  set  of  Indians  did  damage  to  his 
plantation,  and  he  had  abundance  of  trouble  with  them,  & 
is  likely  to  meet  with  much  more  on  this  occasion,  I  can 
not  excuse  myself  from  most  heartily  recommending  it  to 
you  to  make  him  an  handsome  reward  for  his  services."§ 

The  Indians  were  more  indifferent  after  the  war,  and 
more  fully  realized  their  importance,  now  that  the  Eng 
lish  and  French  were  vying  with  each  other  for  Indian 
alliances  and  Indian  trade.     Another  cause  of  their  inso 
lence  was,  without  doubt,  the  death  of  Shikellimy,  which 
had  but  recently  occurred.     Weiser's  solicitude  for  this 
Indian    is    indeed    pathetic.      As    Shikellimy    grew    old 
and  feeble  Conrad  kept  starvation  from  his  door.     Five 
years  before  his  death,  with  eight  young  German  carpen 
ters,  Weiser  went  up  to  Shamokin  and  built  a  house  for 
Shikellimy.      During    the    autumn    of    1747,    he    went 
to  Shamokin  and  found  the  old  chief  very  sick  with  a 
fever.     "He  was  hardly  able,"  writes  Weiser,  "to  stretch 
forth  his  hand  to  bid  me  welcome.     In  the  same  condition 
was  his  wife;  his  three  sons  not  quite  so  bad,  but  very 
poorly.     Also  one  of  his  daughters  and  t\vo  or  three  of 
his  grandchildren,  all  had  the  fever.     There  were  three 
buried  out  of  the  family  a  few  days  before,  viz.,  Cajadis, 
Shikellimy's  son-in-law,  that    had    been    married  to  his 
daughter  above  fifteen  years,  and  reckoned  the  best  hunter 
among  all  the  Indians;  also  his    eldest    son's  wife,  and 
grandchild.     Next  morning  I  administered  the  medicines 
to  Shikellimy  and  one  of  his  son's,  under  the  direction 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  396. 


202  CONRAD    WEISER. 

of  Dr.  Groeme,  which  had  a  very  good  effect  upon  both. 
Next  morning  I  gave  the  same  medicines  to  two  more 
(who  would  not  venture  at  first),  it  had  the  same  effect, 
and  the  four  persons  thought  themselves  as  good  as  recov 
ered.  But  above  all  Shikellimy  was  able  to  walk  about 
with  me,  with  a  stick  in  his  hand  before  I  left  Shamokin." 

During  the  winter  of  1748-49  the  scarcity  of  food  in 
Shamokin  overcame  Shikellimy  and  he  died.  Weiser  went 
up  early  in  the  spring  to  condole  with  his  sons  which  he 
did  to  the  extent  of  fifteen  pounds  worth  of  presents, 
which  was  charged  to  the  account  of  the  Province.  The 
death  of  this  old  Indian  was  a  material  loss  to  the  country. 
Weiser's  power  over  the  Indians  declined  from  that  hour. 
Although  he  gave  presents  to  Shikellimy's  eldest  son  and 
urged  him  to  take  the  place  of  his  father,  the  younger 
Shikellimy  never  did  for  Weiser  what  his  father  did. 

Conrad  sent  a  messenger  to  Onondago  apprising  the 
Council  of  what  he  had  done  for  Shikellimy's  sons. 
'There  was  a  necessity  for  my  so  doing,"  he  says.  "The 
Indians  were  very  uneasy  about  the  white  people  settling 
beyond  the  Endless  Mountains  on  Juniata,  on  Sherman's 
Creek  and  elsewhere.  They  tell  me  that  above  thirty 
families  are  settled  upon  the  Indians'  land  this  spring,  and 
daily  more  go  to  settling  thereon.  Some  have  settled 
almost  to  the  head  of  Juniata  River,  along  the  path  that 
leads  to  Ohio.  The  Indian  says  (and  that  with  truth) 
that  that  country  is  only  hunting  ground  for  deers, 
because  further  to  the  north  there  was  nothing  but  spruce 
woods  and  ground  covered  with  palm  bushes.  Not  a 
single  deer  could  be  found  or  killed  there.  They  asked 
me  very  seriously  whether  their  brother  Onas  had  given 
the  people  leave  to  settle  there.  I  informed  them  of  the 
contrary,  and  told  them  that  I  believe  some  of  the  Indians 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF."  203 

from  Ohio,  that  were  down  last  summer,  had  given  lib 
erty  (with  what  right  I  could  not  tell)  to  settle.  I  told 
them  of  what  passed  on  the  Tuscarora  path  last  summer 
when  the  sheriff  and  three  magistrates  were  sent  to  turn 
off  the  people  there  settled,  and  that  I  then  perceived  that 
the  people  were  favored  by  some  of  the  Indians  above 
mentioned,  by  which  means  the  orders  of  the  Governor 
came  to  no  effect." 

This  reply  of  Conrad  Weiser's  satisfied  the  Indians 
at  Shamokin  for  the  present.     They  said  they  would  let 
the  matter  rest  until  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  came 
down,  when  they  would  hold  a  Council.     It  must  be 
remembered  that  when  Conrad  Weiser  went  to  Ohio  dur 
ing  the  previous  summer  he  had  been  instructed  to  "turn 
off  the  squatters,"  which  he  found  in  the  Juniata  Valley. 
Writing  from  the  "Tuscarora  Path,"  August  isth,  1748, 
to  Secretary  Peters,  he  says,   "The  proclamation  has  this 
minute  been  read  to  the  people,  who  for  the  most  part  (I 
believe  every  one) ,  are  willing  to  go  off  next  spring,  if  not 
a  more  favorable  order  comes  from  the  Government.    The 
Indians  have  desired  me  not  to  join  to  turn  the  people  off 
until  I  come   (return)   from  .Ohio.     I  promised  them  I 
would    not.  .  .  .  When    the    Indians    here    had    been 
informed    that    the    squatters  were  to  be  turned  off  by 
the    Government,    and    I    suppose   the   people   used   the 
Indians  well  on  their  coming  by,  and  informed  them  of 

the  design The  Indians  asked  me  about  them,  and 

desired  that  at  least  two  families,  to  wit,  Abraham  Shlechl 
and  another  might  stay ;  that  they,  the  Indians  had  given 
them  liberty,  and  that  they  thought  it  was  in  their  power 
to  give  liberty  to  such  as  they  liked."  Weiser  represented 
the  Juniata  Indians  as  being  partial  to  certain  settlers, 
and  declares  that  it  was  not  the  fault  of  the  magistrates 


204  CONRAD    WEISER. 

or  sheriff  that  the  Governor's  orders  had  not  been  literally 
obeyed.  While  on  his  Logstown  journey  Weiser  was 
visibly  influenced  by  the  Juniata  Indians,  and  with  the 
above  excuse,  did  not  fulfill  his  instructions  from  Gov 
ernor  Hamilton  in  reference  to  the  squatters. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  summer  of 
1749,  when  a  portion  of  the  Six  Nation  deputies  opened 
their  conference  at  Philadelphia.  With  considerable  skill 
a  Seneca  chief  asked  Governor  Hamilton  by  what  right 
the  white  people  were  building  cabins  on  the  Juniata, 
"The  Governor  will  be  pleased  to  tell  us,"  he  said, 
"whether  he  brought  any  orders  from  the  King  or  the 
Proprietors  for  those  people  to  settle  on  our  lands,  and  if 
not  we  earnestly  pray  that  they  may  be  made  to  remove 
instantly  with  all  their  effects.  To  prevent  the  sad  conse 
quences  which  will  otherwise  ensue;  and  to  enforce  this 
request  we  present  you  this  belt  of  wampum."*  They 
then  congratulated  the  Province  upon  the  arrival  of  Gov 
ernor  Hamilton,  and  with  the  usual  apologies  presented 
him  with  a  small  bundle  of  skins  "to  make  him  a  pair  of 
shoes."  Then  with  genuine  Seneca  sincerity  they  advised 
Governor  Hamilton  "to  walk  in  the  footsteps"  of  his  pre 
decessors,  who  were  "good  and  kind  to  the  Indians." 
"Do  Brother,"  they  said,  "make  it  your  study  to  consult: 
the  interests  of  our  nations;  as  you  have  so  large  an 
authority  you  can  do  us  much  good  or  harm ;  we  would 
therefore,  engage  your  influence  and  affection  for  us." 

When  the  Indians  withdrew,  the  Council  consulted 
with  John  Kinsey,  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  and 
agreed  that  a  present  of  not  less  than  one  hundred  pounds 
value  should  be  given  to  the  Indians.  After  two  days 
consultation  the  Governor's  reply  was  agreed  upon.  He 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  389. 


GOVERNOR  JAMES  HAMILTON 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF/'  205 

told  the   Indians   that   Pennsylvania   stood  bound  by   a 
treaty  not  to  suffer  any  people  to  settle  on  the  unpurchased 
lands.     The   Proprietors  have  endeavored  to   faithfully 
observe  this  promise.     Proclamations  with  the  severest 
penalties  have  been  sent  to  these  people,  and  whenever 
any  have  been  so  audacious  as  to  disobey  these  orders, 
"they  have  been  forcibly  removed,  and  their  plantations 
broken  up  and  destroyed."     Governor  Hamilton  emphat 
ically  denied  that  he  had  ever  received  any  directions  from 
the  King  or  Proprietors  to  settle  men  on  land  beyond  the 
Blue  Mountains.     He  also  promised  to  do  all  in  his  power 
to  protect  the  interests    of  the  Indians  on  the  Juniata. 
After  expressing  his  sincere  friendship  for  the  Indians, 
the  presents  were  distributed,  and  their  guns  ordered  to 
be    mended.      The    Indians    and    their    thieving    retinue 
started  home  well  pleased  with  their  visit.     The  Assemby 
quietly  paid  the   settlers   for  all   damages   sustained  by 
these  pilfering  visitors. 

The  Governor  promptly  issued  a  broadside  and  had 
it  posted  on  the  trees  and  public  places  along  the  frontier 
and  the  banks  of  the  Juniata,  warning  all  squatters  to 
remove  before  November  ist,  under  penalty  of  the  law. 
Hamilton  went  a  step  further  and  issued  another  procla 
mation  against  the  unlicensed  sale  of  rum  to  the  Indians, 
under  penalty  of  twenty  pounds  fine  to  be  paid  to  the 
informers. 

About  a  month  after  this  Conrad  Weiser  sent  word 
to  the  Governor  that  the  deputies  of  the  remaining  tribes 
of  the  Iroquois  were  at  Shamokin  on  their  way  to  Phila 
delphia.  Hamilton  immediately  sent  an  express  to  Conrad 
Weiser  with  directions  to  exert  every  possible  means  to 
divert  these  Indians  from  their  purpose.  The  Council 
and  Assembly  were  by  no  means  desirous  of  having 


2O6 


CONRAD  'WEISER. 


another  peaceful  Indian  invasion  this  summer.  Weiser, 
we  are  told,  did  all  he  could  to  dissuade  the  Indians  from 
their  proposed  visit,  but  this  was  resented  with  so  much 
spirit  that  the  patient  and  weary  interpreter  was  obliged 
to  turn  his  protests  into  invitations  and  make  the  best  of 
circumstances.  The  Indians  were  not  slow  to  remember 
the  day  when  the  authorities  of  Pennsylvania  would  have 
been  only  too  willing  to  receive  them.  Indeed,  they 
recalled  the  time  when  they  had  been  bribed  to  come. 
Therefore,  on  they  came,  "not  only  these  deputies,  but  the 
Seneca  delegates,  and  with  them  Mohicons,  Tortuloes, 
Delawares  and  Nanticokes,  amounting  in  number  to  two 
hundred  and  eighty."* 

Canassatego  was  speaker  for  this  delegation.     He  had 
been  spokesman  at  many  treaties  and  was  among  the  last 
of  that  group  of  Iroquois  chiefs  who  entertained  a  per 
sonal  friendship  for  Conrad  Weiser.     He  was  the  last  of 
the   great   Iroquois   diplomats,   who   yielded   not   to   the 
allurements  of  the  white  man's  strong  drink,  who  knew 
his  people  and  could  hold  the  conflicting  interests  of  the 
Six  Nations  in   hand.      Canassatego  explained  that  his 
deputies  came  to  pay  a   friendly  visit,   to  brighten  the 
chain  of  friendship,  and  to  clean  the  brush  out  of  the 
path.     He  would  have  the  Governor  remember  that  dur 
ing  all  of  the  late  war  the  Iroquois  lived  on.  the  frontier 
country  between  him  and  his  enemy,  the  French.    During 
that  time  <:we  were  your  guard,  and  things  were  so  well 
managed  that  the  war  was  kept  from  your  door.     And 
tho'  we  have  been  exposed  to  many  calamities,  and  blood 
has  been  shed  among  us,"  we  have  not  troubled  you  with 
any  mention  of  our  hardships.     Then  desiring  to  speak 
only  to  the  Governor  and  his  Council,  Canassatego  refer- 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  399. 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF/'  207 

red  once  more  to  the  squatters  on  the  Juniata.  He  told 
the  Governor  that  while  the  Indians  appreciated  the  efforts 
which  had  been  made  to  remove  those  settlers,  they  well 
knew  that  it  was  all  to  no  effect.  "We  see,"  he  said,  "that 
white  people  are  no  more  obedient  to  you,  than  our  young 
Indians  are  to  us." 

To  relieve  the  Governor  of  the  embarrassment  which 
must  follow  an  unsuccessful  effort  to  keep  a  treaty,  Canas- 
satego,  in  behalf  of  his  people  offered  to  sell  a  strip  of  land 
east  of  the  Susquehanna  River,  and  parallel  with  the  Blue 
Mountains.  This,  he  thought,  would  furnish  a  place  for 
the  Juniata  squatters,  because,  said  the  astute  Indian,  if 
these  men  are  not  effectually  removed  there  will  be 
serious  trouble.  The  valley  of  the  Juniata  is  our  hunting 
ground,  and  we  must  not  be  deprived  of  it.  "Indeed,  this 
will  be  an  hurt  to  you,  for  all  we  kill  goes  to  you,  and 
you  have  the  profit  of  all  the  skins.  For  these  lands 
which  we  have  offered,  we  are  willing  to  leave  it  entirely 
to  the  honor  of  the  Governor  and  Council  as  to  remunera 
tion.  People  tell  us  that  the  Proprietors  receive  immense 
sums  for  the  lands  we  have  sold  to  them,  and  that  lands 
are  now  worth  a  great  deal  of  money.  You  know  this 
better  than  us  and  we  trust  you  will  have  a  regard  to  this 
when  you  fix  the  price  to  be  paid  for  them." 

Again,  the  Governor  appealed  to  the  Assembly  in  ref 
erence  to  the  size  of  the  present  which  would  be  proper  to 
make  to  the  Indians  and  it  was  decided  that  goods  to  the 
value  of  five  hundred  pounds  be  given  them.  The  Governor 
then  spoke  to  them  in  the  usual  congratulatory  style  and 
presented  the  goods.  After  this  generous  present  had 
been  made,  the  Governor  replied  to  their  last  offer.  He 
told  them  that  all  the  land  which  they  proposed  to  sell, 

*Penna.  ColoniaK  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  401. 


CONRAD   WEISER. 

"is  mountainous,  poor  and  broken,  you  must  know  that  it 
is  not  worth   our   acceptance.     If   you   will  extend  your 
offer  up  the  Susquehanna  as  far  as  Shamokin,  and  permit 
that  tract  to  carry  its  breadth  to  the  Delaware  River, 
so  that  we  could  in  any  manner  justify  ourselves  to  the 
Proprietor,  we  will  close  and  give  you  a  just  consideration 
for  the  lands."     The  Indians  held  a  Council  and  agreed 
to  a  compromise  between  their  offer,  and  Governor  Ham 
ilton's  demands.    They  concluded  to  sell  all  the  land  lying 
between  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware  Rivers,  north 
west  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  back  to  a  straight  line  run 
ning  from  where  the  Mahony  Mountains  touch  the  Sus 
quehanna  River  to  the  north  side  of  the  mouth  of  Lacka- 
waxen  Creek,  where  it  enters  the  Delaware  River.     For 
this  large  tract  the  Governor  in  behalf  of  the  Proprietors 
paid  the  Indians  five  hundred  pounds,  and  agreed  to  turn 
the  people  off  from  the  Juniata  and  send  them  to  this 
region.     The  Indians  were  told  plainly  that  they  must 
not  permit  any  of  their  people  to  do  as  they  did  last  sum 
mer,  when  they  interfered  with  Conrad  Weiser,  and  pre 
vented  him  from  removing  the  squatters.     The  Governor 
promised  that  the  Juniata  settlers  would  be  removed  to 
the  new  purchases  east  of  the  Susquehanna.    The  Indians 
were  repremanded  for  their  rude  behavior  in  coming  to 
the  treaty,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Pennsylvania  should 
intercede  between  the  Catawba  and  Iroquois  Indians,  and 
determine  upon  a  time  and  place  for  a  peace  conference. 
Several  quarrels  between  traders  and  Indians,  where,  in 
most  cases  some  lives  were  lost,  were  adjusted.     Then 
Conrad  Weiser  conducted  the  deputies  and  their  asso 
ciates  out  of  the  city. 

Governor  Hamilton  was  a  man  prompt  to  act.     He 
immediately    consulted    with    Conrad    Weiser    upon  the 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF/'  209 

advisability  of  removing  the  settlers  on  the  Juniata. 
Weiser  insisted  that  unless  this  were  done,  and  effectively 
done,  there  would  be  an  Indian  war.  More  proclamations 
were  sent  west  of  the  Susquehanna  River,  and  directed  to 
be  posted  by  the  magistrates.  The  squatters  gave  them 
no  attention.  The  spring  of  1750  opened  with  an 
increased  population.  The  Governor  sent  Richard  Peters 
and  Conrad  Weiser  to  Cumberland  County,  empowered 
to  summon  the  magistrates  and  the  sheriff,  and  remove 
every  squatter. 

At  George  Croghan's  farm  they  all  met  and  held  a 
preliminary  meeting  with  the  Indians.  "We  have  thought 
a  great  deal,"  said  an  old  chief,  "of  what  you  imparted 
to  us,  that  you  were  come  to  turn  the  people  off  who  were 
settled  over  the  hills.  We  are  pleased  to  see  you  on  this 
occasion,  and  as  the  Council  of  Onondago  has  this  affair 
exceedingly  at  heart,  and  it  was  particularly  recommended 
to  us  by  the  deputies  of  the  Six  Nations  when  they  parted 
from  us  last  summer,  we  desire  to  accompany  you,  but 
we  are  afraid,  notwithstanding  the  care  of  the  Governor, 
that  this  may  prove  like  many  former  attempts.  The 
people  will  be  put  off  now,  and  come  next  year  again,  and 
if  so  the  Six  Nations  will  no  longer  bear  it,  but  do  them 
selves  justice.  To  prevent  this,  therefore,  when  you  shall 
have  turned  the  people  oft,  we  recommend  it  to  the  Gov 
ernor  to  place  two  or  three  faithful  persons  over  the  moun 
tains  who  may  be  agreeable  to  him  and  us,  with  commis 
sion  empowering  them  immediately  to  remove  every  one 
who  shall  presume  after  this  to  settle  there.  ">! 

The  Indians  were  given  every  assurance  that  the  work 
of  removal  would  be  effective.  On  May  22(1,  the  party 
arrived  on  the  Juniata,  at  a  place  not  far  west  of  the 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  436. 


2IO  CONRAD    WEISER. 

present  site  of  Thompsontown.  Here  they  found  four  log 
cabins  in  the  possession  of  William  White,  George 
Cohoon,  George  and  William  Galloway,  and  Andrew 
Lycon.  A  fifth  cabin  owned  by  David  Hiddleston  was  in 
the  process  of  construction.  The  Cumberland  County 
magistrates,  Matthew  Dill,  George  Croghan,  Benjamin 
Chambers,  Thomas  Wilson,  John  Finley  and  James  Gal- 
breath,  called  these  settlers  out  of  their  cabins,  and  asked 
them  by  what  authority  they  took  possession  of  these 
lands  and  built  their  cabins.  They  replied  by  no  right  or 
authority.  They  recognized  the  land  as  belonging  to 
Penn's  heirs.  The  magistrates  then  asked  them  if  they 
were  not  aware  that  they  were  acting  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  the  Province,  and  in  contempt  of  the  Governor's  fre 
quent  proclamations.  They  replied  that  they  had  only 
seen  one  such  proclamation,  and  begged  that  the  officers 
would  have  mercy  upon  them.  The  magistrates  then 
declared  that  these  men  were  convicted  of  unlawful  tres 
pass,  and  ordered  the  deputy  sheriff  of  Cumberland 
County,  who  was  present,  to  take  them  into  custody.  The 
sheriff  got  possession  of  White,  Hiddleston  and  Cohoon, 
but  the  Galloway  brothers  resisted,  and  after  escaping  to 
some  distance  they  stopped  and  called  to  the  officers,  say 
ing,  "you  may  take  our  land  and  houses  and  do  what  you 
please  with  them,  we  deliver  them  to  you  with  all  our 
hearts,  but  you  shall  not  carry  us  to  jail." 

The  following  morning  the  officers  and  their  prisoners 
went  to  the  cabin  of  Andrew  Lycon.  They  found  no  one 
at  home  except  the  children,  who  said  that  their  father 
and  mother  would  return  soon.  The  magistrates  exper 
ienced  some  embarrassment  about  the  proper  course  to 
pursue,  when  the  prisoners  offered  to  go  security  for 
Lycon's  prompt  appearance  at  court.  Accordingly  a 


''TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF/' 


bond  calling  for  five  hundred  pounds  bail  was  then  and 
there  executed.    The  officers  went  to  the  house  of  the  Gal 
loway  brothers,  who  had  made  good  their  escape  the  even 
ing  before.     All  their  goods  and  belongings  were  taken 
out  and  piled  upon  the  ground,  and  the  empty  cabin  was 
given  into  possession  of  Richard  Peters,  the  agent  of  the 
Proprietors.     The  officers  then  held  a  council  in  order  to 
decide  what  disposition  should  be  made  of  the  cabin.  They 
appealed  to  Conrad  Weiser  for  his  judgment.     Without 
any  hesitation,  Weiser  replied  that  it  was  his  firm  opinion, 
that  if  all  the  cabins  were  left  standing,  the  Indians  would 
have  such  contempt  for  the  Government  that  they  would 
come  themselves  during  the  winter  and  murder  the  people 
and  set  the  houses  on  fire.     On  the  basis  of  this  opinion 
the  magistrates  gave  the  order  and  the  deputy  sheriff 
burnt  the  Galloway  cabin.     After  this  the  company  went 
to  the  unfinished  house  of  Hiddleston,  who  voluntarily 
took  out  all  his  things  and,  without  a  murmur  saw  his 
house  burned.     The  next  day  the  sheriff  with  Conrad 
Weiser  and  James  Galbreath  called  at  Lycon's  house  for 
the  purpose  of  telling  him  that  his  neighbors  had  gone 
his  bail  to  appear  at  court,  and  to  caution  him  not  to 
bring  trouble  upon  himself  by  a  refusal.     But  Lycon  evi 
dently  felt  that  his  rights  as  a  free  citizen  were  being 
infringed  upon.     He  met  them  at  his  door  with  a  loaded 
rifle  and  swore  that  he  would  shoot  the  first  man  who 
came    toward    him.      After    a    short    struggle    he    was 
disarmed  and  made  a  prisoner.     A  party  of  Indians  were 
camped     near     and     saw     the     capture.      They     came 
up  at  once  and  the  sons  of  Shikellimy  demanded  that 
Lycon's  cabin  be  burned,  saying  that  if  the  white  men 
did   not   destroy   it   they   would.      The   attitude   of   the 
Indians  cooled  Lycon's  anger  considerably.     He  assisted 


212  CONRAD    WEISER. 

the  sheriff  in  carrying  out  the  goods.  The  house  was 
burned  and  he  was  sent  to  jail.  In  the  meantime  George 
Croghan  and  Benjamin  Chambers  had  gone  over  on  Sher 
man's  Creek,  then  called  Little  Juniata,  and  found  eleven 
families,  James  Parker,  Thomas  Parker,  Owen  McKeib, 
John  McClare,  Richard  Kirkpatrick,  James  Murray,  John 
Scott,  Henry  Gass,  John  Cowan,  Simon  Gerty,  and  John 
Kilaugh.  Simon  Gerty's  reputation  as  the  white  man's 
enemy  and  an  Indian  abettor  was  not  yet  earned.  All 
these  people  were  bound  over  to  appear  at  court  to  be 
held  at  Shippensburg.  Their  personal  property  was 
pledged  as  security  for  prompt  removal,  and  then  a  num 
ber,  but  not  all  of  their  cabins  were  burned. 

The  party  then  repaired  to  Shippensburg,  where  an 
additional  number  of  magistrates  were  pressed  into  the 
service  preparatory  to  removing  the  squatters  from  the 
Tuscarora  path,  and  from  Big  and  Little  Cove  and  Augh- 
wick.  At  this  point  Conrad  Weiser,  for  reasons  which 
are  not  clear,  "earnestly  pressed  that  he  might  be  excused 
from  any  further  attendance,  having  abundance  of  neces 
sary  business  to  do  at  his  home."*  The  other  magistrates 
consented  to  this  with  very  great  reluctance,  but  finally 
Weiser  left  the  party  and  returned  to  Tulpehocken.  Since 
Weiser  had  been  the  leading  and  guiding  spirit  of  this 
singular  expedition,  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  account 
for  his  sudden  determination  to  abandon  the  project. 
Richard  Peters  in  sending  a  report  of  these  proceedings 
to  Governor  Hamilton  speaks  of  Weiser  as  the  one  in 
whom  the  Governor  had  placed  the  same  confidence  that 
he  did  in  the  Provincial  Secretary.  The  "one  whom  I 
principally  consulted  about  executing  your  commands." 
And  again  when  Peters  attempts  to  justify  their  actions 

*Penna.  Colonial  RecorcL,  vol.  V.,  p.  443. 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF."  213 

in  burning  the  cabins,  he  says,  "I  leave  it  to  Mr.  Weiser, 
as  he  was  joined  with  me  by  your  Honor,  to  make  his 
own  report,  and  shall  only  observe  that  in  all  our  consul 
tations  he,  who  is  Indian  interpreter  for  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  as  well  as  this  Province,  and  must  be  supposed 
to  know  the  minds  of  the  Indians  best,  proceeded  on  this 
as  a  certain  truth,  that  if  we  did  not  in  this  journey, 
entirely  remove  these  people  it  would  not  be  in  the  power 
of  the  Government  to  prevent  an  Indian  war ;  and  as  the 
neighboring  Provinces  were  as  much  concerned  in  this 
event  as  ourselves,  he  recommended  it  to  the  magistrates 
either  not  to  go  or  to  act  with  the  utmost  spirit,  and  his 
arguments  were  so  convincing  that  all  the  magistrates 
determined  to  go  in  a  body." 

At  the  very  moment  when  Weiser  succeeded  in  get 
ting  all  the  magistrates  of  Cumberland  County  enlisted 
into  this  service,  he  astonished  them  all  by  a  sudden 
determination  to  go  home.  He  may  have  realized  that 
his  official  position  as  Indian  interpreter'  for  Maryland 
might  be  jeopardized  should  he  take  an  active  part  in 
removing  the  squatters  from  Big  and  Little  Cove,  terri 
tory  which  was  claimed  by  Maryland  as  well  as  Pennsyl 
vania.  While  he  earnestly  advised  he  seems  to  have 
arranged  that  others  should  be  the  apparent  agents  of 
removal.  The  Governor  appointed  Richard  Peters  and 
Conrad  Weiser,  empowering  them  in  an  equal  manner 
to  do  this  work.  Weiser  devised  the  means  and  aroused 
the  local  magistrates,  but  Peters  remained  to  finish  the 
work  and  report  to  the  Governor. 

To  what  extent  Weiser  realized  that  a  too  zealous 
participation  in  this  work  might  be  resented  by  the  native 
Indians  is  not  clear.  He  well  knew  the  changeableness 
of  the  Indian  heart  and  recognized  that  if  a  squatter  was 


214  CONRAD    WEISER. 

harshly  used,  there  were  Indians  to  sympathize  with  him 
and  hold  with  him  a  semi-smothered  sense  of  revenge 

o 

toward  the  perpetrator.  Among  the  squatters  removed 
from  Sherman's  Creek  was  Simon  Gerty,  who  from  this 
experience  imbibed  his  first  lesson  of  unrelenting  hatred 
toward  the  white  men  and  all  government.  To  what 
extent  Conrad  Weiser  was  cognizant  of  these  things  and 
deemed  it  the  more  prudent  course  to  keep  his  own  hand 
away  from  direct  contact  with  this  work,  is  uncertain. 
But  when  Big  and  Little  Cove  became  the  immediate  dis 
tricts  of  invasion  the  shrewd  and  diplomatic  interpreter  for 
three  Provinces  seems  to  have  concluded  that  his  pres 
ence  would  in  some  way  injure  his  future  and  withdrew. 
The  excuse  he  offered  of  having  urgent  business  at  home 
would  have  no  convincing  force  with  one  who  was 
familiar  with  his  habits  of  life.  A  man  who  was  so  accus 
tomed  to  be  from  home  would  have  all  things  so  arranged 
that  he  could  leave  without  loss  or  inconvenience. 

After  Weiser's  departure  the  party  proceeded  to  Path 
Valley.  They  summoned  into  one  place  the  eighteen* 
scattered  settlers  in  that  valley  and  convicted  them  upon 
their  own  confessions.  These  people  promised  to  remove 
all  their  goods  and  drive  away  their  cattle  and  other  stock. 
They  assisted  the  officers  in  carrying  out  the  rude  furni 
ture.  Eleven  of  these  houses  were  burned.  At  Augh- 
wick  four  settlers  were  found  §  and  two  of  their  cabins 

^Abraham  Slack,  James  Blair,  Moses  Moore,  Arthur  Dunlap, 
Alexander  McCartie,  David  Lewis,  Adam  McCartie,  Felix  Doyle, 
Andrew  Dunlap,  Robert  Wilson,  Jacob  Pyatt,  Jacob  Pyatt,  Jr.,  Wil 
liam  Ramage,  Reynolds  Alexander,  Samuel  Patterson,  Robert  Baker, 
John  Armstrong  and  John  Potts. 

§Peter  Falconer,  Nicholas  DeLong,  Samuel  Perry  and  John 
Carleton. 


"TURNING  THE  PEOPLE  OFF/'  215 

burned.  At  Big  Cove,  twenty  families*  were  removed. 
Here  only  three  houses  were  destroyed.  Secretary  Peters 
reports  them  as  waste  cabins  and  says  they  were  fired  by 
their  occupants. 

The  -only  places  now  remaining  to  be  visited  were 
the  Little  Cove  and  Big  and  Little  Conolloways.     Since 
these  places  were  on  or  near  the  disputed  boundary  line 
with    Maryland,    the    Cumberland    County    magistrates 
refused  to  go  and  returned  home.     The  next  day  Peters 
and  the  sheriff  received  a  petition  from  the  people  in  the 
Little  Cove,  and  Big  and  Little  Conolloways,  in  which 
they  acknowledged  being  within  the  limits  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  but  claimed  that  they  were  west  of  the  temporary 
line,  and  then  asked  that  they  might  be  allowed  to  remain 
until  that  line  had  been  extended  further  west.     Since 
this  petition  was  signed  by  only  a  few  of  the  settlers, 
Richard  Peters  returned  it  with  the  explanation  that  his 
sole  purpose  was  to  prevent  an  Indian  war  and  this  con 
cerned  Maryland  as  well  as  Pennsylvania.     Peters  did 
all  in  his  power  to  conciliate  the  settlers,  and  even  offered 
them  of  his  own  land  east  of  the  Susquehanna.     Pennsyl 
vania  was  becoming  uncomfortably  aware  of  the  fact  that 
the  frontier  was  swarming  with  a  hardy,  independent  and 
more  or  less  lawless  crowd  of  people,  whose  roaming  and 
unstable  habits  more  and  more  embarrassed  the  Indian 
policy  of  the  Province. 

*Andrew  Donaldson,  John  MacClelland,  Charles  Stuart,  James 
Downy,  John  MacMean,  Robert  Kendall,  Samuel  Brown,  William 
Shepperd,  Roger  Murphy,  Robert  Smith,  William  Dickey,  William 
Millican  William  MacConnell,  Alexander  MacConnell,  James  Camp 
bell  William  Carrell,  John  Martin,  John  Jamison,  Hans  Potter,  John 
MacCollin,  Adam  MacCollin,  James  Wilson  and  John  Wilson. 


21 6  CONRAD    WEISER. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
"RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS." 

Curtailing  Indian  Expenses— Quarrel  between  Assembly  and  Pro 
prietaries— Jealousy  of  the  Pennsylvania  Traders— Beginnings  of 
the  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  Boundary  Dispute— Pennsylvania 
orders  a  Map  to  be  secretly  made— Pennsylvania's  Struggle  for  the 
.bur  irade— Weiser  declines  to  act  as  a  Spy— Cumberland  County 
wants  a  new  County  Seat— The  progress  of  the  Ohio  Company 
retarded— Did  Virginia  buy  the  Ohio  Country  at  Lancaster  in  1744? 
—A  Desire  for  the  Union  of  the  Colonies— The  Maryland  Traders 
bid  for  Patronage— Weiser's  Advice— Weiser's  Opinion  of  Colonel 
Johnson— Weiser  had  no  personal  interest  in  the  Fur  Trade. 

DURING  King  George's  war,  little  or  no  complaint 
was  made  about  the  expense  of  conducting 
Indian  affairs,  although  the  outlay  had  been  rapidly 
increasing.  After  peace  had  been  declared,  the  treaties 
and  conferences  of  1749  added  very  materially  to  the 
Provincial  expenses  which  every  one  hoped  would  be  cur 
tailed.  Immediately,  loud  and  persistent  complaints  were 
made,  especially  was  this  the  case  in  the  Assembly.  The 
Governor  writing  to  the  Legislature  in  July,  1749,  just 
after  the  departure  of  the  Indians,  says :  "The  committee 
of  Assembly  appointed  to  take  care  of  the  Indians,  con 
ceiving  that  they  had  no  authority  to  make  any  further 
provisions  for  them  than  during  their  stay  in  the  city,  the 
interpreter,  at  my  request,  defrayed  the  expenses  in  their 
return,  which  you  will  please  order  to  be  defrayed  to 
him."1  John  Kinsey,  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  replied 
to  the  request  as  follows:  "We  shall  take  the  necessary 
care  to  discharge  the  remainder  of  the  money  due  for  the 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  413. 


RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS.  21  7 

maintenance  of  the  Indians  in  their  return  homewards. 
We  observe  their  frequent  visits  put  the  Province  to  con 
siderable  charge,  whereas  part  of  their  business  often  is 
either  for  the  sale  of  land  to  the  Proprietor  or  other  mat 
ters  relative  thereto.  We  therefore  hope  the  Governor 
will  take  an  opportunity  of  recommending  it  to  the  Pro 
prietaries  that  they  may  bear  a  share  of  the  expense,  who 
receive  so  great  a  part  of  the  benefit  by  the  coming  of  the 
Indians." 

This  was  the  beginning  of  a  growing  controversy 
between  the  Assembly  and  the  Proprietors  about  an  equit 
able  division  of  Indian  expenses.  The  Proprietors 
claimed  that  if  they  paid  for  the  land  purchased,  they  did 
enough,  and  the  Province  should  bear  all  expenses  inci 
dent  to  conferences,  presents  and  Indian  entertainments. 
This  increasing  division  of  purpose  within  the  very  coun 
cils  of  the  then  most  important  Province  connected  with 
Indian  affairs,  very  materially  embarrassed  its  future 
policy.  The  weakening  influence  of  a  divided  purpose 
grew  more  and  more  manifest  as  the  circumstances  lead 
ing  to  the  French  and  Indian  war  deepened.  The  second 
division  in  Indian  affairs  arose  between  the  rival  trade 
interests  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania. 

The  formation  of  the  Ohio  Company  aroused  the 
jealousy  of  the  Pennsylvania  traders.  These  men,  who 
were  in  a  large  measure  outside  of  the  pale  of  law,  resorted 
to  every  possible  means  to  prevent  the  agents  of  the  Ohio 
Company  from  securing  a  foothold  in  the  Ohio  Valley. 
The  Pennsylvania  traders  told  the  Indians,  who  brought 
peltries  to  Logstown,  that  the  Virginians  wanted  the 
Indians'  land,  and  that  under  the  guise  of  trade  they  were 
coming  with  the  intent  of  driving  them  out  in  a  few  years. 
As  a  result,  the  first  Virginia  traders  on  the  Ohio  were 


218  CONRAD    WEISER. 

roughly  handled,  so  much  so,  that  Thomas  Lee,  Governor 
of  Virginia,  writing  to  James  Hamilton  as  early  as  No 
vember,  1749,  says:  "His  Majesty  has  been  graciously 
pleased  to  grant  to  some  gentlemen  and  merchants  of 
London,  and  some  of  both  sorts  of  inhabitants  of  this 
colony,  a  large  quantity  of  land  west  of  the  mountains, 
the  design  of  this  grant  and  one  condition  of  it  is  to  erect 
and  garrison  a  fort  to  protect  our  trade  from  the  French, 
and  that  of  any  of  the  neighboring  colonies,  and  by  fair, 
open  trade  to  engage  the  Indians  in  affection  to  his 
Majesty's  subjects,  to  supply  them  with  what  they  want, 
so  they  will  be  under  no  necessity  to  apply  to  the  French, 
and  to  make  a  very  strong  settlement  on  the  frontier  of 
the  colony,  all  which  his  Majesty  has  approved  and 
directed  the  Governor  here  to  assist  the  said  company  in 
carrying  their  laudable  design  into  execution;  but  your 
traders  have  prevailed  with  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  to 
believe  that  the  fort  is  to  be  a  bridle  for  them,  and  that 
the  roads  which  the  company  are  to  make  is  to  let  in  the 
Catawbas  upon  them  to  destroy  them,  and  the  Indians, 
naturally  jealous,  are  so  possessed  with  the  truth  of  the 
insinuations  that  they  threaten  our  agents,  if  they  survey 
or  make  these  roads  that  they  had  given  them  leave  to 
make,  and  by  this,  the  carrying  the  King's  grant  into 
execution,  is  at  present  impracticable.  Yet  these  lands 
are  purchased  of  the  Six  Nations  by  the  treaty  of  Lan 
caster.  I  need  not  say  anything  more  to  prevail  with  you 
to  take  the  necessary  means  to  put  a  stop  to  these  mis 
chievous  practices  of  those  traders.  We  are  informed 
that  there  is  measures  designed  by  the  Court  of  France 
that  will  be  mischievous  to  these  colonies  which  will  in 
prudence  oblige  us  to  unite  and  not  divide  the  interests 


RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS.  219 

of  the    King's    subjects    on    the    Continent.     I  am  with 
esteem  and  respect,  sir, 

"Your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"THOMAS  LEE." 

James  Hamilton  disavows  for  Pennsylvania  any 
responsibility  for  the  acts  of  her  traders,  and  promises  to 
examine  and  punish  any  one  found  guilty  of  such  charges 

Hamilton  then  suggests  the  advisability  of  applying 
to  the  Crown  for  commissioners  to  run  the  boundary 
between  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia.  It  was  generally 
believed  in  Maryland  that  the  King's  grant  of  five  degrees 
of  length  for  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  would  not 
extend  further  west  than  the  extreme  western  limits  of 
Maryland.  The  Governor  of  that  Province  writes,  if 
your  boundary  should  go  further  west  than  the  head  of 
the  Potomac  we  will  be  out  of  the  affair,  "and  you  and 
Virginia  will  have  the  point  to  settle  between  you."  As 
to  the  five  degrees  of  longitude,  Governor  Ogle  writes  : 
"I  apprehend  that  the  gentlemen  of  Virginia  have  very 
different  sentiments  upon  the  subject." 

In  order  that  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  might 
the  more  thoroughly  comprehend  the  boundary  problem, 
and  understand  the  trade  conditions  on  the  Ohio,  Lewis 
Evans  was  instructed  to  travel  through  that  country  and 
collect  material  for  the  construction  of  a  map.  He  was 
directed  "to  carefully  examine  the  southern  and  western 
bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  where  they  were  not  then  settled, 
to  ascertain  if  the  temporary  boundary  line  would  in  any 
way  touch  the  Potomac  River,  to  examine  the  limits  of 
the  Lord  Fairfax  grant  in  Virginia,  and  look  carefully 
into  the  designs  of  the  Ohio  Company,  rioting  definitely 
what  advantages  and  disadvantages  it  might  labor  under 


CONRAD    VVEISER. 

in     prosecuting     trade    compared     with    Pennsylvania." 
Evans  was  expected  to  describe  all  the  rivers,    "noting 
the  soil  and  prospect  of  minerals,  and  marking  probable 
quarries  of  limestone,  grindstones,  and  mill  stones."     If 
he  could  not  reach  the  Ohio  by  the  branches  of  the  Poto 
mac  and  Monongahela,  he  was  to  choose  his  own  route. 
Lake  Erie  was  to  be  "closely  examined  in  order  to  locate 
the  site  for  a  future  trading  station";  all  of  which  he  was 
instructed  "to  do  in  such  a  manner    as  to  prevent  any 
suspicion  that  he  was  employed  by  the  Government  of 
Pennsylvania."     He  was,  therefore,  directed  to  travel  in 
the  disguise  of  a  trader,  and  to  employ  traders  for  any 
purpose  he  deemed  necessary.     For  personal  protection 
Evans  had  a  contract  drawn  up  with  the  Province,  in 
which  he  was  promised  one  hundred  guineas  for  his  ser 
vices,  including    all    traveling    and  incidental  expenses. 
In  case  of  death  his  heirs  were  to  receive  the  above  sum, 
and  in  case    of    being    captured    and    sent  a  prisoner  to 
Canada,  Louisiana  or  France,  the  Proprietors  were  to  use 
all  reasonable  efforts  to  secure  his  release,  and  were  to 
bear  all  expenses,  and  pay  damages  for  time  lost.* 

The  purpose  of  the  Province  is  manifest  in  these 
instructions.  The  extension  of  the  Indian  trade  beyond 
either  Virginia  or  New  York  was  the  design.  Since 
Pennsylvania  had  already  been  for  two  years  enjoying  a 
lucrative  fur  trade,  gathered  from  the  larger  part  of  what 
was  subsequently  known  as  "The  Old  Northwest,"  she 
did  not  intend  to  stand  calmly  by  and  see  either  Virginia 
or  New  France  deprive  her  of  it. 

The  fruit  of    Conrad    Weiser's    treaty  at  Logstown 
must  be  defended.     Yet  since  there  was  immediate  pros 
pect  of  a  favorable  boundary  settlement  from  the  Crown, 
*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  IT.,  pp.  47,  49. 


RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS.  221 

Pennsylvania  was  not  desirous  of  openly  antagonizing 
other  Provinces.  It  was  deemed  wise  to  have  the  Mary 
land  dispute  settled  before  opening  the  Virginia  one. 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  it  was  the  primary  inten 
tion  of  the  Governor  to  send  Conrad  Weiser  on  this  secret 
mission,  of  half  spy  and  half  surveyor.    In  a  letter  of  Mr. 
Parson's,  of  Lancaster,  to  Richard  Peters,  dated  more 
than  a  year  previous  to  Evan's  instructions,   he   says: 
"Upon  my  opening  to  Mr.  Weiser  the  affair  you  gave  me 
in  charge,  it  affected  him  pretty  much,  as  he  looked  upon 
it  as  a  matter  of  great  importance,  but  did  not  hesitate 
obedience.     He  is  entirely  of  opinion  that  it  will  be  best 
to  proceed  from  south  to  north,  and  that  it  will  be  imprac 
ticable  to  prosecute  the  business  till  some  time  in  August 
next,  as  well  upon  account  of  subsistance,  which  will  not 
be  met  with  in  those  parts  before  that  time,   as  upon 
account  of    gnats,    mosquitoes,    flies    and  other  vermin, 
which  are  intolerable  in  the  summer  season,  and  especially 
to  horses.     It  will  be  necessary,  he  thinks,  to  have  at  least 
two  Indians,  Shikellimy's  sons,  with  us.     And  these  may 
be  necessary  even  in  extending  the  temporary  lines.    The 
number  of  persons  necessary  cannot  yet  be  determined, 
because,  if  we  go  at  a  time  when  provision  is  not  to  be 
had  in  the  desert  woods,  a  greater  number  will  be  wanting 
then,  as  it  must  all  be  carried  with  us."*  Just  how  Conrad 
Weiser  managed  not  to  go  on  this  mission  does  not  appear. 
It  would  seem  that  the  matter  was  taken  out  of  Parson's 
hands  and  given  a  year  later  to  Lewis  Evans.     Weiser, 
no  doubt,  hesitated  about  going.     He  was  now  fifty-four 
years  old,  and  growing  more  and  more  reluctant  to  under 
take  any  Ohio  journeys.     The  difficulties  and  clangers  of 
such  a  journey  grew  large  in  his  mind  with  increasing 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  41. 


CONRAD    WEISER. 

years.  Mosquitoes  and  famine,  with  the  possible  disap 
proval  of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  are  not  attractive  to 
him.  Even  in  1748,  when  on  his  way  to  Logstown, 
Conrad  Weiser,  writing  to  Richard  Peters,  says :  "It  is 
possible  I  may  be  obliged  to  pay  the  debt  of  human  nature 
before  I  get  home."* 

The  degree  of  jealousy  entertained  by  the  Council 
toward  Virginia  as  a  rival  in  the  Indian  trade  does  not 
seem  to  have  so  deeply  impressed  the  frontier  magistrates 
who  were  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  currents  of  the 
fur  trade.  Thomas  Cookson,  who  was  commissioned  in 
1749  to  locate  a  site  for  a  county  town  for  Cumberland 
County,  opposed  the  arguments  advanced  by  the  settlers 
on  Conococheague  Creek.  These  settlers  wanted  the 
county  seat  along  or  near  this  stream,  because,  if  Lord 
Fairfax,  of  Virginia,  was  going  to  establish  a  trading 
station  on  the  Potomac  River  this  new  county  seat  of 
Cumberland  County  would  be  able  to  draw  aside  that 
trade.  Cookson  insisted  that  it  would  be  a  great  disad 
vantage  to  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia  to  have  another 
trading  station  so  near  to  the  Virginia  post.  "It  would 
only  give  the  people  concerned,"  he  writes,  "the  choice  of 
two  markets,  and  in  which  we  cannot  possibly  be  any 
gainers,  having  already  the  bulk  of  the  trade  in  our  hands, 
but  may  risk  the  losing  some  part  of  it."§ 

The  attitude  of  the  Pennsylvania  traders  toward  those 
from  Virginia  as  they  met  on  the  Ohio  materially  retarded 
the  progress  of  the  Ohio  Company.  After  the  goods 
which  the  company  had  ordered  from  Europe  arrived,  in 
November,  1749,  and  in  March,  1750,  it  was  found  impos 
sible  to  use  them  with  profit  until  the  roads  were  opened 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  15. 

§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  43. 


RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS.  223 

to  the  Ohio,  and  friendly  relations  established  with  the 
Indians.  Accordingly,  while  work  was  progressing  upon 
a  road,  Christopher  Gist  was  sent  out  to  explore  the 
country.  He  spent  nearly  two  years  examining  both  sides 
of  the  Ohio  Valley  as  far  south  as  the  mouth  of  the  Kan- 
nawha.  In  the  meantime  Virginia  arranged  for  a  gen 
eral  conference  of  the  Indians  to  be  held  at  Logstown. 
But  through  the  influence  of  the  French,  and  more  espec 
ially  of  the  Pennsylvania  traders  the  Indians  did  not 
assemble.  For  this  reason  the  Virginia  treaty  was  delayed 
until  June,  1752. 

When  Virginia  claimed  all  the  Ohio  lands  by  virtue 
of  the  purchase  made  at  Lancaster  in  1744,  in  which  it 
was  stated  that  the  western  limit  of  the  Iroquois  sale  was 
the  setting  sun,  Conrad  Weiser  told  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  that  the  Six  Nations  never  contemplated 
such  a  sale.  To  the  setting  sun  was  understood  to  be  the 
water  divide  between  Mississippi  and  the  Atlantic  drain 
age.  At  the  Logstown  treaty  of  1752,  an  Iroquois  chief 
told  the  Virginia  commissioners  that  they  were  mistaken 
in  their  claim,  "You  acquainted  us  yesterday  with  the 
King's  right  to  all  the  lands  in  Virginia,  as  far  as  it  is 
settled,  and  back  from  thence  to  the  sunsetting,  whenever 
he  shall  think  fit  to  extend  his  settlements.  You  produced 
also  a  copy  of  his  deed  from  the  Onondago  Council  at  the 
treaty  of  Lancaster,  1744,  and  desired  that  your  brethren 
of  the  Ohio  might  likewise  confirm  the  deed.  We  are 
well  aware  that  our  chief  council  at  the  treaty  of  Lan 
caster  confirmed  a  deed  to  you  for  a  quantity  of  land  in 
Virginia  which  you  have  a  right  to ;  but  we  never  under 
stood  before  you  told  us  yesterday,  that  the  lands  then 
sold  were  to  extend  further  to  the  sunsetting,  than  the 


224  CONRAD    WEISER. 

hill  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alleghany  Hill,  so  that  we 
can  give  you  no  further  answer." 

These  things  retarded  the  Ohio  Company's  move 
ments.  In  1750,  Virginia,  urged  by  Governor  Glenn,  of 
Carolina,  arranged  for  a  conference  of  Catawba  and  Iro 
quois  deputies  to  be  held  at  Williamsburg.  The  purpose 
of  this  conference  was  to  arrange  for  the  long  deferred 
peace  between  these  two  Indian  confederacies.  Weiser 
went  again  to  Onondago  in  Virginia's  behalf,  but  accom 
plished  very  little.  Governor  Glenn  wrote  to  Thomas  Lee, 
of  Virginia  :  "The  French  are  united  in  all  their  councils, 
which  gives  them  advantages  that  they  could  not  have 
if  the  King's  Governors  on  the  Continent  were  to  act  on 
the  same  principle.'' 

Richard  Peters,  in  replying  on  behalf  of  Pennsylvania 
to  Governor  Glenn's  letter,  says :  ''The  larger  the  trade 
is  &  ye  more  of  the  colonies  who  reap  the  benefit  of  it, 
the  more  it  strengthens  the  general  interest,  and  at  the 
same  time  there  is  more  than  ever  required  a  union  of 
hearts  as  well  as  purses  to  defeat  ye  indefatigable  indus 
try  of  the  French."* 

At  the  Indian  conference  held  at  George  Croghan's, 
in  June,  1/50,  three  chiefs  from  Ohio,  Seneca  George, 
Broken  Kettle,  and  The  Stone,  asked  Conrad  Weiser  and 
Richard  Peters  for  advice.  They  reported  that  Colonel 
Cresap,§  a  Maryland  trader,  had  invited  them  to  come  and 
trade  with  him.  He  had  a  large  quantity  of  goods,  "and 
from  the  true  love  he  bore  the  Indians  he  would  sell  to 
them  much  cheaper  than  the  Pennsylvania  traders  did. 
The  people  of  Pennsylvania,  said  Cresap,  call  you 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  59. 

§Col.  Thomas  Cresap,  who  was  formerly  at  a  ferry  on  the 
Susquehanna,  now  Wrightsville. 


RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS.  225 

brethren,  and  pretend  to  have  great  affection  for  you,  but 
this  is  all  from  the  mouth  and  not  from  the  heart.  These 
men  constantly  cheat  you  in  all  their  dealings."  Cresap 
claimed  that  he  and  Parker,  another  Maryland  trader, 
touched  with  pity  for  the  much  abused  Indian  would  sell 
below  cost,  and  quoted  the  following  rates:  "A  match 
coat  for  a  Buck,  a  stroud  for  a  Buck  and  a  Doe.  A  pair 
of  stockings  for  two  Racoons.  Twelve  bars  of  lead  for 
a  Buck." 

Weiser  and  Peters  replied  to  these  Indians  as  follows : 
"Trade  is  of  a  private  nature.  The  Indians  ought  to  buy 
their  goods  where  they  can  be  best  served.  The  people 
of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  who  deal  in  this  trade  may 
serve  you  as  well  as  any  others  from  Pennsylvania  or 
elsewhere,  and  I  advise  you  by  all  means  to  go  to  Captain 
Cresap's,  and  to  cultivate  a  good  understanding  with 
everybody  who  can  supply  you  with  goods,  for  it  is  equal 
to  this  Government  from  whence  the  Indians  are  supplied 
so  that  there  be  good  harmony  kept  up  between  them  and 
all  the  King's  subjects.  It  is  no  part  of  my  business  to 
give  you  advice,  but  I  cannot  help  repeating  to  you  my 
sentiments,  that  you  do  well  to  trade  with  the  good  people 
of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  as  well  as  with  those  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  to  give  the  preference  if  you  find  they  treat 
you  better  than  our  people ;  and  as  I  am  now  at  the  house 
of  an  Indian  trader,  I  charge  you,  Mr.  Montour,  to  tell 
them  truly  what  I  say,  and  that  it  will  be  agreeable  to  the 
Proprietors  and  this  Government  that  the  Indians  trade 
wherever  they  can  be  best  supplied."''1 

There  was  a  vast  difference,  however,  between  the 
attitude  of  the  Colonial  Governments  and  their  officers, 
and  the  actions  of  their  respective  traders  who  were 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  439,  44°. 


226  CONRAD    WEISER. 

removed  from  the  arm  of  the  law  by  many  months  of 
travel.  Conrad  Weiser,  himself  in  his  more  confidential 
correspondence  rarely  fails  to  express  his  contempt  for 
Colonel  Johnson,  and  the  management  of  Indian  affairs 
in  New  York.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Hamilton,  Weiser 
writes :  "I  positively  believe  that  Warraghiyage§  squan 
ders  a  great  deal  of  money  in  a  year,  which  the  public 
must  pay,  and  I  am  satisfied  he  has  not  wit  enough  to 
know  the  Indians  thoroughly,  but  I  hope  he  does  not  fall 
short  of  honesty/''* 

Doubtless  Johnson  had  a  very  poor  opinion  of  Weiser, 
since  some  years  later,  when  it  became  necessary  for  the 
Crown  to  centralize  Indian  affairs  in  the  Colonies,  and 
Johnson,  who  was  placed  at  the  head,  needed  a  deputy  in 
Pennsylvania,  he  did  not  choose  Weiser,  who  was  by  far 
the  best  fitted,  but  took  George  Croghan.  Like  Johnson, 
Croghan  had  an  eye  to  his  own  personal  profit,  and  is  not 
clear  of  the  implication  that  he  worked  secretly  against 
Weiser.  Andrew  Montour  had  remarkable  influence  with 
the  Ohio  Indians,  and  through  these  conferences  came 
into  prominence  in  the  Province.  He  was  subsequently 
given  a  large  plantation  in  the  Juniata  Valley,  and  com 
missioned  to  keep  the  squatters  away  from  that  district. 
Viewed  from  the  standards  of  that  day  Andrew  was  a 
man  of  immense  wealth.  He  too  in  his  public  acts  found 
ways  to  add  to  his  fortune  that  would  not  bear  investiga 
tion.  Weiser  stood  alone.  He  was  no  Indian  trader. 
Colonel  Johnson,  Croghan,  Montour,  the  Ohio  Company, 
and  a  host  of  little  traders  were  all  bent  on  their  personal 
gain,  and  consequently  jealous  of  each  other.  Weiser 
was  then,  during  the  later  years  of  his  life  crowded  aside. 

§Indian  name  for  Col.  Johnson. 
*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II. r  p.  45. 


RIVAL  ENGLISH  TRADERS.  22/ 

English  centralization  in  Indian  affairs  was  a  name  not 
a  fact.  The  Colonies  were  totally  unable  to  control  the 
fur  trade.  They  became  the  dupes  of  an  army  of  mercen 
ary  traders.  And  in  proportion  as  the  Colonial  interests 
were  divided,  the  French,  by  centralization,  won.  In 
1750  the  English  controlled  the  trade  on  the  Ohio,  the 
Scioto,  and  the  Wabash,  and  shared  it  with  the  French 
in  the  lake  region.  By  1755  this  trade  was  all  lost,  and 
the  Delaware  Indians  of  Pennsylvania  had  taken  up  the 
hatchet  against  the  "sons  of  Onas." 


228  CONRAD    WEISER. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
THE  FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY. 

New  York  gratified  over  the  increased  Western  Trade— Rumors  of 
the  French  Soldiers  on  the  Ohio  River — Celeron's  Letter — Montour 
reports  Indian  Outrages  on  the  Ohio— The  Laws  of  Pennsylvania 
are  too  weak  to  operate  on  the  Ohio — The  Miami  Indians'  resent 
the  French  Overtures — The  Miami  Indians  remain  true  to  Penn 
sylvania — The  Governor  urges  the  Miamis  to  protest  to  the 
Pennsylvania  Traders— The  Miamis  seek  English  Protection- 
New  York  neglects  the  Indians — Hamilton  hegs  Aid  from  the 
other  Colonies — The  Colonies  Reply — Pennsylvania  left  alone — 
Weiser  goes  once  more  to  Onandago — Weiser  calls  on  Sir  William 
Johnson — The  Councils  of  the  Onandagos  changed — The  old 
Sachem's  Song  of  Lamentation — The  Unanswered  Wampum  buried 
with  Canassatego — Iroquois  Corruption — The  French  capture  two 
Pennsylvania  Traders — The  Pennsylvania  Assembly  favors  a 
union  of  the  Ohio  Indians — Weiser  declines  to  go  to  Ohio — • 
Joncaire  endeavors  to  locate  a  Fort  on  the  Allegheny — The 
Leaden  Plates  are  discovered — Joncaire's  Speech — Croghan  and  the 
Proprietaries  want  a  Fort  at  Logstown — The  Pennsylvania 
Assembly  opposed  to  a  Fort  at  Logstown — The  Indians  reply  to 
Celeron's  Request  of  1749 — Croghan's  doubtful  Construction 
thereof. 

AS  HAS  been  seen  King  George's  war  made  it  pos 
sible  for  Conrad  Weiser  at  the  Logstown  treaty 
of  1748  to  deprive  the  French  of  their  cherished  trade  in 
the  Ohio  Valley  and  around  the  lakes.  Governor  Clinton, 
in  writing  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  May,  1749, 
says:  "We  have  gained  a  considerable  influence  over 
these  nations  to  the  westward,  and  who  before  knew  but 
little  of  the  English,  while  the  French  have  at  the  same 
time  lost  theirs.  We  ought,  I  think,  not  to  be  negligent 
in  using  all  the  means  in  our  power  to  preserve  these 
advantages,  which  we  have  got.  I  shall  be  well  pleased 
with  every  information  and  advice  which  your  honor  shall 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.      229 

think  proper  to  give  for  this  purpose.  And  as  your 
traders  go  among  the  Indian  traders  to  the  westward,  I 
do  not  doubt  that  you  will  take  care  to  employ  the  means 
you  may  have  thereby  of  promoting  the  British  interest 
among  them,  and  of  defeating  the  designs  of  the 
French."* 

Clinton  said  further  that  he  had  sent  his  interpreter 
to  Oswego  with  presents  to  confirm  former  friendships. 
Scarcely  three  weeks  later  §  Clinton  sent  Hamilton  a 
report,  brought  to  Albany  by  Captain  Marshall,  saying 
that  a  thousand  French  soldiers  were  already  on  their  way 
to  Belle  River  (Ohio)  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
English  from  settling  there. 

Governor  Hamilton  immediately  apprised  the  Penn 
sylvania  traders  that  they  might  be  on  their  guard.  These 
rumors  were  not  entirely  without  foundation,  since  in 
August  of  the  same  year,  1749,  the  traders  on  the  Ohio 
and  the  Wabash  met  a  French  officer,  Celoron,  with  three 
hundred  soldiers,  and  some  Indian  allies.  Celoron  told 
the  traders  that  he  had  been  sent  out  by  the  Governor 
of  Canada  "to  reprove  the  Indians"  for  forming  an  alli 
ance  and  opening  trade  with  the  English.  Captain  Celo 
ron  gave  these  traders  three  copies  of  the  following  letter 
to  Governor  Hamilton,  dated  August  the  6th,  1749. 

"From  our  camp  on  Belle  River,  at  an  ancient  village 
of  the  Chonanous,  6th  of  August,  1749- 

"SiR : — Having  been  sent  with  a  detachment  into  these 
quarters  by  Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  La  Galissoniere, 
commandant  general  of  New  France,  to  reconcile  among 
themselves  certain  savage  nations,  who  are  ever  at  vari- 
ence  on  account  of  the  war  just  terminated,  I  have  been 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  29. 
§June  23,  1749. 


CONRAD    WEISER. 

much  surprised  to  find  some  traders  of  your  Government 
in  a  country  to  which  England  never  had  any  pretensions. 
It  even  appears  that  the  same  opinion  is  entertained  in 
New  England,  since  in  many  of  the  villages  I  passed 
through,  the  English  who  were  trading  there  have  mostly 
taken  flight.  Those  whom  I  first  fell  in  with,  and  by 
whom  I  write  you,  I  have  treated  with  all  mildness  pos 
sible,  although  I  would  have  been  justified  in  treating 
them  as  interlopers,  and  men  without  design,  their  enter 
prise  being  contrary  to  the  preliminaries  of  peace  signed 
five  months  ago.  I  hope,  sir,  you  will  carefully  prohibit 
for  the  future  this  trade,  which  is  contrary  to  treaties  and 
give  notice  to  your  traders  that  they  will  expose  them 
selves  to  great  risks  in  returning  to  these  countries,  and 
that  they  must  impute  only  to  themselves  the  misfortunes 
they  may  meet  with.  I  know  that  our  commandant  gen 
eral  would  be  very  sorry  to  have  resource  to  violence,  but 
he  has  orders  not  to  permit  foreign  traders  in  his  Govern 
ment. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  respect,  sir,  your 
humble  and  obedient  servant, 

CELORON." 

Governor  Hamilton  reported  to  the  Council  that  these 
letters  were  of  an  extraordinary  nature.  One  was  sent  to 
the  Proprietaries  in  London,  and  the  other  to  the  Gov 
ernor  of  New  York.  Celeron's  surprise  in  finding  Penn 
sylvania  traders  on  the  Ohio,  was  carefully  feigned  diplo 
macy.  The  French  were  thoroughly  aware  of  the  Logs- 
town  treaty,  and  the  blow  it  was  to  their  trade.  Celoron 
was  sent  out  to  repair  these  losses.  He  had  not  been  in 
the  Ohio  country  long  before  Andrew  Montour  sent  word 
to  Governor  Hamilton  that  two  or  three  traders  had  been 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.  23! 

killed  by  the  Indians,  that  nothing  had  been  done  to  appre 
hend  and  punish  the  murderers.  No  complaints  having 
been  made  by  the  other  traders,  Montour  was  uncertain 
whether  this  crime  had  been  committed  on  Virginia  or 
Pennsylvania  soil,  but  of  one  thing  he  was  sure,  and  that 
was,  unless  the  instigators  were  promptly  brought  to  pun 
ishment  it  would  cause  the  loss  of  much  innocent  blood, 
and  lead  to  fatal  consequences. 

Governor  Hamilton  immediately  sent  a  proclamation 
to  the  Shawanese,  Delaware,  and  Six  Nation  Indians 
living  on  the  Ohio,  calling  upon  them  to  look  promptly 
and  vigorously  into  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  offence. 
The  Indians  were  informed  that  they  must  not  expect  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  treat  with  them  on  friendly 
terms  until  the  murderers  were  brought  to  justice, 
have  been  informed,"  he  writes,  "that  some  of  you  said 
one  of  the  persons  killed  was  a  Virginian,  and  this  would 
not  draw  on  you  the  anger  of  the  Government  of  Penn 
sylvania,  but  I  must  tell  you,  that  to  hurt  or  kill  any  of 
the  inhabitants  of  that  Province  will  give  us  equal  con 
cern,  equal  offence,  as  if  it  was  one  who  lived  in  my  Gov 
ernment,  we  are  all  one  people;  there  is  no  difference 
between  us,  and  if  any  one  is  hurt  all  ought  to  resent  it, 
and  will  do  it,  you  may  depend  upon  it.":i 

It  is  doubtful  if  the  Indians  ever  did  anything  more 
than  listen  to  the  reading  of  this  proclamation.  The  laws 
of  Pennsylvania,  which  had  been  so  successfully  enforced 
in  the  Delaware  and  Susquehanna  region  were  too  weak 
now  under  the  rapidly  changing  Indian  conditions,  to  be 
enforced  on  the  Ohio  and  Wabash.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  these  murderers  were  ever  brought  to  trial. 

There  were  influences  at  work  in  those  distant  forests, 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  450. 


232  CONRAD    WEISER. 

which  made  it  impossible  for  Pennsylvania  to  extend  the 
arm  of  the  law  beyond  the  Alleghanies.  Hugh  Crawford, 
one  of  Pennsylvania's  bold  traders  on  the  Wabash, 
reported  that  as  early  as  July,  1749,  scarcely  four  months 
after  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  before  Celeron's 
letter  was  written  to  Governor  Hamilton,  a  party  of 
two  hundred  French  soldiers,  and  thirty-five  Indian  allies, 
came  to  a  Twightwee,  or  Miami  town  for  the  purpose  of 
persuading  these  Indians  away  from  their  English  affilia 
tions.  Crawford  reports  that  the  French  were  determined 
to  use  force  if  fair  means  did  not  succeed.  These  Indians 
were  upbraided  for  joining  the  English,  who,  the  French 
said,  had  never  shown  the  Miamis  any  affection  or  given 
them  any  presents. 

When  the  French  attempted  to  use  force  they  found 
that  the  Miamis  were  very  numerous  and  were  deter 
mined  to  resist.  Then  the  French  became  quite  friendly 
again,  and  offered  the  Indians  a  present  of  four  half- 
barrels  of  powder,  four  bags  of  bullets,  and  four  bags  of 
paint,  with  a  few  needles  and  some  thread.  This  present 
the  Miamis  indignantly  refused.  The  French  became 
frightened,  and  hurried  away  leaving  their  goods  scattered 
about  on  the  ground.  These  same  Indians,  in  their  mes 
sage  to  Governor  Hamilton,  insisted  that  their  friendship 
for  the  English  was  constant  and  enduring,  and  they 
hoped  it  would  last  while  "the  sun  and  the  moon  ran 
round  the  world." 

The  Governor  sent  a  message  to  these  Indians  by 
Hugh  Crawford,  expressing  his  appreciation  of  their 
friendship  and  alliance,  which  he  hoped  would  be  s'trong 
as  the  strongest  mountain  and  endure  while  the  sun  shines 
and  the  rivers  run.  "I  have  proposed  it,"  he  writes,  "to 
some  of  our  best  traders  to  carry  on  commerce  with  you, 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.  233 

and  to  sell  you  their  goods  at  as  easy  a  price  as  they  can 
afford,  and  by  all  means  to  cultivate  a  good  understanding 
with  you,  and  they  seem  willing  to  do  it;  but  as  your 
towns  are  at  a  great  distance  from  the  Six  Nations,  and 
that  several  of  your  tribes  seem  to  be  firmly  attached  to 
the  French,  the  traders  cannot  help  expressing  their  appre 
hensions  of  the  great  danger  there  is  in  being  intercepted 
either  in  their  passage  to  or  return  from  your  country; 
and  unless  some  measures  be  concerted  to  preserve  the 
road  safe  and  commodious  for  their  persons  and  effects 
it  will  not  be  possible  to  extend  their  trade  into  countries 
so  remote  to  any  great  degree.     I  mention  this  with  the 
more  earnestness,  as  I  have  lately  received  information 
that  two  of  our  traders  going  from  Logstown  to  the 
Twightwees,  about  three  hundred  miles   from  the  first 
place,  were    either    killed    or    taken    by    the    French  or 
Indians,  and  that  a  party  of  French  Indians  have  killed 
fourteen  of  our  people  belonging  to  Carolina.     I  say  our 
people,  for  the  inhabitants  of  Carolina,  Virginia,  Mary 
land,  and  this  Province,  and  New  York,  are  all  one  people, 
all  of  us  are  equally  affected,  and  must  resent  it  alike. 
Some  other  stories  are  likewise  told  us,  which,  if  true, 
make  it  evident  that  the  road  is  by  no  means  safe  to 
travel."* 

The  Governor  also  assured  these  Indians  of  the  hearty 
friendship  of  all  the  Colonial  Governors,  whom  he 
expected  to  join  in  sending  a  handsome  present  to  the 
Twightwees  this  season,  if  not,  they  could  depend  upon  its 
arrival  next  spring. 

The  summer  of  1750  opened  with  numerous  rumors 
from  Colonel  Johnson,  of  New  York,  and  from  the  Penn 
sylvania  traders,  that  the  French  were  coming  out  from 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  45°>  451- 


234  CONRAD    WEISER. 

Canada  with  a  strong  force  to  take  possession  of  the  Ohio 
Valley,  and  to  alienate  the  Indians  from  the  English 
cause. 

At  the  Indian  conference  held  at  George  Croghan's 
m  May,  1750,  previous  to  turning  the  squatters  off  from 
the  Juniata  lands,  the  Miami  deputies  from  the  Wabash, 
brightened  the  chain  of  friendship,  and  told  Conrad 
Weiser  that  they  wanted  the  road  to  the  Wabash  made 
clear  and  safe,  so  that  the  Pennsylvania  trader  might  go 
among  them.  "Onontio,  the  Governor  of  Canada,  has  kept 
us  poor  and  blind,''  they  said,  "now  we  are  under  the  care 
of  the  Six  Nations  and  the  English,  and  declare  by  this 
string  of  wampum,  that  the  Twightwees  have  entirely 
laid  Onontio  aside,  and  will  no  more  be  governed  by  his 
advice,  nor  any  longer  hearken  to  what  he  shall  say.* 

'The  Six  Nations  have  taken  all  the  Ohio  and  Wabash 
Indians  by  the  hand  and  placed  it  in  the  hand  of  the  Eng 
lish  Governors.  During  the  late  war  we  were  persuaded 
by  Corlear  (Governor  of  New  York),  to  strike  the 
French.  When  peace  was  made  we  expected  that  we  were 
included  in  that  peace,  but  we  don't  find  it  so.  The  French 
are  always  threatening  us  and  put  us  in  much  fear,  by 
their  menaces,  that  we  dare  not  suffer  our  people  to  go 
into  the  hunting  places,  at  a  distance  from  us,  lest  we 
should  meet  a  party  of  French.  This  was  the  case  all  last 
summer,  and  we  have  received  intelligence  from  the  Six 
Nations  that  the  French  of  Canada  are  now  making  mili 
tary  preparations,  and  intend  to  attack  us  this  summer. 

"Brethren,  you  ought  to  have  included  us  in  your 
peace,  but  since  you  did  not,  we  now  request  that  the 
English  Governors  would  jointly  apply  to  have  us 
included  in  the  peace,  that  we  may  not  be  subject  to  the 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  432,  433. 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.  235 

insinuations  and  resentment  of  the  French,  but  be  in  quiet 
as  well  as  you."'1' 

About  this  time  Conrad  Weiser  learned  through  some 
of  his  former  Mohawk  acquaintances,  that  since  peace 
had  been  established,  the  Governor  of  New  York  never 
spoke  to  the  Indians,  nor  offered  them  any  presents,  that 
the  Mohawks  had  received  no  thanks  for  the  blood  they 
lost  in  the  late  war.  Their  warriors  had  been  badly 
treated  by  the  English,  and  when  some  of  their  stoutest 
Indians  had  the  misfortune  to  be  taken  prisoners  by  the 
French,  no  effort  was  made  to  have  them  exchanged  until 
June,  1750.  During  the  absence  of  these  prisoners  nobody 
cared  for  their  wives  and  children.  In  addition  to  these 
complaints  an  old  chief  asked  Weiser  why  the  Governor 
and  Assembly  in  New  York  could  not  agree.  Weiser 
very  prudently  replied  that  he  did  not  know. 

Being  cognizant  of  these  things,  Governor  Hamilton 
wrote  to  Clinton,  of  New  York,  telling  him  that  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  he  had  just 
sent  a  present  to  the  Miami  Indians,  as  a  reward  for  their 
attachment  to  the  English  cause.  He  calls  Clinton's  atten 
tion  to  the  importance  of  retaining  the  friendship  of  these 
Wabash  Indians,  and  to  the  fact  that  a  large  number  of 
Six  Nation  Indians  have  recently  gone  out  of  New  York 
into  the  Ohio  country,  and  are  more  numerous  there  than 
they  are  in  the  home  district.  This  westward  migration 
of  the  Iroquois,  Hamilton  insists,  will  "give  a  remarkable 
turn  to  Indian  affairs,  and  must  draw  the  attention  of 
his  Majesty's  Governors  into  those  more  remote  parts.  If 
my  information  be  true  and  I  have  it  from  persons  of 
undoubted  credit,"  chief  among  whom  was  Conrad 
Weiser,  "these  refugees  of  the  Six  Nations,  if  I  may  use 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  534. 


236  CONRAD    WEISER. 

the  term,  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares,  with  their  new 
allies,  the  Wyandots  and  the  Miamis,  make  a  body  of 
fifteen  hundred,  if  not  two  thousand  men,  and,  in  my 
opinion  these  different  nations  are  now  upon  the  balance. 
If  a  prudent  management  and  seasonable  liberality  be 
exercised  they  may  be  retained  in  our  interest.  But  if 
no  notice  be  taken  of  them,  nor  suitable  presents  made  to 
them,  the  French  may  justly  reproach  the  Twightwees 
for  their  defection,  and  they  will  cast  these  reproaches 
upon  our  Indians  who  persuaded  them  into  our  alliance, 
and  thereupon  they  may  not  only  leave  us  themselves,  but 
draw  off  our  Indians  with  them,  and  if  we  fall  into  these 
unhappy  circumstances  'tis  not  probable  we  will  retain 
the  Six  Nations  at  Onondago  long,  for  when  these  are 
stripped  of  their  allies  and  of  those  westward  Indians, 
they  will  be  despised,  or  to  avoid  contempt,  will  go  over 
to  the  French  with  the  other  Indians."* 

Hamilton  then  called  attention  to  the  expense  which 
Pennsylvania  had  always  cheerfully  borne,  but  now  has 
become  too  great  for  any  single  Colony.  He  accordingly 
asks  Clinton  to  share  this  expense,  saying  that  he  will 
urge  Maryland  and  Virginia  to  do  likewise. 

The  Maryland  Assembly  in  answer  to  this  request, 
declines  to  have  anything  to  do  with  Indian  affairs.  Vir 
ginia,  in  the  interests  of  the  Ohio  Company,  evades  a 
direct  reply  and  attempts  to  manage  Indian  affairs  alone. 
Governor  Clinton  is  fully  aware  of  the  prophetic  truth 
in  Governor  Hamilton's  words,  and  lays  the  matter  forci 
bly  before  the  New  York  Assembly,  saying:  "I  must 
....  earnestly  recommend  to  you  to  take  this  matter  into 
your  serious  deliberation,  that  the  mischiefs  which 
threaten  all  the  colonies  in  North  America  may  be  pre- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  463. 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  TILE  OHIO  VALLEY.      237 

vented  before  it  is  too  late."  The  New  York  Assembly 
declined  to  furnish  any  money  "on  the  plea  of  poverty," 
claiming  that  during  the  late  war  "New  York,  without 
any  aid  from  other  colonies,  was  at  great  expense  in 
defending  her  borders,  and  by  so  doing  protected  Penn 
sylvania.  The  Assembly  claimed  that  it  was  nothing 
more  than  just  and  reasonable  now,  since  peace  existed, 
that  Pennsylvania  should  bear  the  expense  of  retaining 
the  fidelity  of  the  Indians." 

This  falling  away  of  the  sister  colonies  left  Pennsyl 
vania  too  weak  to  cope  single-handed  with  the  centralized 
French  schemes,  which  aimed  to  draw  away  the  Indian 
alliances  which  had  been  so  skillfully  won  by  Conrad 
Weiser.  The  old  interpreter  was  beginning  to  realize  that 
Indian  affairs  had  outgrown  him,  that  unless  all  the  colo 
nies  could  agree  upon  a  united  policy,  the  French  must 
eventually  win.  And  yet  confident  of  his  former  influence 
at  the  councils  of  the  Iroquois,  Weiser  once  more  con 
sented  to  go  among  them  and  carry  a  message  from  the 
Governor  of  Virginia,  who  was  extremely  desirous  of 
making  peace  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Catawbas. 
Weiser's  chief  purpose,  however,  was  to  try  and  prevent 
French  disaffection. 

He  left  Reading  about  the  middle  of  August,  1750, 
and  went  to  Albany  by  way  of  the  Delaware  and  Hudson 
Rivers.  He  was  extremely  social  with  all  the  Indians  he 
met.  His  first  interview  was  with  two  old  Mohawks,  who 
had  just  returned  from  the  French  prisons.  "I  spent  the 
evening  with  them  in  a  public  house,"  he  writes,  "and 
treated  them  with  several  bottles  of  wine.  At  another 
place  I  bought  a  quart  of  rum  here  for  me  and  my  com- 


238  CONRAD    WEISER. 

panions  to  drink,  at  six  shillings,  but  the  company  being 
too  great  I  was  obliged  to  buy  two  other  quarts." 

Weiser  called  on  Sir  William  Johnson,  who  was  the 
sole  commissioner  of  Indian  affairs  in  New  York.  "I 
staid  twenty-four  hours  with  him,"  writes  Weiser,  '"and 
was  kindly  received  and  hospitably  entertained."  ' John 
son  told  Weiser  that  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina  had 
written  him  to  arrange  for  a  treaty  with  the  Catawbas, 
and  that  his  negotiations  were  already  well  under  way' 
"We  both  agreed,"  he  writes,  "that  it  was  best  for  me 
lot  to  say  anythings  about  the  Catawbas,  because  he  had 
made,  it  is  hoped,  a  good  beginning."* 

Just  why  Weiser  gave  up  his  commission  in  behalf  of 
Virginia  without  a  more  vigorous  protest  is  not  clear. 
The  sturdy  old  German  was  doubtless  growing  discour 
aged.  He  found  great  changes  taking  place  among  the 
Iroquois.  Henry,  a  Mohawk  chief,  who  had  well  learned 
the  arts  of  political  craft,  told  Weiser  in  strict  confidence 
that  he  did  not  believe  that  Colonel  Johnson  could  bring 
about  a  peace  with  the  Catawbas,  but  if  the  Governor  of 
Carolina  would  make  him  a  handsome  present,  or  pay 
him  well  for  his  trouble,  he  could  bring  about  the  much 
desired  peace.  Henry  divined  that  Weiser  had  the  thing 
in  commission,  and  hinted  that  he  would  be  willing  to 
avail  himself  of  aid  in  a  practical  way.  Weiser,  however, 
seems  to  have  given  up  the  Virginia  part  of  the  mission 
with  very  little  remonstrance. 

^  Canassatego,  Weiser's  warmest  Indian  friend  next  to 
Shikellimy  was  dead,  and  Canassatego  had  been  the  leader 
in  the  Iroquois  Confederacy.  For  thirty  years  he  was 
the  chief  speaker  at  all  the  great  treaties.  Weiser  writes 
to  Secretary  Peters,  "Our  friend,  Canassatego,  was  buried 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  472. 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.  239 

to-day  before  I  came  to  Onondago,  and  Solconwanaghly, 
our  other  good  friend,  died  some  time  before.  He  that  is 
at  the  head  of  affairs  now  is  a  professed  Roman  Catholic, 
and  altogether  devoted  to  the  French.  The  French  priests 
have  made  a  hundred  converts  of  the  Onondagos,  that  is 
to  say,  men,  women  and  children,  and  they  are  all  clothed, 
and  walk  in  the  finest  clothes,  dressed  with  silver  and  gold, 
and  I  believe  that  the  English  interests  among  the  Six 
Nations  can  be  of  no  consideration  any  more.  The 
Indians  speak  with  contempt  of  the  New  Yorkers  and  the 
Albany  people,  and  much  the  same  of  the  rest  of  the  Eng 
lish  Colonies."*  These  things  seem  to  have  broken  the 
spirit  of  Weiser  in  intercolonial  affairs.  From  this  point 
the  sturdy  interpreter,  who  once  fashioned  the  course  of 
Indian  affairs  from  a  national  standpoint,  gradually  sinks 
back  until  his  influence  is  bounded  only  by  his  own  Pro 
vince. 

While  Weiser  was  on  his  way  to  a  village,  at  one  time 
celebrated  among  the  Onondagos  for  the  wise  men  who 
lived  there,  an  old  Indian,  a  member  of  the  Council, 
joined  him  and  began  singing  a  song  of  lamentation, 
which  signified  in  an  allegorical  sense  that  the  town 
toward  which  they  were  journeying  was  not  inhabited  by 
such  good  friends  as  formerly.  And  now  especially  since 
the  "word"§  died  "the  evil  spirits  would  reign  and  bring 
forth  thorns  and  briers  out  of  the  earth."  At  the  resting 
place,  Weiser  treated  the  old  sachem  with  "a  dram  of 
good  rum,  and  told  him  that  nothing  was  certain  in  the 
world,  and  that  the  Great  Being,  who  had  created  the 
world  knew  how  to  govern  it,  ....  and  would  order  every- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  467. 

§  "Word" — in  place  of  Canassatego.  Indians  decline  to  mention 
a  man's  name  after  his  death. 


24O  CONRAD    WEISER. 

thing  well,"  to  which  the  old  Indian  in  his  way  said, 
amen.* 

Weiser's  apparent  optimism  had  a  heavy  burden  to 
bear  during  this  visit.  On  good  authority  he  had  learned 
that  all  the  belts  of  wampum,  which  remained  unanswered 
in  Canassatego's  hands  at  the  time  of  his  death,  wampum 
which  had  been  given  him  by  various  English  Governors, 
and  which  stood  for  all  the  unfulfilled  Iroquois  negotia 
tions  with  the  English,  were  by  Canassatego's  orders 
buried  with  him.  Indian  gossip  said  that  Canassatego's 
family  had  stolen  the  wampum,  thereby  corrupting  them 
selves  by  putting  public  treasure  to  private  uses.  Others 
said  that  Canassatego's  will  made  him  a  thief  after  his 
death,  but  Weiser  in  his  own  heart  knew  that  all  future 
negotiations  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  English  were 
jeopardized  with-the  loss  of  those  wampum  belts.  This 
fact,  combined  with  the  evidence  of  a  change  of  heart 
among  the  Iroquois,  discouraged  him. 

He  learned  that  the  French  had  built  a  fort  further  up 
the  St.  Lawrence  River,  not  far  from  Lake  Fountanac.§ 
Here  Piquet,  a  French  missionary  was  located.  He 
instructed  the  Indian  children  in  the  Catholic  religion, 
cleared  land  and  built  houses  for  them  at  the  French 
King's  expense.  At  the  time  Weiser  was  at  Onondago, 
Piquet  was  reported  to  have  had  over  one  hundred  con 
verts.  These  were  handsomely  clad  in  garments  laced 
with  silver  and  gold,  and  sent  down  to  see  the  French 
Governor  at  Montreal.  Here  they  were  most  hospitably 
entertained  and  given  many  presents.  Weiser,  whose 
hatred  for  anything  French  or  Roman  Catholic  was  deep- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  475- 

§This  and  the  fort  at  Detroit  were  all  that  the  French  had  at 
that  time  that  were  considered  encroachments  on  the  English  claims. 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.  24! 

seated,  reported  that  many  of  these  converts  came  "back- 
to  Onondago  and  drank  away  their  fine  cloths.  They 
reported  that  the  missionary's  words  were  not  true,  and 
that  he  was  seeking  to  enslave  the  Indians.  They  were 
sure  of  this  since  they  were  asked  to  renounce  their  own 
form  of  government  and  come  under  control  of  a  guar 
dian  appointed  by  the  French  King,  who  always  professed 
to  protect  the  Indians  against  their  enemies.  Many  of 
these  Indians,  in  mockery,  derided  the  more  susceptible 
ones,  saying,  'Go  and  get  baptized  again  by  your  father, 
and  bring  home  fine  clothes  that  we  may  get  some  drink.' 

"  'No,'  said  another,  still  joking,  lie  will  be  hanged 
now  if  he  goes  again  for  fine  clothes ;  his  father  is  angry 
because  his  holy  water  is  of  no  force  with  the  Indians.' 
So  many  such  discourses  I  have  heard,  by  which  I  saw 
plain  that  they  do  not  pay  any  respect  to  any  religion,  let 
it  come  from  where  it  will  if  they  do  not  get  by  it." 

Weiser  having  put  out  the  council  fire  at  Onondago, 
as  was  the  custom,  came  home,  disheartened  and  dis 
couraged.  The  future  looked  dark  and  threatening  to 
him.  '  He  had  not  yet  read  the  depositions  of  Morris 
Turner  and  Ralph  Kilgore,  two  men  belonging  to  John 
Fraser,  a  Lancaster  County  trader.  Some  time  in  May, 
1750,  these  two  men,  who  had  bought  more  skins  from 
Miami  Indians  than  their  horses  could  carry,  were  return 
ing  from  Logstown  for  a  second  load  when  seven  Indians 
came  into  their  camp  one  evening  a  little  before  sunset. 
They  asked  for  victuals,  and  when  meat  was  given  them 
they  dressed  and  ate  it  in  a  friendly  manner.  After  their 
appetites  were  satisfied  they  commenced  examining  the 
traders'  guns,  apparently  from  curiosity ;  one  picked  up  a 
tomahawk,  and  others  asked  for  knives  to  cut  their  tobac- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  476. 


242  CONRAD    WEISER. 

co.  Immediately  the  two  traders  were  seized  and  securely 
tied.  The  Indians  then  hurried  their  prisoners  off  towards 
Detroit,  which  at  that  time  contained  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  houses,  securely  stockaded.  The  prisoners  were 
delivered  to  the  commander,  and  the  Indians  received  a 
ten-gallon  keg  of  brandy  and  one  hundred  pounds  of  to 
bacco  as  a  reward.  The  commander  placed  these  two  trad 
ers  with  a  farmer  living  about  a  mile  from  the  town.  Here 
they  were  compelled  to  hoe  corn  and  reap  wheat.  The 
Indians  frequently  came  to  see  them,  and  acted  in  a  very 
insolent  manner,  taunting  them  and  calling  them  dogs, 
and  declaring  that  they  were  going  down  to  the  Wabash 
after  more  traders.  The  prisoners  were  detained  three 
months  at  this  farmer's  house,  when  the  commander  at  the 
fort  was  changed  and  they  were  sent  to  Canada.  At 
Niagara  they  met  the  chief  French  interpreter,  Joncaire. 
He  was  taking  a  large  present  to  the  Indians  in  Ohio. 
The  prisoners  saw  the  goods  spread  out  on  the  river  bank, 
and  estimated  them  to  be  worth  fifteen  hundred  pounds. 
They  also  heard  that  in  the  spring  (1751)  a  French  army 
of  five  hundred  men  was  going  to  invade  the  Ohio  coun 
try,  and  drive  out  the  Shawariese  and  the  Wyandots,  who 
they  believed  were  contaminating  the  resident  Indians, 
and  persuading  them  over  to  the  English.  If  these 
Indians  would  not  go  east  the  French  were  going  to  kill 
them.  The  prisoners  also  learned  that  a  reward  of  one 
thousand  pounds  had  been  offered  for  the  scalps  of  George 
Croghan  and  James  Lowery,  whom  they  considered  the 
most  influential  and  injurious  among  the  Pennsylvania 
traders.  While  following  the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario  the 
prisoners  made  their  escape. 

The  evidence  of  these  two  traders,  and  the  report  of 
Conrad  Weiser's  Onondajjo  visit  alarmed  Governor  Ham- 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.     243 

ilton.    He  immediately  laid  the  subject  before  the  Assem 
bly  at  its  opening  session  in  October,   1750.     Hamilton 
went  on  to  say  that  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  unaccount 
able  actions  of  the  French  he  desired  George  Croghan 
and  Andrew  Montour  to  go  to  Ohio  with  the  small  pres 
ent  provided  by  the  Assembly  during  its  last  session.     He 
had  hoped  that  his  envoys  would  arrive  among  the  Miami 
Indians  in  time  to  frustrate  the  schemes  of  the  French, 
but    unfortunately,    Croghan    and    Montour    were    both 
unable  to  go  at  that  time  on  account  of  sickness.      The 
Governor  then  asked  the  Assembly  for  advice.    This  body  • 
promptly  replied  with  the  statement  that  they  had  decided 
to  add  to  the  present  already  made  up,  and  to  include 
within  their  generosity,  not  only  the  Miami  Indians,  but 
the   Wyandots,    Shawanese,    Delawares   and   such   other 
nations  as  were  in  that  region,  with  the  suggestion  that 
all  these  Indian  nations  be  urged  to  form  a  union  like  the 
Six    Nations.     The  Assembly  again  beseeched  the  Gov 
ernor  to  petition  the  Proprietaries  to  share  with  the  people 
the  burden  of  Indian  expenses.     Shortly  after  the  Legis 
lature  had  made  this  unusually  liberal  appropriation  for 
Indian  presents,  the  Governor  reports  that  it  will  cost  two 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds  alone  for  the  transportation  of 
this  present ;  while  he  considers  this  an  extravagant  sum, 
he  cannot  find  any  one  to  do  it  for  less.     The  Assembly, 
therefore,     with    economic    purposes    directed     Conrad 
Weiser  to  go  across  the  Susquehanna  and  arrange  for 
their  transportation.     All  autumn,  winter  and  spring  go 
by  before  the  goods  can  be  forwarded.     Croghan  writes 
from  Logstown,  in  December,  1750,  urging  all  possible 
haste.     He  insisted  that  unless  a  large  present  arrived 
promtly  it  would  be  impossible  to  hold  the  Indians  to  the 
British  interest.     He  then  told  of  the  staunch  friendship 


244  CONRAD    WEISER. 

of  the  Ohio  Indians,  and  outlined  his  plans  for  future 
negotiations.  The  Council  and  Assembly  became  dis 
trustful  of  Croghan's  sincerity,  and  expressed  suspicions 
that  he  might  be  secretly  in  league  with  the  French,  and 
complained  that  he  was  an  exceedingly  expensive  agent 
in  Indian  affairs.  Accordingly,  the  Governor,  Secretary, 
Council  and  Assembly  were  unanimous  in  urging  Wei  set- 
to  go  to  Logstown  and  superintend  the  distribution  of 
this  present. 

Weiser  replied  to  this  request,  saying:  "You  ask  me 
to  distribute  this  present  on  the  fifteenth  of  May,  at  Logs- 
town,  and  expect  me  to  be  back  in  time  to  attend  the 
Indian  conference  at  Albany  (1751).  With  submission 
I  would  say  that  it  is  now  (22nd  of  April,  1751)  impos 
sible Time  will  show  that  what  I  here  say  is  true; 

and  besides  this  the  Indians  cannot  be  sent  for  until  the 
goods  are  on  the  spot,  because  this  is  a  hungry  time  with 
the  Indians,  and  the  few  that  live  in  Logstown  cannot 
provide  for  the  rest  that  come  from  other  towns.  Should 
the  goods  be  delayed,  no  explanations  will  satisfy  the 
gnawing  appetite  of  the  Indians.  I  have  experienced 
something  of  this  in  the  year  1748,  when  the  goods  could 
not  come  to  Logstown  according  to  the  time  appointed." 
Weiser  insisted  that  this  present  could  not  arrive  in  time, 
and  urged  the  Governor  to  commission  Croghan  and 
Montour  to  distribute  it.  "They  must  act  according  to 
your  instructions.  If  Mr.  Croghan's  integrity  is  ques 
tioned,  some  of  the  traders  at  Ohio  might  be  required  to 
be  present  and  see  that  the  goods  are  delivered  article  for 
article.  I  am  satisfied  that  there  are  some  men  in  Ohio 
who  will  not  spare  or  favor  him,  as  for  my  own  part  I 
believe  he  will  do  all  in  his  power  to  act  according  to  your 
Honor's  commands.  Moreover,  all  these  Ohio  Indians 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.  245 

are  subservient  to  the  Six  Nations  whom  we  will  treat 
with  at  Albany."  I7or  these  reasons  Weiser  asked  to  be 
excused  from  the  Ohio  journey. 

The  Governor,  Council  and  Assembly  acquiesced,  and 
minute  instructions  were  drawn  up  for  Croghan  and  Mon- 
tour.     The  importance  of  these  instructions  can  only  be 
appreciated  by  recalling  the  events  of  the  autumn  and 
winter    (1750    and    1751).     In    December,    Joncaire,  a 
French  commander  and  interpreter,  was  seen  by  some 
Iroquois  chiefs  examining  the  upper  waters  of  the  Alle- 
ghany  River,  searching  for  a  site  for  a  fort.     He  had  five 
canoes  loaded  with  goods  and  was  very  generous  with  his 
presents.     He  was  reported  to  have  said  that  if  he  could 
get  the  permission  of  the  Ohio  Indians,  the  fort  would  be 
built  at  once.    It  is  quite  probable  that  Joncaire  was  in  the 
vicinity  of  Venango.     Croghan  reported  that  the  French 
had  attacked  recently  a  Shawanese  town,  which  was  a 
about  three  hundred  miles  from  Logstown,  and  killed  a 
man,  and  took  a  woman  and  two  children  prisoners.    The 
Shawanese  pursued  them,  taking  five  French  men  and 
some  Indians  prisoners.     The  Miami  Indians  also  sent 
word  to  the  French  that  if  they  found  any  of  them  in  the 
Miami  country  they  would  make  them  prisoners.     From 
these  reasons  Croghan  said  "I  expect  nothing  less  than 
an  Indian  war  in  the  spring." 

In  January,  1751,  Governor  Clinton  sent  Governor 
Hamilton  a  copy  of  an  inscription  found  on  a  lead  plate* 

^Translation  of  the  inscription  found  on  the  leaden  plate.  "In 
the  year  1749,  during  the  reign  of  Louis  XV.,  King  of  France,  W.  E. 
Celoron,  commander  of  a  detachment  sent  by  the  Marquis  de  La 
Gallissoniere,  commander-in-chief  of  New  France,  to  restore  tran- 
quility  in  some  savage  villages  of  these  districts,  have  buried  these 
plates  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio  ("Alleghany"),  and  Tch-a-da- 
koin,  this  29th  of  July,  near  the  River  Ohio,  alias  'Beautiful  River.' 
as  a  monument  of  our  having  retaken  possession  of  the  said  river, 
and  of  those  that  fall  into  the  same,  and  of  all  the  lands  on  both 


246  CONRAD    WEISER. 

stolen  from  Joncaire  some  months  previous  in  the  Seneca 
country.  A  number  of  these  lead  plates  had  been  buried 
at  various  points  along  the  Ohio  River  by  Celeron,  the 
summer  previous.  The  Six  Nation  chiefs  were  curious  to 
know  what  was  on  them,  and  they  induced  some  of  the 
young  Senecas  to  steal  one  and  bring  it  to  the  Council. 
When  they  learned  the  contents  of  this  plate  from  Col 
onel  Johnson,  like  faithful  allies  they  reported  Joncaire's 
speech  made  to  them  that  summer. 

"Children,'"  he  said,  "your  Father  (Governor  of  Can 
ada)  having,  out  of  a  tender  regard  for  you,  considered 
the  great  difficulty  you  labor  under  by  carrying  your 
goods,  canoes,  etc.,  over  the  great  carrying  place  of 
Niagara,  has  desired  me  to  acquaint  you  that  in  order  to 
ease  you  all  of  so  much  trouble  for  the  future  he  has 
resolved  to  build  a  house  at  the  other  end  of  the  said 
carrying  place,  which  he  will  furnish  with  all  necessaries 
for  your  use."  Joncaire  also  told  these  Indians  that  he 
was  sent  to  remain  in  this  Ohio  country  for  three  years, 
and  intended  to  build  a  house  at  the  carrying  place 
between  Lake  Erie  and  the  Alleghany  River,  where  the 
Western  Indians  could  secure  all  the  goods  they  needed 
without  the  trouble  of  going  to  Oswego.  Joncaire  then 
asked  the  Indians  their  opinion  of  this,  and  their  permis 
sion  to  build  the  two  forts,  one  at  Niagara,  and  the  other 
on  Lake  Erie,  or  the  Alleghany  River.  The  Seneca 
Indians  asked  advice  of  Colonel  Johnson.  He  told  them 
that  the  French,  by  fine  speeches  were  seeking  to  rob  the 
Indians  of  their  land,  and  to  cut  them  off  from  their  Eng 
lish  brethren  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia. 

sides  as  far  as  the  source  of  the  said  rivers,  as  well  as  of  those  of 
which  the  preceding  kings  of  France  have  enjoyed  possession,  partly 
by  force  of  arms,  partly  by  treaties,  especially  by  those  of  Ryswick, 
Utrecht  and  Aix-la-Chapelle." 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.      247 

This  effort  made  by  Joncaire  to  secure  the  Indians' 
permission  to  build  two  forts,  alarmed  George  Croghan, 
who  as  early  as  December,  1750,  urged  the  authorities  of 
Pennsylvania  to  build  a  fort  at  Logstown.     Croghan's 
plea  for  a  fort  purported  to  be  the  desire  of  the  Indians 
in  that  region,  who  insisted  that  the  English  trade  would 
not  be  secure,  and  the  roads  safe  for  travel  until  there  was 
an  English  fort  on  the  river.     When  the  Proprietary  of 
Pennsylvania  read  Croghan's  letter,  he  immediately  sent 
a  message  to  the  Governor,  saying :   "Your  report  alarms 
me.     I  have  sent  your  report  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford  and 
Lord  Halifax,  and  I    think    something    should    be  done 
immediately,  if  it  can,  by  consent  of  the  Indians,  to  take 
possession.     This,  I  think,  you  should  advise  with  the 
Council  and  Assembly  about,  as  it  is  of  great  import  to 
the  trade  of  the  Province  to  have  a  settlement  there,  and 
a  house  a  little  more  secure  than  an  Indian  cabin.    I  make 
no  doubt  that  the  Indians  would  readily  consent  to  such  a 
settlement;  and  if  there  is  stone  and  lime  in  the  neighbor 
hood,  I  think  an  house  with  thick  walls  of  stone,  with 
small  bastions  might  be  built  at  no  very  great  expense, 
as  it  is  little  matter  how  rough  it  is  within  side;  or  a 
wall  of  that  sort  perhaps  fifty  feet  square,  with  a  small 
log  house  in  the  middle  of  it,  might,  perhaps  be  better. 
The  command  of  this  might  be  given  to  the  principal 
[ndian  trader,  and  he  be  obliged  to  keep  four  or  six  men 
at  it  who  might  serve  him  in  it;  and  the  house  be  his 
magazine  for  goods.     If  something  of  this  kind  can  be 
done  we  shall  be  willing  to  be  at  the  expense  of  four 
hundred  pounds  currency  for  the  building  of  it,  and  of 
one  hundred  pounds  a  year  for  keeping  some  men  with 
a  few  arms  and  some  powder,  this,  with  what  the  Assem 
bly  might  be  willing  to  give  will  in  some  measure  protect 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


the  trade,  and  be  a  mark  of  possession.  However  few  the 
men  are  they  should  wear  an  uniform  dress,  that  tho' 
very  small  it  may  look  fort  like."* 

During  the  winter  and  spring  of  1750,  the  Governor 
again  and  again  consulted  the  speaker  and  the  leading 
members  of  the  House  upon  the  proposals  made  by  the 
Proprietaries.     For  nearly  two  years  the  Assembly  had 
been  urging  that  the  Proprietaries  bear  a  share  of  the 
Indian  expenses.    And  now  when  they  offer  four  hundred 
pounds  towards  building  a  fort  at  Logstown,  and  one 
hundred   pounds    a   year   towards    its   maintenance,    the 
Assembly  refuses  to  vote  one  dollar  for  any  such  purpose. 
For  seventy  years  Indian  affairs  in  Pennsylvania  had, 
through  the  influence  of  William  Penn  and  the  Friends, 
been  conducted  in  peaceable  channels,  and  now  when  the 
sons  of  Penn  are  the  first  to  advocate  the  establishment 
of  a  fort  garrisoned  by  an  armed  force,  and  are  arranging 
tilings  so  that  the  major  part  of  the  expense  shall  be 
borne  by  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  the  peace  loving 
element  among  the  Friends  and  Germans  say  "No,  this 
will  be  warfare.     It  will  not  only  offend  the  Indians,  but 
it  will  embroil  England  in  a  border  war  with  France." 
The  Assembly  was  perfectly  willing  to  furnish  presents, 
more    presents    than    any    other     Colony    had     given, 
in  order  to  hold  the  Indian  in  the  English  interests,  and 
retain  the  fur  trade,  but  to  take  the  initial  step  which  must 
necessarily  lead  to  a  long  and  bitter  war,  Pennsylvania 
refused,   even   after   Penn's   sons  had   arranged   it   in  a 
tempting  form.     Furthermore,    the    Assembly    was    not 
sure,  at  that  time,  that  Logstown  was  a  part  of  Penn 
sylvania.     If  a  fort  was  built  there  it  would  foment  a 
quarrel  with  Virginia,  and  since  arrangements  were  then 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  515, 


FRENCH  TRADERS  IN  THE  OHIO  VALLEY.  2/J9 

being  made  for  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  disputed 
boundary  between  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  the  Assem 
bly  positively  refused  to  support  the  Proprietaries'  Indian 
Policy.  The  Assemblymen  were  well  aware  of  the  effect 
of  the  "Walking  Purchase"  upon  the  Indians  on  the 
Delaware.  Numerous  murders  had  occurred  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Lehigh,  and  just  recently  (1751),  Scull, 
the  Provincial  surveyor  had  been  prevented,  by  the  Dela 
ware  Indians,  from  running  the  line  in  the  purchase  of 
1749.  These  Indians  insisted  that  the  Iroquois  had  no 
right  to  sell  any  land  on  the  Delaware  River;  that  Wil 
liam  Penn  never  recognized  any  Iroquois  claims  to  land 
in  this  basin,  and  that  the  new  policy  of  his  sons  since  the 
Walking  Purchase  had  brought  about  all  these  changes. 
The  Assembly  was  of  the  same  opinion,  and  had  never 
agreed  with  -the  Governor  and  Conrad  Weiser  in  allowing 
the  Iroquois  to  spread  a  pretended  claim  into  the  Valley 
of  the  Delaware.  For  these  reasons  Governor  Hamilton, 
in  his  private  instructions  to  George  Croghan,  forbade 
his  saying  anything  about  a  fort.  He  was  to  do  nothing 
more  than  to  sound  the  Indians  in  a  private  manner  and 
learn  their  opinions. 

On  the  1 8th  of  May,  1751,  Croghan  and  Montour 
arrived  at  Logstown  with  the  long  delayed  Pennsylvania 
present.  Three  days  later  Joncaire  held  a  council  with  the 
Indians  at  the  same  place.  He  asked  them  for  a  reply 
to  Celeron's  request  made  in  1749,  which  was  that  all 
the  Indians  turn  away  from  the  English  traders  and  for 
bid  them  from  ever  coming  to  trade  any  more  on  the 
Ohio.  The  Indians  replied  to  this  in  Croghan's  presence. 
"Fathers ;  I  mean  you  that  call  yourselves  fathers,  hear 
what  I  am  going  to  say  to  you.  You  desire  that  we  may 
turn  our  brothers,  the  English  away,  and  not  suffer  therft 


25°  CONRAD    WEISER. 

to  come  and  trade  with  us  again ;  I  now  tell  you  from  our 
hearts  we  will  not,  for  we  ourselves  brought  them  here 
to  trade  with  us,  and  they  shall  live  among  us  as  long 
as  there  is  one  of  us  alive.  You  are  always  threatening 
our  brothers  what  you  will  do  to  them,  and  in  particular 
to  that  man,"  (pointing  to  me  [George  Croghan]  )  ;  "now 
if  you  have  anything  to  say  to  our  brothers  tell.it  to  him, 
if  you  be  a  man,  as  you  French  men  always  say  you  are, 
and  the  head  of  all  the  nations.  Our  brothers  are  the 
people  we  will  trade  with  and  not  you.  Go  and  tell  your 
Governor  and  ask  the  Onondago  Council  if  I  don't  speak 
the  minds  of  all  the  Six  Nations."* 

There  is  not  the  least  doubt  about  the  thorough  loy- 
ality  of  the  Ohio  Indians  to  the  Pennsylvania  Govern 
ment  at  that  time,  and  their  reply  to  Joncaire  may  have 
been  as  reported,  but  Croghan,  like  Colonel  Johnson,  was 
bent  on  his  own  interests,  and  has  evidently  exaggerated 
his  translation,  since  the  Onondago  Councils  had  not  at 
that  time  determined  to  trade  only  with  the  English. 
These  Councils  had  for  many  years  endeavored  to  play 
an  even  game  with  the  French  and  English.  But  since 
the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  and  the  death  of  the  old 
Iroquois  leaders,  the  Onondago  Councils,  as  Weiser's 
visit  there  in  1750  revealed,  were  sadly  divided.  Croghan 
may  have  been  misinformed,  but  he  did  not  grasp  Indian 
affairs  with  anything  like  the  clearness  that  Weiser  did. 
Croghan's  friends  on  the  Ohio  were  loyal,  his  enemies 
bitter.  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  was  loath  to  trust 
him,  especially  since  they  believed  that  his  advocacy  of  the 
fort  on  the  Ohio  was  to  enhance  his  own  profits. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  531. 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  25! 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE? 

Who  shall  Strike  first  ?-Croghan  treats  with  the  Ohio  Indians-The 
Indians'  Reply— The  Ohio  Indians  ask  for  an  English  Fort— 1 
PemTsylvan  a  opposed  to  a  Fort-A  Desire  for  a  Union  of  the 
Cynics  upon  Indian  Affairs-The  Pennsylvania  opposed  to  a 
Union-Weiser  at  Albany-French  Activity-Clinton  s  Letter  to 
Jne  Governor  of  Canada-The  French  Commander's  Reply- 

The  Indians  turn  from  Pennsylvania  to  Virgmia-T he  Penn syl- 


fM-irp        he    rrencn  at   i^e   JDUCUI    waim-vi  "•*  .  ,       -T-         \ 

French   Reply-The    Indians   declare   War   against   the   French- 
Wefser  favors  a  general  Present-The  Indians'  Statement  at  Car- 
lisle-The  Indians  insist  that  Rum  is  the  Cause  of  1  he *  R™- 
Weiser's  Power  limited  by  jealous  Influences-Virginia  t 
Initiative. 

THE  treaties  of  1751  on  the  Ohio  and  at  Albany  re 
vealed  the  unanswered  question,  who  should  first 
take  possession  of  the  Ohio  Valley.     It  was  well  under 
stood  that  whoever  did,  whether  New  France,  New  York 
Pennsylvania  or  Virginia,  it  would  be  necessary  to  defend 
the  land  that  it  would  not  be  given  up  by  the  rival  claim 
ants  without  a  struggle.    The  English  Colonies  therefore 
realized  the  necessity  of  union  in  Indian  affairs,  but  could 
not  agree  upon  the  disposition  of  the  Ohio  country  should 
they  succeed  in  driving  off  the  French.     These  disagree 
ments  retarded  the  prompt  action  of  the  English  Pro 
vinces  and  allowed  France  to  gain  foothold. 

Croghan    busied    himself    on    the    Ohio,    while    the 


252  CONRAD    WEISER. 

goods  were  arriving,  in  visiting  Indians  of  note,  making 
presents  and  gaining  friendships.     To  one  old  Indian,  a 
Shawanese  chief,  he  gave  a  full  suit  of  clothes.     When 
the  treaty  opened,  Croghan  told  the  Shawanese  that  their 
troubles  and  scattered  condition  as  a  people  was  occa 
sioned  by  the  French.     The  Indians  were  then  assured 
that  all  former  treachery  of  theirs  was  forgiven  by  the 
English.    To  the  Wyandots  he  said :    "I  understand  that 
the  French,  whom  you  call  your  father,  won't  let  you 
rest  m  your  towns  in  peace,  but  constantly  threaten  to 
cut  you  off.     How  comes  this?     Are  you  not  a  free  and 
independent  people?    Have  you  not  a  right  to  live  where 
you  please  on  your  own  land,  and  trade  with  whom  you 
please?     Your  brethren,  the  English,  always  considered 
you  a  free  nation,  and  I  think  the  French,  who  attempt 
to  infringe  on  your  liberties  should  be  opposed  by  one 
and  all  the  Indians."     To  the  Twightwees  or  Miamis  he 
urged  that  all  their  tribes  ally  themselves  with  the  Eng 
lish  and  abandon  the  French.     To  the  Six  Nations  on  the 
Ohio  he  showed  the  necessity  of  a  strong  Western  con 
federacy  of  Indians.     To  all  the  Indians  he  said,  "you  do 
wrong  to  allow  the  French  among  you,  to  permit  them  to 
build  houses  on  your  land.     It  makes  it  dangerous  for 
English  traders  and  will  in  time  force  you  to  pay  more 
for  your  goods." 

When  the  Indians  replied  they  first  spoke  to  Joncaire 
m  open  council,  saying,  "How  comes  it  that  you  have 
broke  the  general  peace?  Is  it  not  three  years  since  you 
as  well  as  our  brothers,  the  English,  told  us  that  there 
was  a  peace  between  the  English  and  French,  and  how 
comes  it  that  you  have  taken  our  brothers  as  prisoners 
on  our  lands  ?  Is  it  not  our  land  [stamping  on  the  ground 
and  putting  his  finger  to  Joncaire's  nose]  ?  What  right 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  253 

has  Onontlo  to  our  lands  ?  I  desire  that  you  may  go  home 
directly  off  our  lands  and  tell  Onontio  to  send  us  word 
immediately  what  was  his  reason  for  using  our  brothers 
so,  or  what  he  means  by  such  proceedings,  that  we  may 
know  what  to  do,  for  I  can  assure  Onontio  that  we,  the 
Six  Nations,  will  not  take  such  usage.  You  hear  what  I 
say,  and  that  is  the  sentiment  of  all  our  nations;  tell  it  to 
Onontio  that  that  is  what  the  Six  Nations  said  to  you."1 
The  Indians  all  appeared  duly  thankful  for  their  pres 
ent,  but  declined  the  Virginia  invitation  sent  by  Christo 
pher  Gist  to  go  and  receive  the  King's  present  offered  by 
that  Colony.  According  to  George  Croghan's  report  all 
the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  united  with  the  Six  Nations  of 
the  West  in  making  the  following  reply  to  Croghan's 
complaint  about  the  treatment  of  English  traders. 

"Brother ;  as  to  what  you  mention  of  the  traders  being 
taken  by  the  French,  we  your  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations 
have  a  true  sense  of  the  ill  usage  you  have  received  from 
the  French,  and  wq  can  assure  you  we  will  take  a  method 
to  oblige  the  French  to  make  satisfaction.  Brother,  we 
have  discharged  the  French  from  amongst  us,  and  told 
them  that  they  should  not  build  upon  our  land.  Now, 
brothers,  we  have  been  considering  what  the  French  mean 
by  their  behavior,  and  believe  they  want  to  cheat  us  out  of 
our  country,  but  we  will  stop  them,  and  brother,  you 
must  help  us.  We  expect  that  you,  our  brother,  will 
build  a  strong  house  on  the  River  Ohio,  that  if  we  should 
be  obliged  to  engage  in  a  war  that  we  should  have  a  place 
to  secure  our  wives  and  children,  likewise  to  secure  our 
brothers  who  come  to  trade  with  us,  for  without  our 
brothers  supply  us  with  goods  we  cannot  live."§  The 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  53^ 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  538. 


254  CONRAD    WEISER. 

Indians  said  they  would  take  two  months  to  select  a  site 
for  a  fort  and  then  they  would  expect  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  to  order  such  a  house  to  be  built. 

When  Governor  Hamilton  laid  this  matter  before  the 
Assembly,    that    body     consulted    Conrad    Weiser    and 
Andrew  Montour,  and  were  informed  that  George  Cro- 
ghan  either  misunderstood  or  misinformed  the  Governor.* 
The  Assembly  advised  Hamilton  of  this  and  said  further, 
"We  have  seriously  considered  the  offer  made  by  our  Pro 
prietors  of  contributing  toward  building  such  a  house, 
[meaning  the  fort,]   but  as  we  have  always  found  that 
sincere,    upright    dealing    with    the    Indians,  a  friendly 
treatment  of  them  on  all  occasions,  and  particularly  in 
relieving  their  necessities  at  proper  times  by  suitable  pres 
ents  have  been  the  best  means  of  securing  their  friendship, 
wre  could  wish  our  Proprietaries  had  rather  seen  fit  to  join 
with  us  in  the  expense  of  these  presents,  the  effects  of 
which  have  at  all  times  so  manifestly  advanced  their  inter 
est  with  the  security  of  our  frontier  settlements. "§    This 
became  the  policy  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  so  far 
as  taking  the  initiative  in  possessing  the  Ohio  Valley  was 
concerned.      The    Governor    complained    loudly    to    the 
other  Provinces  and  the  Proprietaries,  but  to  no  purpose. 
From  this  time  on  it  becomes  more  and  more  evident 
that  either  New  York  or  Virginia  will  have  to  come  to 
the  front  if  the  French  are  to  be  excluded  from  the  dis 
puted  territory.     Farly  in   1750  the  Governors  of  Vir 
ginia,   Pennsylvania  and  New  York  suggested  a  union 
of  Colonies  so  far  as  Indian  affairs  were  concerned.   Noth 
ing  came  of  these  suggestions  save  a  general  polite  agree 
ment  on  the  part  of  all  the  Governors  that  such  a  union 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  547. 
§Pcnna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  574. 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  255 

would  be  desirable,  but  no  one  seemed  inclined  to  make 
the  first  move.     The  necessities  of  such  a  union  pressed 
hardest  upon  New  York.      Governor   Clinton  wrote  to 
Governor  Hamilton,  in  December,  1750,  and  emphasized 
the  impossibility  of  any  one  Colony  being  able,  financially, 
to  cope  with  the  French,  by  keeping  the  Indians  in  the 
English  interests.     A  union  of  Colonies,  he  said,  would 
inspire  the  Indians,  and  remove  their  fear  of  the  French, 
who  were  threatening  them  from  all  sides,     Clinton  then 
invited  all  the  English  Governors  to  attend  an  Indian  con 
ference  to  be  held  at  Albany  in  1751.     Here  he  suggested 
that  they  might  agree  upon  a  report  to  be  sent  to  the 
Crown  upon  Indian  affairs.     Clinton  then  called  attention 
to  the  terrible  suffering  which  must  ensue  on  the  border 
if  the  Indians  were  won  over  by  the  French.     Many  of 
the  Colonies  paid  no  attention  whatever  to  Clinton's  invi 
tation.     Governor  Hamilton  entered  into  the  plan  with 
his  usual  vigor,  and  arrangements  were  made  to  send 
Conrad  Weiser  to  Albany,  in  1751.     It  was  the  general 
opinion  that  this  would  be  an  exceedingly  important  con 
ference,  Weiser  himself  must  have  thought  so  when  he 
declined  going  to  Logstown,  lest  he  might  not  be  able  to 
return  in  time  to  go  to  Albany. 

The  Pennsylvania  Assembly  distinctly  recalled  the 
experiences  during  King  George's  war,  and  looked  with 
suspicion  upon  all  efforts  toward  union,  especially  those 
emanating  in  New  York  and  New  England.  The  Assem 
bly  sent  word  to  Governor  Hamilton  that  they  did  not 
consider  it  necessary  for  them  to  take  part  in  the.  intended 
treaty  at  Albany.  But  advised  him  to  send  Conrad 
Weiser  with  a  small  present,  and  a  message  of  condolence 
for  the  death  of  Canassatego,  and  if  Conrad  Weiser 
should  learn  that  anything  more  was  necessary  the  Assem- 


256  CONRAD    WETSER. 

bly  would  "cheerfully  concur  in  doing  what  may  be  most 
conductive  to  the  peace  and  tranquility  of  the  Province."* 
As  a  result  the  importance  of  the  Albany  Conference  was 
materially  diminished.  Weiser  alone  must  represent  his 
Province,  and  the  conference  upon  a  union  of  Colonies 
was  deferred.  New  York  rapidly  absorbed  the  manage 
ment  of  the  Six  Nation  Indian  affairs,  which  fact  Weiser 
fully  realized  when  he  reached  Albany,  June  27th,  1751. 

During  the  first  eight  days  after  his  arrival  the  Indians 
came  and  went  almost  constantly  from  his  headquarters. 
Weiser  then  called  on  Governor  Clinton  to  deliver  his 
message.  "I  had  not  the  honor  to  see  his  Excellency/' 
writes  Weiser,  "but  one  Mr.  Askew,  carried  my  request 
to  him,  who  brought  back  answer,  to  wit,  that  his  Excel 
lency  must  have  it  in  writing  in  order  to  lay  it  before 
the  Council. "§ 

This  was  the  first  time  that  the  Governor  of  New  York 
had  ever  interferred  with  Pennsylvania  Indian  affairs 
since  Weiser  had  been  conducting  them.  Whether  the 

o 

cause  was  due  to  some  unwise  conduct  on  Weiser's  part 
during  his  eight  days  of  Indian  receptions,  or  to  the  bud 
ding  boundary  dispute  between  Pennsylvania  and  New 
York,  or  to  secret  jealousy  of  Col.  Johnson  is  not  clear. 
W7eiser  informed  Governor  Clinton  that  he  could  not 
deviate  from  his  instructions,  which  he  immediately  fur 
nished.  These  were  read  in  Council,  where  it  was  deter 
mined  that  Weiser  should  not  confer  with  the  Indians 
until  after  Governor  Clinton  had  interviewed  them. 
Weiser  replied  that  he  had  been  instructed  not  to  treat 
with  the  Indians  without  Governor  Clinton's  permission. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  526. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  541. 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  257 

"As  for  the  Indians  coming  to  see  me,"  he  said,   "I  could 
not  lock  up  my  door  upon  them.""1 

The  year  previous  Sir  William  Johnson  had  thwarted 
Weiser's  Virginia  negotiations,  and  it  is  quite  probable 
that  Governor  Clinton's  attitude  toward  Weiser  was  due 
to  Johnson's  subtile  influence.  One  thing,  however,  is 
quite  certain,  New  York  was  beginning  to  impose  limita 
tions  upon  Pennsylvania's  conferences  with  the  Iroquois. 
Weiser  accomplished  little  on  this  mission  save  to  put  a 
few  Indian  leaders  in  a  temporary  good  humor,  and  to 
arrange  for  his  son  "Sammie"  to  remain  and  study  the 
Maqua  dialects. 

The  autumn  of  1752  was  full  of  rumors  of  French 
invasion.  Sir  William  Johnson  reported  twelve  hundred 
French  soldiers  and  two  hundred  Indian  allies  going  to 
the  Ohio  to  attack  the  Indians  who  were  in  the  British 
interests,  "and  to  stop  the  Philadelphians  building  at  or 
near  Ohio,  or  anywhere  else."  It  was  also  rumored  that 
the  French  were  building  a  three-masted  vessel  on  one 
of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  carrying  cannon  toward  the 
Indian  country.  A  trader  writes  that  the  French  were 
going  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  big  stone  trading  house 
which  was  in  the  principal  Miami  village,  where  Croghan 
traded.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Croghan  had  built  this 
fort  on  the  Wabash  at  his  own  expense,  and  concealed  the 
fact  from  the  authorities  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  French  ordered  the  English  to  desist  from  finish 
ing  this  stone  house,  and  to  leave  the  country  in  a  peaceful 
manner.  If  they  refused  force  was  to  be  used.  These  things 
led  Governor  Clinton  to  write  to  the  Governor-General  of 
Canada,  June  I2th,  1751,  asking  him  if  the  fort  which  the 
French  had  recently  erected  at  Niagara  was  by  his  own 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  541. 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


order.  "Surely,  if  the  treaties  of  Utrecht  and  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  be  not  broken,  the  existence  of  this  fort  must  be 
unknown  to  you.''  This  was  the  first  message  of  an  Eng 
lish  Governor  questioning  the  right  of  the  French  to 
build  forts  on  the  disputed  boundary  lines.  Clinton  also 
apprised  the  French  commander  of  the  fact  that  the  Six 
English  traders  (Pennsylvanians)  had  been  captured 
while  trading  in  a  peaceful  manner  on  the  Wabash,  and 
carried  off  as  prisoners.  These  Governor  Clinton 
demanded  to  be  returned,  and  the  damages  paid. 

The  French  general  in  his  reply  said  :  "You  claim  this 
land  because  it  is  owned  by  the  Iroquois,  whom  you  call 
your  subjects.  If  this  is  true,  then  your  claim  is  good. 
But  it  is  very  well  known  that  the  Six  Nations  are  sub 
ject  to  no  white  man.  If  they  sought  allegiance  any 
where  they  would,  from  natural  inclination,  prefer  the 
French  to  the  English.  Since  we  were  the  first  people 
here  the  Indians  call  us  father.  The  traders  which  you 
claim,  we  arrested  because  they  were  found  to  be  traitors 
to  France.  They  were  found  on  French  soil  stirring  up 
the  Indians  against  us,  and  we  could  do  no  more  than 
arrest  them.  They  had  been  warned  to  leave  the  country, 
but  chose  to  remain  and  face  the  consequences." 

The  rising  power  and  influence  of  Andrew  Montour 
at  this  time  reaches  such  proportions  as  to  seriously 
embarrass  Pennsylvania's  management  of  Indian  affairs. 
During  the  early  part  of  Conrad  Weiser's  public  life,  he 
and  Andrew  Montour  were  the  best  of  friends.  Andrew 
was  interpreter  for  the  Delawares,  and  Conrad  for  the 
Iroquois.  After  the  Lancaster  treaty  of  1744,  Andrew- 
attempts  to  poison  the  mind  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia 
against  Weiser,  in  order  to  secure  the  management  of 
Virginia's  Indian  affairs.  At  this  time,  1746-48,  he 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE? 

extolls  George  Croghan  and  execrates  Conrad  Weiser. 
In  a  letter  to    Richard    Peters,    1747  or  1748,  Weiser 
writes,  "I  am  glad  that  the  Governor  of  Virginia  has  seen 
fit  to  send  Andrew  Montour  to  Onondago.     I  could  have 
wished  that  Andrew  had  come  by  my  house,  hut  I  know 
very  well  that  his  guilty  conscience    won't    admit    him. 
His  signing  a  paper  for  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  in 
favor  of  George  Croghan,  and  against  me,  his  friend, 
that  is  what  troubles  him.     And,  perhaps,  he  wishes  me 
dead,  to  have  the  management  of  Indian  affairs  all  to 
himself  without  contradiction.     But  I  am  sure  his  great 
pride  will    soon    render    him    odious    to    the    Onondago 
Council,  without  he  has  mended  of  late.     I  know  he  aims 
of  having  a  piece  of  ground  over  the  hills,  and  a  good 
number  of  settlers  on  it  to  pay  contributions  to  him,  but 
how  he  will  bring  it  about  is  a  mystery  to  me.     Though 
he  may  give  us  some  trouble,  I  think  it  is  best  to  give 
him  some  rope  till  matters  come  to  a  crisis.    I  don't  think 
it  safe  to  meddle  with  him  until  he  has  run  his  length."* 
That  which  was  a  mystery  to  Conrad  Weiser  was  no 
mystery  to  Andrew  Montour.     There  was  enough  white 
blood  in  his  veins  to  aid  his  schemes.     He  soon  won  back 
Weiser's   friendship,  and   secured  the  Governor's  confi 
dence.     He  .made  himself  indispensible  to  both  Pennsyl 
vania  and  Virginia  in  the  affairs  of  the  Delaware  Indians. 
He  knew  how  to  save  and  how  to  invest.    Just  before  the 
Logstown  treaty    of    1748,    Weiser    and    Montour    had 
another  disagreement.    In  a  letter  from  Weiser  to  Peters, 
elated  August  4th,  and  written  from  Lancaster,  we  learn 
that  "Andrew  Montour  has  pitched  upon  a  place  in  the 
Proprietor's  Manor,  at  Canataqueany.     He  expects  that 

*Manuscript   letters    of   Conrad    Weiser,    1746   or    1747,   vol.    I. 
Collections  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 


260  CONRAD    WEISER. 

the  Government  shall  build  him  a  house  there  and  furnish 
his  family  with  necessaries.  In  short  I  am  at  a  loss  what 
to  say  to  him.  I  am  very  much  concerned  about  him. 
He  seems  very  hard  to  please.  I  should  think  myself 
happy  if  I  had  nothing  to  do  in  public  affairs  and  could 
turn  farmer  entirely." 

At  this  time  a  number  of  capitalists  of  Philadelphia 
and  the  East  were  eager  to  invest  in  Western  land  across 
the  Susquehanna  River.  Weiser  and  Peters  themselves 
were  making  extensive  purchases  there,  and  when  Mon- 
tour  secures  the  influence  of  the  Assembly  and  picks  out 
the  best  piece  of  land  west  of  the  river,  Weiser  is  aston 
ished.  Montour's  plantation  was  in  Cumberland  County, 
about  ten  miles  north  of  Carlisle.  In  1752  the  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  records  that  Andrew  Montour  having 
earnestly  and  repeatedly  applied  for  permission  to  live  in 
some  plantation  over  the  Blue  Hills,  in  Cumberland 
County,  the  Governor  declined  giving  him  leave  till  he 
should  have  conferred  with  Mr.  Weiser  and  Mr.  Peters  on 
the  subject.  In  fact  ever  since  the  squatters  had  been 
driven  out  of  the  Juniata  Valley,  in  1/49,  Andrew  Mon 
tour  had  been  petitioning  both  Governor  and  Assembly  for 
a  commission  to  live  there  and  keep  out  all  invaders. 
Weiser's  influence  upon  Secretary  Peters  had  been  the 
restraining  force  which  prevented  Montour  from  accom 
plishing  his  purpose.  But  Andrew  bided  his  time;  and 
became  especially  active  in  Ohio  negotiations,  and  in  pro 
portion  as  the  Province  recognized  his  merit  and  trusted 
him  and  Croghan  with  the  distribution  of  public  presents, 
Andrew  became  the  better  able  to  secure  the  surrender  of 
Weiser  and  the  commission  to  guard  the  Juniata  lands. 

The  much  coveted  commission  was  dated  April  i8th, 
1752,  and  authorized  Montour  "to  go  and  reside  in  such 


OF  THE 

Of 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  26l 

place  over  the  Kittochtinny  Hills,  as  you  shall  judge  most 
central  and  convenient,  in  order  that  you  may  by  your 
personal  care  and  vigilance  preserve  the  lands  from  being 
settled  as  well  as  warn  off  all  who  have  presumed  to  go 
there,  and  do  whatever  is  in  your  power  to  discourage 
others  from  attempting  it,  letting  all  know  what  an  offence 
it  is  against  this  Government,  and  how  injurious  to  the 
Six  Nations."  Montour  was  further  required  to  report 
all  the  names  of  squatters  in  order  that  they  might  be 
punished.*  From  this  time  Andrew  grew  in  wealth,  and 
when  he  traveled  to  Philadelphia  it  was  with  a  retinue 
of  servants  clad  in  regal  splendor. 

But  back  of  an  Indian's  love  of  display  was  the  keen 
man  of  business.  Montour  soon  advised  Governor  Ham 
ilton  of  the  great  treaty  Virginia  proposed  to  hold  that 
summer  (1752),  at  Logstown,  with  the  Ohio  Indians,  and 
asked  the  Governor's  advice  should  Virginia  invite  him 
to  act  as  interpreter. 

Hamilton  replied  without  committing  himself,  but 
took  this  occasion  to  urge  all  the  Ohio  Indians  to  come 
to  Logstown  and  receive  the  King's  present  thankfully, 
even  if  it  was  dispensed  by  the  Virginia  people.  Hamilton 
went  further  and  urged  the  Indians  to  treat  the  men  of 
Virginia  kindly,  if  they  wished  to  please  Pennsylvania. 
/\s  soon,  however,  as  M'ontour  and  Croghan  found  that 
the  King's  bounty  could  flow  more  freely  through  Vir 
ginia  than  Pennsylvania,  their  zeal  was  changed  from  the 
Keystone  to  the  old  Dominion.  Weiser's  influence  on 
the  Ohio  was  discounted  and  Pennsylvania  came  ere  long 
to  realize  that  her  Southern  rival  for  Indian  trade  and 
land  claims  was  stronger  than  her  Northern  one  [New 
York].  For  some  time  Croghan  and  Montour  were  suc- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  567. 


262  CONRAD    WEISER. 

cessful  in  drawing  sustenance  from  both  States,  but  the 
dawn  of  Virginia  supremacy  dates  with  Montours  com 
mission  to  reign  monarch  of  the  Juniata. 

The  application  of  the  Shawanese  for  help  after  the 
French  had  killed  thirty  of  the  Miamis  warriors  started 
another  train  of  events  which  tied  the  hands  of  Pennsyl 
vania  and  placed  Virginia  more  prominently  in  the  front. 
The  Shawanese  in  behalf  of  their  injured  brethren  the 
Miamis  sent  by  Conrad  Weiser,  the  following  message  to 
Governor  Hamilton.  "It  is  a  great  while  since  you  and  we, 
your  brothers,  were  made  by  one  God,  that  made  all 
things.  You  gave  us  books  and  told  us  to  pray,  and  we 
thought  we  would  do  so,  but  in  a  short  time  we  got  into 
debt,  and  the  traders  told  us  we  must  pay  them,  so  we 
quitted  praying  and  fell  to  hunting,  and  the  God  that 
made  us,  gave  us  all  the  beasts  of  the  field  for  our  food, 
and  water  for  our  drink,  and  wood  for  our  fire,  and  threw 
down  fire  from  Heaven  to  kindle  our  wood.  Our  white 
brothers  setting  on  the  sea-side  has  obliged  us  to  move 
back  here  in  search  of  game.  And  now  we  are  in  fear 
always.  The  French  are  behind  us.  They  are  directed 
by  the  evil  spirit,  and  not  God.  They  trouble  us  much. 
They  cheat  us  with  advice.  They  have  killed  thirty  of 
our  brothers,  the  Twightwees.  We  must  fight.  Will  our 
English  brothers  help  us?  We  need  help." 

Hamilton  wrote  Croghan  that  he  could  do  nothing, 
since  the  Assembly,  which  held  the  purse  strings,  was 
averse  to  any  war-like  measures.  To  the  Shawanese  he 
professed  the  warmest  kind  of  friendship  and  referred 
them  to  Virginia  for  a  direct  answer  to  their  request. 
This  action  of  Hamilton's,  resulting  from  his  embarrass 
ment,  turned  the  attention  of  the  Western  Indians  to  Vir 
ginia  as  a  source  of  succor.  If  the  Great  King  beyond 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  263 

the  Ocean  spoke  through  Virginia,  now,  instead  of  Penn 
sylvania,  they  would  apply  to  Virginia  first.  In  writing 
to  Governor  Clinton,  Hamilton  says,  "It  is  a  great  mortifi 
cation  to  me  to  find  myself  so  embarrassed  in  that  respect 
by  the  religious  scruples  of  one  branch  of  our  Legislature, 
that  I  fear  it  would  not  be  in  my  power  [whatever  neces 
sity  there  might  be  for  it]  to  afford  our  Indian  allies  that 
assistance  and  protection  my  own  inclination  leads  me 
to."* 

The  injured  Miami  Indians  retaliated  and  killed  fif 
teen  Frenchmen.  This  act  brought  down  on  their  tribe 
the  anger  of  the  French  General  at  Montreal.  A  large 
force  was  at  once  sent  out  against  these  rebellious  Indians. 
The  Miamis  immediately  sent  messengers  to  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania,  begging  for  aid.  The  deputy  who 
came  to  Philadelphia  carried  a  French  scalp  and  five  belts 
of  wampum  as  credentials.  He  declared  that  his  people 
were  more  grieved  for  the  loss  of  some  English  traders 
than  for  their  own  men.  "We  are  still  loyal  to  the  English 
interests,"  he  said,  "and  are  willing  to  die  for  them,  and 
will  never  give  up  to  this  treatment,  although  we  saw 
our  Great  Piankaskaw  King§  taken,  killed,  and  eaten 
within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  fort  before  our  faces.  We 
now  look  upon  ourselves  as  lost  people,  fearing  that  our 
brothers  will  leave  us,  but  before  we  will  be  subject  to 
the  French,  or  call  them  our  fathers,  we  will  perish  here." 

This  appeal  supplemented  by  Andrew  Montour's 
report  when  he  returned  from  Onondago,  set  the  Assem 
bly  to  thinking.  Montour  had  been  to  Onondago  to  urge 
the  Six  Nations  to  come  to  Winchester  and  hold  a  treaty 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  575. 

§Known  to  the  English  traders  as  "Old  Britain,"  to  the  French 
traders  as  the  "Demoiselle." 


264  CONRAD  VVEISER. 

with  Virginia.     The  Iroquois  declined  the  invitation  on 
the  plea,  the  times  were  too  full  of  danger  to  permit  them 
to  leave  their  houses.     But  Montour  did  learn  that  the 
French  were  raising  a  large  army  which  was  to  go -and 
punish  the  Miamis  and  drive  all  the  English  traders  out 
of  the  Ohio  Valley.     Although  the  Six  Nations  had  sent 
a  message  to  Canada  sternly  forbidding  the  French  from 
invading  their  Ohio   lands,   Montour  reported  that  the 
Iroquois  were  thoroughly  frightened,  and  that  the  strong 
French  party  in  their  midst  had  sadly  divided  their  coun 
cils.     When  the  Governor  laid  these  reports  before  the 
Assembly,  he  called  attention  to  the  evil  results  of  having 
French  forts  within  our  Province,  and  an  hostile  army 
among  the  Indians.     The  Governor  of  New  York  had 
ordered   the   French    from    the    Niagara   River,    but  his 
Assembly  did  little,  if  anything,  for  him.    That  body  was 
bent  on  securing  the  expense  of  Indian  affairs  from  the 
Crown,  and  determined  that  in  the  future  no  other  Pro 
vinces    should    treat    with    the    Six    Nations,    except   at 
Albany,  in  the  presence  of  a  representative  of  New  York. 
The  Governor  of  Virginia,  on  the  other  hand  was  deter 
mined  that  all  Indian  negotiations  in  the  future  should 
be  held  at  Winchester,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  Ohio  Com 
pany,  he  had  the  promise  of  material  assistance  from  the 
Crown. 

About  the  latter  part  of  May,  1753,  news  came  from 
the  Ohio  by  John  Fraser,  a  trader,  that  since  March,  a 
party  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  French  and  Indians  had 
been  near  Lake  Erie,  building  canoes,  and  making  prep 
arations  to  receive  a  large  party  of  French  soldiers  in  the 
summer,  who  were  expected  to  bring  eight  brass  cannon 
and  a  large  quantity  of  provisions  and  ammunition. 
Forts  were  to  be  built  at  the  carrying  places,  and  two 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  265 

strong  ones  were  to  be  located  on  the  Ohio  River.  All 
the  English  traders  were  to  be  removed,  and  if  they  did 
not  go  peaceably  they  were  to  be  driven  off  by  force. 
This  news  excited  the  Ohio  Company  in  an  especial  man 
ner;  it  appealed  at  once  to  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania 
for  aid  and  support.  It  would  order  the  French  out  of 
its  country,  and  defend  its  land  with  its  last  drop  of 
blood,  if  it  could  count  upon  aid  and  support  from  Vir 
ginia  and  Pennsylvania.  Virginia  backed  by  the  Ohio 
Company,  or  most  probably  the  Ohio  Company  acting 
through  Virginia,  promptly  sent  the  Indians  word  that  if 
the  French  attempted  to  settle  on  the  Ohio  lands  or  build 
any  forts,  Virginia  would  supply  the  Indians  with  arms 
and  ammunition. 

Governor  Hamilton  immediately  laid  these  reports 
before  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly.  This  much  maligned 
body  which  had  during  the  past  seventy  years  given  to 
the  Indians  more  gold  and  presents  than  any  other 
Colony,  and  had  never  spent  a  dollar  in  Indian  warfare 
within  its  borders,  now  when  real  danger  threatens  and  an 
enemy  is  about  to  invade  the  borders  of  the  Province, 
promptly  voted  eight  hundred  pounds  to  Governor  Ham- 
iton,  to  be  laid  out  by  him  and  distributed  in  such  man 
ner  as  he  shall  think  most  suitable  to  their  (the  Indians') 
present  exigencies."* 

This  appropriation  was  voted  May  3ist,  1753.  For 
two  months  Governor  Hamilton  held  the  money,  and  then 
writing  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  explains  his  tardy  actions 
as  caused  by  an  Assembly  which  will  do  nothing  towards 
defending  the  Province.  He  acknowledged  the  reception 
of  the  eight  hundred  pounds,  but  says:  "I  cannot  allow 
myself  to  dispose  of  it  till  some  application  be  first  made 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  617. 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


by  the  Indians  for  assistance,  and  I  am  well  assured  of 
their  real  friendship  and  hearty  good-will  to  the  Eng 
lish."5  A  month  later  the  Governor  apologizes  to  the 
convening  Assembly  for  not  having  sent  a  portion  of  this 
money  as  a  present  of  condolence  to  the  Miamis,  as  the 
Legislature  directed  in  May.  He  said  there  was  danger 
of  the  present  being  stolen  by  the  French  while  being 
transported. 

This  delay  of  Hamilton's,  which  has  more  than  once 
been  laid  upon  the  shoulders  of  a  long  suffering  Assembly, 
was  a  source  of  disappointment  to  the  Indians.     Since  no 
reply  came  from  Philadelphia  they  turned  to  Virginia 
who  had  promised  them  arms  and  ammunition.     A  con 
vention  of  Indian  deputies  was  sent  to  Winchester  to 
arrange  for  aid  and  supplies.     While  there  they  heard, 
doubtless    through  Governor  Dinwiddie,  that  the  Penn 
sylvania  Assembly  had  voted  eight  hundred  pounds  to 
their  support.     Thereupon  these  dusky  warriors  deter 
mined,  although  no  invitation  had  been  received,  to  send 
a  portion  of  their  deputies  to  Carlisle  to  ascertain  if  these 
rumors  were    true.     To    meet    these    Indians,  Governor 
Hamilton  sent  to  Carlisle,  Conrad  Weiser,  Richard  Peters, 
Isaac  Norn's,  and  Benjamin  Franklin. 

Before  starting,  this  commission  read  a  letter  from 
John  Fraser,  a  Lancaster  County  trader,  who  for  some 
years  had  maintained  a  gun  shop  at  Venango.  Fraser 
reported  that  scarcely  any  furs  had  been  bought  that  year 
because  the  Indians  had  not  been  hunting,  but  had  been 
living  upon  French  bounty.  Fraser's  man  escaped  from 
the  French  who  attacked  this  gun  shop,  and  with  great 
difficulty  reached  home.  His  associate,  John  Trotter,  was 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  633. 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  267 

captured  and  carried  to  a  fort  which  had  recently  been 
built  on  French  Creek,  soon  to  be  called  kkLe  Boeuf." 

When  the  Commissioners  reached  Carlisle  they  imme 
diately  applied  to  George  Croghan  and  Andrew  Montour 
to  explain  why  the  Indians  had  been  to  Virginia.  Mon 
tour  said  that  the  Western  Indians  had  gone  to  Virginia 
for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  he  had 
urged  them  to  come  to  Pennsylvania,  insisting  that  the 
Governor  was  anxious  to  see  them. 

When  the  Indians  arrived  it  became  necessary  to  con 
dole  them  with  presents,  since  a  number  of  their  people 
had  been  killed  during  the  summer  by  the  French.  No 
public  business  could  be  done  with  the  Indians  until  their 
tears  were  wiped  away  by  a  generous  gift.  The  Com 
missioners  had  gone  to  Carlisle  without  presents.  They 
had  Conrad  Weiser  interview  an  old  Oneida  chief  and  ask 
him  if  it  were  not  possible  to  go  through  the  forms  of 
condolence  on  the  promise  to  pay  when  the  goods  arrived. 
The  chief  replied  frankly  that  his  people  would  not  pro 
ceed  with  any  public  business  while  the  blood  of  their 
tribe  remained  upon  their  garments,  and  nothing  would 
wash  it  out  unless  the  presents,  intended  to  cover  the 
graves  of  the  departed,  were  actually  spread  on  the  ground 
before  them. 

While  all  concerned  were  waiting  for  the  goods  to 
arrive  Conrad  Wreiser  learned  from  the  Indians,  that  when 
the  message  from  Pennsylvania  arrived  in  the  spring 
advising  them  of  the  threatened  invasion  of  the  French, 
the  Indians  sent  a  warning  to  the  invaders  who  were  then 
at  Niagara,  forbidding  them  to  come  any  further  west; 
this  notice  did  not  deter  the  French  in  the  least.  The 
Indians  then  held  a  conference  at  Logstown  and  sent  a 
second  notice  to  the  French,  who  had  recently  left  Lake 


2  CONRAD  WETSER. 

Erie  and  were  approaching  the  head  waters  of  French 
Creek.    In  this  message  the  Western  Indians  said,   "Your 
children  on  Ohio  are  alarmed  to  hear  of  your  coming  so 
far  this  way.     We  at  first  heard  that  you  came  to  destroy 
us.     Our  women  left  off  planting,  and  our  warriors  pre 
pared  for  war.     We  have  since  heard  that  you  came  to 
visit  us  as  friends  without  design  to  hurt  us,  but  then  we 
wondered,  you  came  with  so  strong  a  body.     If  you  have 
had  any  cause  of  complaint  you  might  have  spoken  to 
Onas  or  Corlear  (meaning  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania 
and  New  York),  and  not  come  to  disturb  us  here.     We 
have  a  Fire  at  Logstown,  where  are  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese  and  Brother  Onas ;  you  might  have  sent  depu 
ties  there  and  said  openly  what  you  came  about,  if  you 
had  thought  amiss  of  the  English  being  there,  and  we 
invite  you  to  do  it  now  before  you  proceed  any  further." 
To  this  notice  the  French  replied  as  follows:     "I  find 
you  come  to  give  me  an  invitation  to  your  Council  Fire 
with  a  design,  as  I  suppose,  to  call  me  to  account  for  com 
ing  here.     I  must  let  you  know  that  my  heart  is  good  to 
you ;  I  mean  no  hurt  to  you.     I  am  come  by  the  Great 
King's  command  to  do  you,  my  children,  good.     You 
seem  to  think  I  carry  my  hatchet  under  my  coat;  I  always 
carry  it  openly,  not  to  strike  you,  but  those  that  oppose 
me.     I  cannot    come    to    your    Council    Fire,    nor  can  I 
return  or  stay  here.    I  am  so  heavy  a  body  that  the  stream 
will  carry  me  down,  and  down  I  shall  go  unless  you  pull 
off  my  arm.     But  this  I  will  tell  you,  I  am  commanded  to 
build  four  strong  houses,  viz.,  at  Weningo  (Venango), 
Mohongialo   Forks    (present   site  of   Pittsburg),    Logs- 
town    and     Beaver     Creek,     and  this  Twill  do.       As  to 
what  concerns  Onas  and  Assaragoa  (meaning  the  Gov 
ernors  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia),  I    have     spoken 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  269 

to  them  and  let  them  know  they  must  go  off  the  land,  and 
I  shall  speak  to  them  again.  If  they  will  not  hear  me  it 
is  their  own  fault.  I  will  take  them  by  the  arm  and 
throw  them  over  the  hills.  All  the  lands  and  waters 
on  this  side  Allegheny  Hills  are  mine,  on  the  other  side 
theirs.  This  is  agreed  on  between  the  two  Crowns  over 
the  waters.  I  do  not  like  your  selling  your  land  to  the 
English,  they  shall  draw  you  into  no  more  foolish  bar 
gains.  I  will  take  care  of  your  lands  for  you.  The  Eng 
lish  give  you  no  goods  but  for  land.  We  give  you  our 
goods  for  nothing."  This  peculiar  form  of  metaphor  so 
common  with  the  French  pioneers  had  a  certain  fascina 
tion  for  the  Red  man,  who  admired  a  people  who  knew 
their  own  minds,  and  could  speak  quickly  without  con 
sulting  assemblies,  or  disagreeing  among  themselves. 

This  reply  of  the  French  softened  the  hearts  of  many 
of  the  younger  Indians  in  the  conference.  The  old  men, 
however,  saw  clearly  their  course  and  replied  as  follows : 
"You  say  you  cannot  come  to  our  Council  Fire  at  Logs- 
town,  we  therefore  now  come  to  you  to  know  what  is  your 
heart.  When  you  tired  of  Queen  Anne's  war  you  plead 
for  peace.  You  begged  to  talk  with  us.  You  said,  'We 
must  all  eat  with  one  spoon  out  of  this  silver  bowl,  and 
all  drink  out  of  this  silver  cup.  Let  us  exchange  hatchets. 
Let  us  bury  our  hatchets  in  this  bottomless  pit  hole/  Then 
\ve  consented  to  make  peace,  and  you  made  a  solemn  dec 
laration,  saying,  'Whoever  shall  hereafter  transgress  this 
peace,  let  the  transgressor  be  chastised  with  a  rod,  even 
tho'  it  be  I,  your  father.'  "  .  .  .  .  "Now,  Father,"  con 
tinued  the  Indians,  "notwithstanding  this  solemn  declara 
tion  of  yours.  You  have  whipped  several  of  your  chil 
dren.  You  know  best  why.  Of  late  you  have  chastised 
the  Twightwees  very  severely  without  telling  us  the 


27°  CONRAD  WEISER. 

reason,  and  now  you  are  come  with  a  strong  band  on  our 
land,  and  have  contrary  to  your  engagement  taken  up  the 
hatchet  without  any  previous  parley.     These  things  are  a 
breach  of  the  peace,  they  are  contrary  to  your  own  declara 
tions.    Therefore  now  I  come  to  forbid  you.    I  will  strike 
over  all  this  land  with  my  rod,  let  it  hurt  who  it  will.     I 
tell  you  in  plain  words  you  must  go  off  this  land.     You 
say  you  have  a  strong  body,  a  strong  neck,  and  a  strong 
voice,  that  when  you  speak  all  the  Indians  must  hear  you. 
It  is  true  you  are  a  strong  body  and  ours  is  but  weak,  yet 
we  are  not  afraid  of  you.     We  forbid  you  to  come  any 
further,  turn  back  to  the  place  from  whence  you  came."* 
These  three  warnings  were  equivalent  to  a  declaration 
of  war.     The  Indians  had  sent  deputies  to  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania  to  learn  what  assistance  they  might  expect. 
Virginia  agreed  to  furnish  a  suitable  quantity  of  ammu 
nition,  which  was  to  be  distributed  by  Christopher  Gist, 
Andrew  Montour  and  William  Trent.    The  Pennsylvania 
Commissioners    at    Carlisle    were  at  a    loss    what  to  do. 
Conrad  Weiser  was  consulted.     He  took  time  to  gather 
all  possible  information  from  the  Indians,  and  then  urged 
that  the  entire  appropriation  recently  made  by  the  Assem 
bly  be  expended  at  once.    "Only  by  a  generous  donation 
could  we  expect  to  hold  the  friendship  of  those  Indians," 
he  said.     Goods  were  accordingly  bought,  the  forms  of 
the  condolence  observed  and  the  conference  commenced. 
The  Commissioners  expressed  their  friendship  for  these 
Indians  in  the  warmest  possible  terms,  and  told  them  of 
the  generous  supplies  awaiting  them. 

The  Indians  were  profuse  in  their  thanks,  and 
expressed  their  deep  affection  for  the  English,  and  then 
made  the  following  statement :  "The  Governor  of  Vir- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  pp.  667,  668. 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  2/1 

ginia  desired  leave  to  build  a  strong  house  on  the  Ohio, 
which  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Governor  of  Canada,  and 
we  suppose  this  caused  him  to  invade  our  country.  We 
do  not  know  his  intent  because  he  speaks  with  two 
tongues.  So  soon  as  we  know  his  heart  we  shall  be  able 
to  know  what  to  do,  and  shall  speak  accordingly  to  him. 
We  desire  that  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  would  at  pres 
ent  forbear  settling  on  our  lands  over  the  Allegheny  Hills. 
We  advise  you  rather  to  call  your  people  back  on  this  side 
the  Hills  lest  damage  should  be  done,  and  you  think  ill 
of  us." 

In  order  to  keep  trade  and  friendship  open  with  Penn 
sylvania  they  advised  placing  George  Croghan  and  some 
one  else  to  be  chosen  by  the  Governor  at  Aughwick,  to 
guide  and  control  Indian  affairs.  They  demanded  that  all 
traders  be  withdrawn  from  the  Ohio,  because  the  French 
looked  upon  them  with  envy,  and  it  would  be  a  constant 
source  of  trouble.  The  Indians  requested  that  all  trade  be 
restricted  to  three  centres  only,  the  mouth  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  Logstown,  and  the  mouth  of  the  Kanawha.  Here 
goods  could  be  brought  in  a  public  manner,  and  traders 
would  not  then  be  allowed  to  go  among  the  Indians  in 
their  villages. 

Bitter  complaint  was  made  about  the  unregulated 
trade  in  rum.  'The  rum  ruins  us,"  they  said,  "We  never 
understood  the  trade  was  to  be  for  whiskey  and  flour.  We 
desire  it  may  be  forbidden  and  none  more  sold  in  the 
Indian  country,  but  that  if  the  Indians  will  have  any  they 
may  go  among  the  inhabitants  and  deal  with  them  for  it. 
When  the  whiskey  traders  come  they  bring  thirty  or  forty 
kegs  and  put  them  down  before  us  and  make  us  drink, 
and  get  all  the  skins  that  should  go  to  pay  the  debts  we 
have  contracted  for  goods  bought  of  the  fair  traders,  and 


2/2  CONRAD  WEISER. 

by  this  means  we  not  only  ruin  ourselves,  but  them  too. 
These  wicked  whiskey  sellers  when  they  have  once  got 
the  Indians  in  liquor  make  them  sell  the  very  clothes  from 
their  backs." 

For  all  these  requests  and  complaints  the  Commis 
sioners  expressed  profound  sympathy,  and  promised  to 
lay  them  before  the  Governor.  The  Indians  went  home 
pleased  with  their  presents  and  promises.  But  the  traders 
were  not  recalled,  the  rum  traffic  was  not  stopped,  and  the 
squatters  multiplied  in  the  Juniata  Valley. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  in  a  letter  to  Hamilton,  Septem 
ber  3rd,  1753,  sends  his  compliments  to  Conrad  Weiser, 
saying,  "I  am  very  sensible  of  his  capacity,  and  do  not 
doubt  of  his  inclination  in  serving  this  Government,  or 
more  properly,  the  English  interests."  Weiser,  who  felt 
that  Croghan  and  Montour  were  absorbing  his  Virginia 
business  had  asked  Governor  Hamilton  to  recom 
mend  him  to  Governor  Dinwiddie.  Some  time  before  the 
Carlisle  treaty  Weiser  was  sent  to  Onondago  on  important 
business  for  both  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania.  Governor 
Dinwiddie  was  especially  anxious  to  learn  the  attitude  of 
the  Six  Nations  toward  a  peace  with  the  southern  tribes. 
When  Weiser  arrived  in  Albany  he  found  it  necessary  to 
lay  a  copy  of  his  instructions  before  Governor  Clinton 
that  the  Council  might  consider  them.  Weiser  consulted 
with  several  Indians  privately  at  his  headquarters  before 
Clinton  gave  him  permission  to  go  on  to  Onondago.  For 
some  reason,  most  probably  the  persuasions  of  Sir  Wil 
liam  Johnson,  Clinton  declared  that  Weiser  had  acted  in  a 
disrespectful  manner,  and  should  not  be  allowed  to  go  any 
further  among  the  Indians  or  in  any  way  deal  with  them 
in  behalf  of  either  Virginia  or  Pennsylvania.  Weiser 
called  upon  the  Governor,  and  begged  his  pardon,  and 


ill " 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON,  THE  MESSENGER 


WHO  SHALL  TAKE  THE  INITIATIVE?  273 

then  returned  home  without  accomplishing  the  purpose 
for  which  he  had  been  sent.  This  action  of  Clinton's  was 
resented  by  both  Governors  Hamilton  and  Dinwiddie.  It 
weakened  the  English  cause  with  the  Indians,  and  took 
out  of  Conrad  Weiser's  hand  his  strongest  instrument  in 
Indian  affairs,  the  influence  of  the  Six  Nations. 

The  Western  Indians  were  largely  left  to  their  own 
resources.     They  were  not  as  skillful  in  public  affairs  as 
their  better  trained  brothers  in  New  York,  and  were  more 
easily  changed  in  their  minds  than  the  Iroquois.     When 
Conrad  Weiser's  hands  were  tied,  the  colonies  lost  a  coun- 
cellor  and  a  guide  at  the  most  critical  moment.     Penn 
sylvania  was  not,  owing  to  the  waning  influence  of  the 
Proprietors  with  the  Crown,  in  a  position  to  take  as  prom 
inent  a  part  in  Indian  affairs  as  either  Virginia  or  New 
York.     The  Crown  attempted  to  work  through  Virginia, 
and  in  a  measure  use  New  York,    instructing    them    to 
commit  no  act  of  hostility  but  to  hold  the  Crown's  land. 
Aid  was  offered  Virginia,  and  she  immediately  did  by 
messenger  what  New  York  had  done  by  letter  a  year  or 
more  before,  warn  the  French  to  depart  from  the  Ohio 
lands.     The  messenger  sent  was  George  Washington,  a 
brother  of  two  of  the  leading  members  in  the  Ohio  Com 
pany.     Although  the  Pennsylvania  donations  made  to  the 
Indians  at  Carlisle  included  a  large  quantity  of  powder 
and  lead,  and  as  much  encouragement  toward  resistance 
had  been  given  to  the  Indians  as  Virginia  had  furnished, 
yet  the  King's  action  enabled  Dinwiddie  to  take  the  initia 
tive  and  Virginia  became  what  she  had  for  some  years 
hoped  to  be,  the  leading  English  colony  in  Indian  affairs. 


274  'CONRAD  WEISER. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
THE  OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH. 

The  French  fail  in  their  Plans,  1754— The  Councils  of  the  Iroquois 
are  divided— The  Delawares  cease  to  be  Women  and  become  Men 
-Disputes  over  the  Lancaster  Land  Sales  of  1744 — The  Proprie 
tors    want    Land    from    the    Indians,    1754—  Commissioners   to   the 
Albany    Treaty— Weiser    objects    to    being    Chief    Interpreter    at 

Albany — Weiser  complimented  on  his  skill  in  the  Maqua  Tongue 

The  Indians  charge  the  English  with  Cowardice— The  Commis 
sioners  deny  these  Allegations— Weiser  defends  the  Action  of 
Virginia  and  Pennsylvania— Weiser  tells  of  the  first  Engagement 
at  Fort  DuQuesne — Conclusions  of  the  Albany  Commissioners — 
Preparing  the  Indians  to  sell  Southwestern  Pennsylvania — 
Connecticut  Men  trying  to  buy  Land  in  the  Wyoming  "Valley — 
Weiser  employs  an  Agent  to  aid  him— The  Governor  of  New 
York  refuses  to  have  Pennsylvania  Land  Purchases  placed  on  the 
Minutes— The  Indians  will  sell  Land  if  they  will  be  allowed  to 
remain  there — The  Connecticut  Agents  make  Trouble — Weiser 
forces  a  Purchase — Indians  opposed  to  selling  Wyoming  Lands — 
Weiser  employed  to  obstruct  the  Connecticut  Purchase — The  Half- 
King  complains  of  Washington — Weiser  wins  back  the  Half-King's 
good-will — The  Indians  at  Aughwick  want  to  hear  about  the 
Albany  Purchase — John  Shikellimy  resents  the  Occupation  of 
Wyoming  Valley  by  the  Men  from  Connecticut — Hendricks  com 
plains  of  bad  Treatment  from  New  York — The  Indians  prevent 
Weiser  from  running  the  Purchase  Line — The  Effects  of  the 
Albany  Purchase — The  Death  of  the  Half-King—Reluctance  of 
the  Western  Indians  to  make  War  upon  Pennsylvania — Ill- 
treatment  of  the  Indians. 

IHE  loss  of  the  Indian  alliance,  and  the  savage  cruelty 
which  fell  upon  Pennsylvania,  was  caused  hy  a 
number  of  circumstances  which  grew  out  of  jealousies 
between  the  Colonies,  and  difficulties  between  the  Assem 
blies  and  their  Governors.  During  the  autumn  of  1753, 
the  greater  part  of  the  French  army  returned  to  Canada, 
complaining  that  their  schemes  had  all  been  defeated  by 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  2/5 

reason  of  the  Indians  remaining  true  to  the  English 
interests.* 

The  French  spent  the  winter  preparing  with  renewed 
vigor  to  secure  an  Indian  alliance  in  1754.  During  this 
year  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  changed  governors,  a 
fact  which  very  considerably  crippled  the  management  of 
Indian  affairs  in  those  two  important  colonies.  Sir  Wil 
liam  Johnson,  who  was  at  the  head  of  Indians  affairs  in 
New  York,  was  not  trusted  even  by  his  own  governor. 
Conrad  Weiser  realized  that  it  was  Johnson's  jealousy 
which  closed  to  him  the  Onondago  Council.  The  French 
were  quick  to  avail  themselves  of  Johnson's  inability  and 
hastened  to  divide  the  Councils  of  the  Iroquois.  Johnson, 
in  self  defence,  used  the  Governor  of  New  York  to  debar 
all  the  English  colonies  from  any  intercourse  with  the  Six 
Nations  save  through  him.  Governor  Shirley,  writing  to 
Governor  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  says :  "I  am  per 
suaded  that  we  shall  never  intrust  the  care  of  any  of  our 
interests  with  the  commission  of  Indian  affairs  at 
Albany."§ 

The  new  Governor  in  New  York  wrote  to  Pennsyl 
vania  just  previous  to  the  great  treaty  of  Albany,  1754, 
saying:  "Where  I  shall  find  an  able  interpreter  in  this 
country  I  do  not  know,  nor  have  I  been  able  to  learn ;  the 
one  we  have  is  very  unequal  to  the  service.  I  must  there 
fore  beg  the  favor  of  you  to  let  Mr.  Weiser  accompany 
your  Commissioners  to  Albany,  that  we  may  have  his 
assistance  or  else  we  may  be  at  some  difficulty  to  under 
stand  the  Indians  or  they  us."|  | 

This  opinion  of  Colonel  Johnson  was  similar  to  that 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  716. 
§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  181. 
||Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  15. 


-76  CONRAD  WEISER. 

entertained  by  Conrad  Weiser.  It  was  not  so  well  under 
stood,  however,  that  Colonel  Johnson  by  his  inability  was 
the  cause  of  the  division  among  the  Six  Nations,  thus 
forcing  them  to  lose  control  over  the  Western  Indians. 

Already  the  Dela wares  were  petitioning  the  Iroquois 
"that  their  petticoats  might  be  removed."  Since  1742 
the  Six  Nations  had  proclaimed  the  Delawares  to  be 
women,  but  now  with  the  danger  of  impending  war  on  all 
sides,  the  Delawares  insist  that  they  may  be  made  men 
and  allowed  to  fight  like  men.  The  growing  disorganiza 
tion  among  the  Six  Nations,  and  more  important  the 
absence  of  Conrad  Weiser  from  their  Council  Fires  con 
spired  to  weaken  the  Iroquois  influence  upon  the  Dela 
wares.  And  before  the  summer  of  1755  was  over  they 
had  declared  themselves  no  longer  subjects  of  the  Six 
Nations,  no  longer  women,  but  men.  When  they  were 
women  Pennsylvania  lived  in  peace  with  the  Indian,  when 
they  became  men  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife  stained 
with  blood  the  peaceful  soil  of  the  Province. 

The  Albany  treaty  of  1754,  by  reason  of  two  very 
singular  land  purchases  made  at  that  time,  had  a  marked 
influence  upon  the  alienation  of  the  Western  Indians. 
When  the  Ohio  tribes  learned  that  the  Six  Nations  at  the 
Lancaster  treaty  of  1744  deeded  to  Virginia  land  bounded 
by  the  setting  sun,  they  remonstrated  with  their  masters 
for  vising  such  metaphors  in  fixing  a  boundary  line.  The 
wise  men  of  the  Six  Nations  replied  that  the  setting  sun 
only  meant  the  hills  of  the  Allegheny  behind  which  the 
sun  was  lost.  Conrad  Weiser  was  appealed  to,  and  this 
undisputed  authority  insisted  that  no  land  was  sold  to 
Virginia  in  1744  beyond  the  summits  of  the  Alleghanies. 
Nevertheless  Virginia  pushed  her  claims  out  beyond  and 
along  the  Ohio  River.  The  Delawares  protested,  and  late 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  277 

in  1753,  their  Shawanese  allies,  doubtless  feeling  that 
their  own  title  to  land  southeast  of  the  Ohio  River  was 
precarious,  sent  a  paper  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
in  which  they  offered  to  resign  all  their  right  to  land  east 
of  the  Ohio  River  in  liquidation  of  their  debts  to  the 
traders.  This  offer  \vas  considered  by  many  to  be  but  a 
mere  fabrication  of  the  traders  themselves.  LewisMon- 
tour,  Andrew's  brother,  brought  this  paper  and  was 
reported  to  be  a  spy  in  the  French  interest.  The  Gov 
ernor  evaded  a  direct  answer  to  these  Indians,  but  their 
offer  stimulated  the  appetites  of  the  Proprietors  to  buy 
land,  and  thereby  deprive  Virginia  of  any  foundation  to 
her  claim  along  the  Ohio  River. 

The  Six  Nations  had  always  insisted  that  these  West 
ern  Indians  had  no  right  to  sell  land,  that  they  were 
merely  hunting  Indians,  living  in  that  region  by  permis 
sion.  The  Proprietors  determined  then  to  attend  the 
Albany  treaty  and  see  if  southwestern  Pennsylvania  could 
not  be  bought.  They  had  two  reasons  for  this  :  ( i )  To 
settle  the  difficulty  about  the  squatters  on  the  Juniata; 
(2)  to  hold  an  Indian  deed  for  land  which  Virginia  might 
soon  claim.  Governor  Hamilton  appointed  John  Penn, 
Richard  Peters,  Isaac  Norris  and  Benjamin  Franklin, 
Commissioners  from  Pennsylvania  to  attend  the  Albany 
treaty.  John  Penn  and  Richard  Peters  were  to  represent 
the  Proprietaries  in  the  land  purchase,  and  all  four  w7ere 
to  represent  the  Province  in  the  treaty,  Norris  and  Frank 
lin  representing  the  Assembly. 

Conrad  Weiser  accompanied  them  as  interpreter  on 
condition  that  he  should  not  be  used  as  the  principal  inter 
preter,  because  from  lack  of  practice  he  was  losing  his 
former  fluency,  "and/'  writes  Governor  Hamilton,  "find 
ing  himself  at  a  loss  for  proper  terms  to  express  himself 


278  CONRAD  WEISER. 

is  frequently  obliged  to  make  use  of  circumlocution,  which 
would  pique  his  pride  in  view  of  so  considerable  an  aud 
ience.  He  says  he  understands  the  language  perfectly 
when  he  hears  it  spoken,  and  will  at  all  times  attend  and 
use  his  endeavor  that  whatever  is  said  by  the  Indians  be 
truly  interpreted  to  the  gentlemen ;  and  in  this  respect  I 
really  think  you  may  securely  rely  on  his  good  sense  and 
integrity."* 

That  Conrad  Weiser  should  have  withdrawn  from  the 
position  as  chief  interpreter  is  a  significant  fact.  To  what 
extent  he  was  losing  his  fluency  in  the  Maqua  tongue  is 
uncertain.  It  had  scarcely  been  a  year  since  he  had  been 
in  Albany  negotiating  with  the  Mayor  of  that  city  and  the 
New  York  Indian  Commissioners  for  the  return  of  some 
Pennsylvania  traders  held  as  prisoners  among  the  French. 
While  there,  in  disguise,  he  served  the  New  York  Com 
missioners  as  interpreter.  "It  was  thought  fit,"  he  writes, 
"that  my  name  should  not  be  mentioned  for  fear  that  the 
expectations  of  the  Indians  would  rise  too  high."  The 
leading  Indian  in  this  affair  was  a  woman.  "A  very  intel 
ligent  and  noted  woman,"  says  Weiser,  "the  wrife  of  a 
chief."  After  Weiser  had  finished  his  interpreting  she 
"asked  me,"  writes  Weiser,  "where  I  lived,  because  I 
could  talk  their  language  so  well.  She  wondered  that  I 
was  never  heard  of.  I  told  her  that  I  lived  at  Shohary 
(Schoharie)  and  traveled  up  and  down  among  the 
Indians."§  It  is  highly  improbable  that  Weiser's  tongue 
had  lost  its  cunning  by  July,  1754.  Inded,  it  is  more  prob 
able  that  Weiser  was  still  ruminating  over  the  insults  he 
had  received  at  Albany  the  previous  year,  when  not  only 
the  Governor,  but  Colonel  Johnson  desired  him  not  to 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  49. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  644. 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  2/9 

have  any  dealings  with  the  Indians,  and  made  it  impossi 
ble    for    him    to    proceed    to    Ononclago    as    directed/1 
Weiser's  desire  to  withdraw  from  the  responsibility  was 
not  granted  at  Albany. 

The  Indians  at  the  treaty  frequently  made  charges 
which  the  Commissioners  could  not  answer,  then  Conrad 
Weiser  was  called  to  make  the  explanation.    At  one  place 
the  Indians  were  pressed  for  a  reason  why  they  allowed 
their  Councils  to  be  divided,  they  retorted  as  follows: 
"You,"    [meaning  New  York,]   "have  neglected  us  for 
these  three  years  past.     [Then  taking  a  stick  and  throwing 
it  behind  his  back.]    You  have  thus  thrown  us  behind  your 
backs  and  disregarded  us,  whereas  the  French  are  a  sub 
tile  and  vigilent  people,  ever  using  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  seduce  and  bring  our  people  over  to  them.     You  ask 
us  if  the  French  have  built  their  forts  and  invaded  our 
land   with   our   permission.     I   tell   you,   no.    The   Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia  and  the  Governor  of  Canada  are  both 
quarreling  about  lands  which  belong  to  us,  and  such  a 
quarrel  as  this  may  end  in  our  destruction.     They  fight 
who  shall  have  the  land.    The  Governors  of  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania  have  made  paths  through  our  country  to 
trade,  and  built  houses  without  acquainting  us  with  it. 
They  should  first  have  asked  our  consent  to  build  there 
as  was  done  when  Oswego  was  built.     For  three  years 
past  your  Council  Fires  have  not  burned  for  us.     You 
have  invited  us  to  no  treaties  at  Albany.     You  have  not 
strengthened  your   cause  by  conquest.     We  would  have 
gone  and  taken  Crown  Point,  but  you  hindered  us.     We 
had  concluded  to  go  and  take  it,  but  we  were  told  that  it 
was  too  late,  and  that  the  ice  would  not  bear  us.    Instead 
of  this  you  burnt  your  own  fort  at  Saraghtoga  and  ran 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  V.,  p.  646. 


280 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


away  from  it,  which  was  a  shame  and  a  scandal  to  you. 
Look  about  your  country  and  see,  you  have  no  fortifica 
tions  about  you;  no,  not  even  this  city Look  at  the 

French,  they  are  men,  they  are  fortifying  everywhere. 
But  we  are  ashamed  to  say  it,  you  are  all  like  women, 
bare  and  open  without  any  fortifications."* 

The  Commissioners  from  the  New  England  States 
and  from  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  had  some  diffi 
culty  in  agreeing  upon  a  suitable  reply  to  these  charges, 
which  were  made  by  Hendricks,  the  Mohawk,  who  was 
a  warm  friend  of  Colonel  Johnson.     It  was  finally  agreed 
that  these  allegations  should  be  denied,  and  then  it  was 
to  be  left  to  Conrad  Weiser  to  explain  these  things  in  his 
own  way.    "What  you  say  'is  a  great  surprise  to  us,"  said 
the  Commissioners,  "we  know  that  for  five  years  past,  in 
the  face  of  all  the  Six    Nations,    in    open    daylight  the 
French   have   been   marching   troops   into   that   country, 
which  we  ever  did  and  do  still  acknowledge  to  belong  to 
you,  tho'  within  your  Father,  the  King  of  Great  Britain's 
Dominions,  and  under  his  protection.     The   French  pub 
lished  their  plans.     They  drove  away  the  English  traders 
that  they  did  not  capture  and  imprison.     Last  year  they 
built  two  forts  in  that  country,  and  notwithstanding  this 
act  we  have  never  heard  that  either  Virginia  or  Pennsyl 
vania  sent  one  soldier  or  built  one  house  for  their  and 
your  protection  till  this  present  year." 

"It  is  fortunate  that  Mr.  Weiser,  who  transacts  the 
public  business  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  with  your 
nation,  and  is  one  of  your  Council,  and  knows  this  matter 
well,  is  now  present.  Hear  the  account  he  gives  and  that 
will  set  this  matter  in  a  true  light."  Weiser  spoke  as 
follows : 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  80,  81. 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  28l 

'The  road  to  Ohio  is  no  new  road,  it  is  an  old  and 
frequented  road ;  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  removed 
thither  above  thirty  years  ago  from  Pennsylvania,  ever 
since  which,  that  road  has  been  traveled  by  our  traders  at 
their  invitation,  and  always  with  safety,  until  within  these 
few  years  that  the  French  with  their  usual  faithlessness 
sent  armies  there,  threatened  the  Indians,  and  obstructed 
our  trade  with  them.     The  Governor  of  Virginia  observ 
ing  these  hostilities  in  time  of  full  peace,  sent  his  Majesty 
an  account  of  them.     The  King  directed  the  Governor 
to  hold  a  conference  with  the  Six  Nations  at  some  point 
near  where  the  troubles  were,  and  also  sent  a  present  to 
the  Six  Nations.     Accordingly,  in  1750,  I  was  sent  to 
Onondago  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  invite  you  to 
come  to  Fredericksburg  to  receive  the  King's  present,  but 
you  would  not  come.     Thereupon  the  present  was  sent 
the  following  year  to  the  Ohio  Indians,  and  when  the 
Governor  proposed  building  a  fort  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Monongahela,  the  Indians  in  that  region  appeared  to  be 
well  pleased.    They  sent  a  belt  of  wampum  to  the  Onon 
dago  Council  for  advice,  but  nothing  was  ever  heard  from 
the  belt.    Last  year  the  French  invaded  that  country,  and 
the  Indians  there,  your  flesh  and  blood,   sent  repeated 
messages  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  send  his  young 
men  to  their  assistance.    The  Governor  of  Virginia  being 
a  man  of  great  forethought  and  prudence  hesitated  and 
sent  two  messages  by  Andrew  Montour  to  Onondago  for 
your  advice  how  to  act.     It  happened  that  no  Council 
could  be  called  at  either  time.     The  chiefs  at  Onondago 
desired  Mr.  Montour  to  tell  their  brother,  the  Governor 
of  Virginia,  to  act  cautiously,  and  let  the  French  strike 
the    first   blow.     The  French  continued  to  come  nearer, 
when  the  Half  King  in  behalf  of  the  Delawares  and  Sha- 


282  CONRAD  WEISF.R. 

wanese  and  of  the  United  Nations  at  Ohio,  was  sent  to 
warn  them  off.  In  the  meantime  the  chiefs  of  these 
nations  came  to  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  asking  us  to 
call  back  our  people  and  keep  them  east  of  the  Alleghanies, 
in  order  to  prevent  bloodshed  between  the  French  and  the 
English.  But  when  these  Indians  returned  and  found 
that  the  French  had  disregarded  their  warning,  had 
refused  to  withdraw  their  people,  and  had  positively 
declared  that  they  would  hold  that  region  even  if  they 
were  forced  to  fight  the  Indians;  then  these  chiefs  sent 
a  hurried  message  to  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  saying 
that  nothing  would  be  left  of  them  but  the  ashes  of  their 
houses  and  bones,  unless  their  white  brethren  immediately 
sent  soldiers  to  aid  them  and  built  a  strong  house  to  pro 
tect  them. 

"Moved  by  this  request,  the  Governor  of  Virginia  sent 
people  to  build  a  house  at  the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela, 
but  before  they  had  finished  it  the  French  came  down 
the  river  with  a  thousand  men  pnd  eighteen  cannon,  and 
told  the  people  who  were  building  it,  and  were  but  forty- 
four  in  number,  that  they  must  either  fight  or  give  up 
possession,  which  last  they  were  obliged  to  do  on  account 
of  the  superior  force  of  the  French.  Brethren,  this  is 
the  truth  which  we  have  thought  proper  to  relate  so  par 
ticularly  that  the  prudent  and  cautious  conduct  of  Vir 
ginia  might  be  known  to  the  Six  Nations.  As  to  Penn 
sylvania,  they  have  never  sent  a  warrior  or  built  a  fort 
at  Ohio."* 

The  Six  Nation  deputies  did  not  see  fit  to  answer 
Conrad  Weiser.  They  found  other  things  of  which  to 
complain.  They  found  themselves  between  the  upper  and 
nether  millstones  of  the  French  and  English,  and  the 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  84,  85. 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH,  283 

grinding  commenced  when  the  Six  Nations  discovered 
that  they  were  unable  to  control  the  Western  Indians, 
who  were  now  throwing  off  their  allegiance  to  the  Iro- 
quois,  and  beginning  to  fight  for  themselves.     The  united 
opinion  of  the  Commissioners  at  Albany  relative  to  Indian 
affairs  was  ( I )  that  the  French  were  determined  to  absorb 
all  the  fur  trade  of  North  America;  (2)  that  the  Colonies 
being  in  a  divided  and  disunited  state  were  unable  to 
defeat  the  measures  of  the  French;  (3)  that  the  affairs 
of  the  Six  Nations,  their  friendship  and  alliance,  had  been 
sadly  neglected,  and  great  injury  done  by  private  enter 
prise  seeking  to  absorb  trade  and  acquire  land;  (4)  that 
the  unrestrained  traffic  in  rum  had  caused  a  great  amount 
of  trouble.     As  a    remedy    the    Commissioners  recom 
mended  that  in  the  future  no  private  purchases  of  land  be 
legal,  that  all  trade  be  regulated,  that  forts  be  built,  and 
war  vessels  provided  for  the  lakes.     Before  the  cumber 
some   machinery    of    excessive    localism    in    government 
affairs   could  get  these   suggestions  into   operation,  the 
Indians  were  with  the  French  and  actual  war  was  in  pro 
gress. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  sessions  at  Albany  efforts 
were  made  to  secure  a  tract  of  land  in  Pennsylvania  from 
the  Six  Nations.      Since  the  Shawanese  offer  of    1753, 
the  Proprietors  realized  that  such  a  purchase  might  be 
possible.     The  increase  of  squatters  on  the  Juniata,  and 
the  inability  of  the  Governor  to  remove  them,  made  it 
imperative  that  something  be  done.     The  entire  Juniata 
difficulty  grew  out  of  a  reluctant  and  parsimonious  Pro 
prietary  policy,   which   in   marked   contrast  to   William 
Penn's  method,  bought  land  only  from  the  Indians  under 
strong  pressure  and  after  it  had    actually  been  settled. 
Now  the  portentious  threats  of  war  brought  the  Proprie- 


CONRAD  WEISER. 

tors  into  a  condition  of  willingness  to  buy  land.  Early 
in  the  spring  of  1754,  Governor  Hamilton,  by  the  advice 
of  Conrad  Weiser,  sent  John  Shikellimy  to  the  Councils 
of  the  Six  Nations  to  put  them  into  the  humor  of  selling 
their  claim  upon  southwestern  Pennsylvania.  How  suc 
cessful  John  Shikellimy  was  we  are  not  told,  but  when 
the  Commissioners  reached  Albany  they  found  the  Indians 
exceedingly  adverse  to  selling  any  land  in  Pennsylvania. 
The  process  of  preparing  the  Six  Nation  chiefs  for  such 
a  transaction  was  put  into  Conrad  Weiser's  hands.  The 
old  interpreter  found  a  surprisingly  complicated  condi 
tion.  The  affairs  of  the  conference  were  largely  under 
the  direction  of  the  Mohawks,  and  during  all  the  previous 
purchases  made  by  Pennsylvania  these  Indians  received 
no  share  of  the  purchase  money.  Although  it  was  gen 
erally  understood  that  the  Mohawks  had  no  conquest 
rights  to  the  Susquehanna  lands,  they  were,  nevertheless, 
jealous  of  what  the  other  nations  had  received. 

Conrad  Weiser  further  learned,  to  his  dismay,  that 
there  were  a  number  of  men  in  Albany,  from  Connecticut, 
and  they  were  secretly  negotiating  with  the  Mohawks  for 
a  large  tract  of  land  in  Pennsylvania.  This  was  for  the 
Susquehanna  Company,  and  was  to  include  the  Wyoming 
Valley  and  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  It 
appears  that  the  sober  judgment  of  the  Six  Nations  was 
emphatically  against  selling  any  more  land  on  the  Sus 
quehanna.  The  Connecticut  agents,  however,  had  a 
strong  influence  with  the  Mohawks,  and  while  they  could 
not  buy  the  Wyoming  lands  they  could  prevent  Weiser 
from  accomplishing  his  purpose. 

About  this  time  John  Shikellimy  arrived  in  Albany 
and  brought  with  him  Gagradoda,  a  Cayuga  chief,  who 
had  aided  in  persuading  the  Cayugas  and  Oneidas  into  a 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  285 

willingness  to  sell.     Weiser  took  Gagradoda  to  his  lodg 
ings,  where,  for  a  liberal  reward,  he  engaged  him  to  serve 
as  a  private  councellor  and  to  direct  what  measures  should 
be  taken  to  secure  the  cooperation  of  the  Indians.     This 
kind  of  lobbying  had  grown  to  be  quite  common  among 
the  Six  Nations.    After  a  few  days  spent  in  sounding  the 
opinions    of    the    most    influential    Indians,    Gagradoda 
reported  to  Weiser  that  all  the  nations  except  the  Oneidas 
were  quite  favorable  to  selling  all  southwestern  Penn 
sylvania.     The  objecting  nation  insisted  that  the  affair 
should  be. deferred   until  the  arrival  of  the  Mohawks. 
This  movement  put  the  control  of  the  affair  into  the  hands 
of   Hendricks,    who   persuaded   the   Indians   not   to   sell 
further  west  than  the    sources    of    the    streams  which 
emptied  into  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna.     One 
day  during  the  public  treaty  Hendricks  held  up  two  belts 
of 'wampum,  saying  that  they  had  been  sent  by  the  Pro 
prietaries  of  Pennsylvania  for  the  purchase  of  a  large 
tract  in  southwestern  Pennsylvania. 

The  Governor  of  New  York  immediately  wished  to 
know  how  far  north  this  purchase  was  intended  to 
extend.  He  was  told  that  it  would  include  all  the  west 
branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  none  of  which  was  further 
north  than  forty-one  degrees  and  thirty  minutes.  Gov 
ernor  DeLancy  then  replied  that  since  this  matter  con 
cerned  only  Pennsylvania  it  might  be  transacted  in  private 
and  no  record  thereof  should  appear  upon  the  minutes 
of  the  conference.  The  Pennsylvania  commission  insisted 
that  all  their  land  purchases  had  ever  been  conducted  in 
the  most  public  manner,  and  they  desired  that  this  one 
might  be  recorded.  In  this  they  were  overruled  by  the 
joint  Commission,  and  it  was  decided  that  the  clerk  should 
take  w-  notice  on  the  minutes  of  what  Hendricks  had  said. 


286 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


This  ruling  of  the  joint  Commission  threw  all  land  nego 
tiations  out  of  the  general  conference  and  made  them 
private,  thus  aiding  the  plans  of  the  Connecticut  agents 
and  sowing  the  seeds  of  distrust  and  suspicion  among  the 
Indians. 

The  next  day  in  private  conference  the  Pennsylvania 
commission  offered  four  hundred  pounds  for  all  south 
western     Pennsylvania.      The     Indians     withdrew     and 
formed  a  circle  in  one  end  of  the  room  where  they  spent 
more  than  an  hour  in  private  consultation.     They  grew 
"very  warm  and  earnest  in  their  debates,  and  seemed  to 
differ  much  in  opinion.    Hendricks  spoke  a  great  deal  and 
turning  around    observed    Mr,    Weiser    near    them  and 
desired  him  to  withdraw,  which  he  did,  and  after  some 
little  time  they  sent  for  him  and  took  him  into  their  coun 
cils,  and  asked  his    opinion    on    divers    matters."     The 
Indians  then  returned  to    their    seats,    when  Hendricks 
spoke  as  follows:     "We  have  several  times  desired  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  remove  his  people  from  our 
lands,  and  we  understand  that  he  has  done  his  utmost- 
endeavors  for  that  purpose  except  using  force,  which  we 
do  not  desire  he  should.     We  are  now,  "therefore,  willing 
to  part  with  them,  and  expect  to  be  paid  for  them.   Brother 
Onas,  what  we  are  now  going  to  say  is  a  matter  of  great 
moment,  which  we  desire  you  to  remember  as  long  as  the 
sun  and  moon  lasts.    We  are  willing  to  sell  you  this  large 
tract  of  land  for  your  people  to  live  upon,  but  we  desire 
that  it  may  be  considered  as  a  part  of  our  agreement  that 
when  we  are  all  dead  and  gone  your  grandchildren  may 
not  say  to  our  grandchildren  that  your  forefathers  sold 
the  land  to  our  forefathers,  and  therefore  begone  off  of 
them.     This  is  wrong.     Let  us  be  all  as  brothers  as  well 
after  as  before  of  giving  you  deeds  for  land.     After  we 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  287 

have  sold  our  land,  we  in  a  little  time  have  nothing  to 
show  for  it,  but  it  is  not  so  with  you,  your  grandchildren 
will  get  something  for  it  as  long  as  the  world  stands.  Our 
grandchildren  will  have  no  advantage  from  it.  They  will 
say,  we  are  fools  for  selling  so  much  land  for  so  small  a 
matter,  and  curse  us.  Therefore,  let  it  he  a  part  of  the 
present  agreement  that  we  shall  treat  one  another  as 
brethren  to  the  latest  generation,  even  after  we  shall  not 
have  left  a  foot  of  land."* 

This  was  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  to  get  a 
reservation  in  the  deed  similar  to  the  one  the  Delawares 
had  in  the  Walking  Purchase,  to  the  effect  that  owning 
the  land  would  not  be  sufficient  reason  for  driving  the 
Indians  away.  And  it  was  therefore  thoroughly  under 
stood  by  all  the  Indians  that  while  the  Albany  purchase 
gave  the  white  man  permission  to  settle  on  those  lands 
it  in  no  manner  was  understood  to  mean  the  removal  of 
the  Indians  so  long  as  they  desired  to  remain. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  on  which  Hen- 
dricks  made  the  above  proposals,  Conrad  Weiser  reported 
that  the  Indians  were  having  a  heated  discussion  among 
themselves.  Their  sentiments  were  poisoned,  and  he 
believed  it  was  clone  by  Mr.  Woodbridge  and  Mr.  Lydius, 
the  men  who  were  negotiating  the  purchase  for  the  Sus- 
quehanna  Company.  Weiser  was  ordered  by  the  Com 
mission  not  to  yield,  but  to  leave  the  Indians  to  them 
selves.  In  the  evening  the  Indians  offered  to  sell  all  the 
land  east  of  the  Alleghanies  and  south  of  the  west  branch 
of  the  Susquehanna  River,  and  no  more. 

Weiser  told  them  that  this  was  a  plain  confirmation 
of  the  rumor  that  the  Six  Nations  were  secretly  in  league 
with  the  French,  and  intended  to  sell  them  the  land  west 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  115,  116. 


288 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


of  the  mountains.     Weiser  knew  thoroughly  well  that 
Hendricks  and  the  Mohawks  had  no  conquest  rights  to 
western  Pennsylvania.     He  knew  that  the  proposed  pur 
chase  was  Cayuga  and  Oneida  land.     Therefore  he  told 
Hendricks   that   the    Pennsylvania   Commissioners   were 
highly  incensed  at  this  last  offer,  and  would  have  nothing 
whatever  to  do  with  the  land,  especially  since  it  was  very 
evident  that  the  Indians  were  entertaining  some  dark  and 
hidden  projects  injurious  to  Pennsylvania.     When  Hen 
dricks,  who  it  is  supposed  was  anxious  to  negotiate  the 
Connecticut  sale,  realized    that    he    could    not  limit  the 
Oneidas  to  the  Alleghanies,  he  went  before  the  Indians 
and  in  "a  pathetic  speech"  recounted  the  ancient  friend 
ship  of  the  sons  of  Onas  and  their  constant  generosity  to 
the  Red  man.     This  removed  the  frowns  from  the  Indian 
faces.      Weiser  was  called  in  and  the  boundaries  were 
fixed.     A  line  was  to  be  run  westward  from  the  mouth  of 
Kayarondinagh  Creek,  now  Perm's  Creek,  which  was  four 
or  five  miles  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  west  branch  of  the 
Susquehanna  River.     The  Indians  were  desirous  of  sell 
ing  all  the  land  drained  by  the  Juniata,  but  none  drained 
by  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna.     With  Lewis 
Evans'  map  spread  before  them  the  Indians  were  shown 
the  possibility  of  the  Juniata  being  at  some  points  further 
north  than  the  mouth  of  Perm's  Creek.    Hence  the  Indians 
consented  to  have  the  line  run  to  the  northwest,  so  as  to 
clear  all  the  Juniata  lands  even  if  they  extended  to  the 
Lake     Erie.      For     this     tract     the     Proprietors     paid 
four  hundred  pounds  in  coin.     The  Indians  then  spoke  to 
the   Pennsylvania   Commissioners,   saying :     "The  north 
line  shall  go  to  the  north  of  wrest  as  far  as  your  Province 
extends,  let  it  reach  beyond  the  Ohio  and  to  Lake  Erie, 
wherever  it  will.     This  will  convince  the  world  and  you 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  289 

that  we  have  no  connection  with  Onontio  [Governor  of 
Canada],  since  these  lands  from  this  time  will  belong  by 
our  title  to  King  George  and  to  Onas.  Make  out  your 
deed  and  do  not  be  long  about  it. 

"As  to  Wyoming  and  Shamokin  and  the  land  contig 
uous  thereto  on  Susquehanna,  we  reserve  them  for  our 
hunting  ground,  and  for  the  residence  of  such,  as  at  this 
time  of  war  shall  remove  from  among  the  French  and 
choose  to  live  there,  and  we  have  appointed  John  Shikel- 
limy  to  take  care  of  them.     He  is  our  representative  and 
agent  there,  and  has  our  orders  not  to  suffer  either  Onas' 
people  nor  the  New  Engenders  to  settle  any  of  those 
lands,  and  if  any  shall  presume  to  do  it,  we  have  directed 
him  to  complain  to  Onas,  whether  it  shall  be  his  own 
people  or  from  other  Provinces,  and  to  insist  on  their 
being  turned  off,  and  if  he  shall  fail  in  this  application 
we  will  come  ourselves  and  turn  them  off.     Nobody  shall 
have  this  land.    Get  your  deed  ready  as  fast  as  you  can.'" 
Upon  the  basis  of  these  opinions  the  Pennsylvania 
Proprietaries  employed  Conrad  Weiser  to  use  every  effort 
to  prevent  the  Mohawk  Indians  from  selling  Susquehanna 
land  to  the  Connecticut  agents.     Weiser  then  went  to 
Mr.  Woodbridge,  the  schoolmaster  of  Stockbridge,  and 
showed  him  the  Indian  deeds  and  titles  held  for  land  by 
the  Proprietors.     Woodbridge  said  that  he  was  perfectly 
satisfied,  and  would,  in  behalf  of  Connecticut,  cause  no 
further  trouble.     Lyclius,  however,  made  no  such  prom 
ises,  and  before  the  Indians  had  all  returned  home  from 
this  treaty,  the  Connecticut  agents  held  Mohawk  deeds 
for  the  eastern  part  of  the  Wyoming  Valley  and  the  east 
branch  of  the  Susquehanna  River. 

In  the  meantime  events  were  transpiring  on  the  Ohio, 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  119. 


29°  CONRAD  WEISER. 

which  caused    the    Albany    land    purchases  to  seriously 
embarrass  the  Governor's    policy    towards  the  Western 
Indians.     In  May,  1754,  the  Half  King,  still  faithful  to 
the  English,  sent  word  to  Washington  of  the  location  of 
Jumonville,  the  French  captain,  who  was  supposed  to  be 
coming  from    Fort    DuQuesne    to    attack    Washington. 
During  the  previous  winter  the  Half  King's  loyalty  was 
severely  strained  by  the  treatment  he  received  while  acting 
as  guide  for  Washington  and  Gist  to  Venango.     This, 
however,  the  old  Indian  overlooked.    But  when  the  attack 
upon  Jumonville  was  planned,   one  Davison,   who  was 
present  says,    "Washington  and  the  Half  King  differed 
much  in  judgment,  and  on  the  Colonel's  refusing  to  take 
his  advice  the  English  and  the  Indians  separated.     After 
which  the  Indians  discovered  the  French  in  an  hollow'  and 
hid  themselves,  lying  on  their  bellies  behind  a  hill ;  after 
wards  they  discovered  Colonel  Washington  on  the  oppo 
site  side  of  the  hollow  in  the  gray  of  the  morning,  and 
when  the  English  fired,  which  they  did  in  great  confusion, 
the  Indians  came  out  of  their  cover  and  closed  with  the 
French  and  killed  them  with  their  tomahawks,  on  which 
the  French  surrendered."* 

Virginia  speaking  of  this  action  said  that  Washington 
fired  the  first  gun.  The  French  called  it  a  massacre, 
declaring  that  Jumonville  was  sent  out  from  Fort 
DuQuesne  with  a  message.  The  Indians  insisted  that 
Jumonville  was  killed  and  scalped  by  one  of  their  number. 
Whatever  the  facts  were  in  the  case  it  is  at  least  certain 
that  the  Indians  secured  a  number  of  French  scalps,  which 
they  sent  with  some  belts  of  black  wampum  to  the  more 
Western  Indians  who  were  wavering  and  uncertain  where 
to  throw  their  alliance.  Previous  to  the  attack  upon  Fort 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  195. 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  TRENCH.  29! 

Necessity  the  Indians  of  that  section  were  all  loyal  to  the 
English.      The   growing   coolness   between   Washington 
and  the  Half  King,  caused  the  latter  just  previous  to  the 
fight  at  Fort  Necessity  to  withhold  his  assistance,  and 
allow  Washington  to  manage  it  in  his  own  way.     The 
defeat  so  stung  the    Virginians    that    they    charged  the 
friendly  Indians  with  treachery,  saying  that  they  had  in 
secret  aided  the  French.    These  charges  angered  the  Half 
King  anil  his  men.     In  August  the  old  chief  came  to 
John  Harris'  Ferry  to  meet  Conrad  Weiser  and  accom 
pany  him  to    Aughwick.     On    the    way  the  Half  King 
"complained  very  much,"  writes  Weiser,  "of  the  behavior 
of  Colonel  Washington,   (tho'  in  a  very  moderate  way, 
saying  the  Colonel  was  a  good-natured  man,  but  had  no 
experience),   that   he   took   upon   him   to   command   the 
Indians  as  his  slaves,  and  would  have  them  every  day 
upon  the  Out  Scout  and  attack  the  Enemy  by  themselves, 
and  that  he  would  by  no  means  take  advice  from  the 
Indians,  that  he  lay  at  one  place  from  one  full  moon  to 
another  and  made  no  fortifications  at  all,  but  that  little 
thing  upon  the  meadow,  where  he  thought  the  French 
would  come  up  to  him  in  open  field ;  that  had  he  taken 
the  Half  King's  advice  and  made  such  fortifications  as  the 
Half  King  advised  him  to  make,  he  would  certainly  have 
beat  the  French  off;  that  the  French  had  acted  as  great 
cowards  and  the  English  as  fools  in  that  engagement; 
that  he  (the  Half  King)  had  carried  off  his  wife  and  chil 
dren,  so  did  other  Indians  before  the  battle  begun,  because 
Colonel  Washington  would  never  listen  to  them,  but  was 
always  driving  them  on  to  fight  by  his  directions."* 

This  alienation  of  the  Indians  was  only  temporary. 
At  heart  the  Half  King  was  in  sympathy  with  the  Eng- 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  151,  IS2- 


2Q2  CONRAD  WEISER. 

lish,  and  at  the  Aughwick  Conference,  held  in  August 
and  September,  1754,  Conrad  Weiser,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Pennsylvania  presents  won  the  old  warrior  and  his 
people  back  to  the  English  cause.  Beaver,  a  Delaware 
chief,  in  speaking  to  the  deputies  of  the  Six  Nations  at 
Aughwick,  said :  "Uncle  I  still  remember  the  time  when 
you  first  conquered  us,  and  made  women  of  us,  and  told 
us  that  you  took  us  under  your  protection,  and  that  we 
must  not  meddle  with  wars,  but  stay  in  the  house  and 
mind  council  affairs.  We  have  hitherto  followed  your 
directions  and  lived  very  easy  under  your  protection,  and 
no  high  wind  did  blow  to  make  us  uneasy ;  but  now  things 
seem  to  take  another  turn,  and  a  high  wind  is  rising.  We 
desire  you,  therefore,  Uncle,  to  have  your  eyes  open  and 
be  watchful  over  us,  your  cousins,  as  you  have  always 
been  heretofore." 

Then  turning  to  Conrad  Weiser,  Beaver  said: 
"Brother,  ....  by  your  speech  just  now  made  to  us,  you 
comforted  our  hearts  and  removed  all  doubts  and  jeal 
ousy.  It  is  what  you  said  to  us,  like  the  morning  sun. 
We  see  how  clear  your  kindness  and  good  will  to  us  and 
our  allies.  We  will  make  it  known  to  all.  .  .  .  Brother, 
when  William  Penn  first  appeared  we  looked  into  his  face 
and  judged  him  to  be  our  brother.  ...  we  then  erected 
an  everlasting  friendship  with  William  Penn  and  his 
people,  which  we  on  our  side,  as  well  as  you,  have 
observed  as  much  as  possible  to  this  day.  We  always 
looked  upon  you  to  be  one  flesh  and  blood  with  us.  We 
desire  you  will  look  upon  us  in  the  same  light,  and  let  that 
treaty  of  friendship  made  by  our  forefathers  on  both  sides 
subsist  and  be  in  force  from  generation  to  generation; 
both  our  lives,  our  wives'  and  children's  lives,  and  those 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  293 

as  yet  unborn,  depend  upon  it.  Pray,  brother,  consider 
well  what  we  say  and  let  it  be  so."* 

At  this  conference  Weiser  learned  that  the  Shawanese 
and  Delaware  tribes  had  formed  an  alliance,  and  that 
the  French  had  offered  them  presents  to  join  them  or 
remain  neutral.  The  Indians  made  no  reply,  but  immedi 
ately  sent  their  deputies  to  Aughwick,  for  the  purpose, 
as  Weiser  thought,  of  learning  the  attitude  of  the  English 
and  renewing  their  bond  of  friendship.  In  this  confer 
ence  Weiser  succeeded  in  thoroughly  securing  the  good 
will  and  alliance  of  those  Western  Indians.  At  the  close 
of  the  treaty  the  Indians  pressed  him  to  tell  what  hap 
pened  at  Albany.  He  accordingly  told  them  all  about 
the  purchase.  "They  seemed  not  to  be  very  well  pleased," 
writes  Weiser,  "because  the  Six  Nations  had  sold  such  a 
large  tract."  When,  however,  Weiser  explained  that  it 
was  done  to  frustrate  the  land  schemes  of  the  Connecticut 
men  on  the  Susquehanna  and  the  French  on  the  Ohio, 
they  appeared  satisfied.  The  Indians  did  not  then  know 
that  the  purchase  included  the  most  of  the  west  branch 
of  the  Susquehanna.  For  the  time  being  they  were  con 
tent.  With  a  child-like  simplicity  they  were  pleased  that 
the  new  Governor,  Robert  Hunter  Morris,  should  have 
come  to  Aughwick  to  see  them.  They  were  pleased  with 
his  speech,  which  Conrad  Weiser  had  carefully  pre 
pared^  They  went  back  to  Ohio,  into  danger  and 
temptation  to  learn  from  the  lips  of  the  French  that  their 
cherished  hunting  grounds  on  the  west  branch  of  the  Sus 
quehanna  had  all  been  sold. 

In  the  meantime  John  Shikellimy  reported  that  the 
Connecticut  men  were  settling  on  the  east  branch  of  the 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  155,  156. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  158. 


294  CONRAD  WEISER. 

Susquehanna.  Weiser  declared  that  the  Indians  would 
go  to  war  if  these  men  were  not  removed.  He  suggested 
that  Hendricks,  the  Mohawk  chief,  be  invited  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  measures  be  taken  to  invalidate  the  Connec 
ticut  deed.  "If  Hendricks  should  not  come,  then,"  said 
Weiser,  "that  would  be  evidence  that  he  was  a  party  to 
this  secret  business."  But  Hendricks  did  come  in  January, 
1755.  He  acknowledged  that  the  deed  had  been  obtained 
by  fraud.  Indians  are  always  slow  to  censure  their  own 
people.  Yet  Hendricks  acknowledged  that  Lydius  was 
the  agent,  who,  in  a  secret  manner,  by  getting  the  Indians 
intoxicated,  obtained  the  deed  from  persons  acting  in  a 
private  and  not  in  a  public  capacity.  Hendricks  was 
inclined  to  say  very  little  on  the  subject.  It  would  be 
wrong  to  destroy  the  deed,  he  said,  but  if  the  Governor, 
of  Pennsylvania  would  kindle  a  Council  Fire  at  Albany, 
and  invite  there  two  deputies  from  each  of  the  Six 
Nations,  then  it  might  be  possible  to  oblige  the  Govern 
ment  of  Connecticut  to  give  up  the  deed.  It  is  not  within 
the  province  of  this  work  to  examine  the  voluminous  dis 
cussion  between  Pennsylvania  and  Connecticut  upon  the 
merits  of  this  claim.  It  is  only  necessary  here  to  show 
that  the  Connecticut  purchase  on  the  Susquehanna,  and 
the  determination  to  settle  there  against  the  will  of  the 
Indians  brought  down  on  Pennsylvania  the  ruthless  ven 
geance  of  the  Red  man,  and  exposed  the  northeastern  part 
of  the  Province  to  their  unrestrained  fury. 

On  other  matters  Hendricks  became  very  confiding 
during  his  visit  to  Philadelphia.  Weiser  finally  declined  to 
interpret  any  further,  "because,"  he  said,  "Hendricks  was 
complaining  so  vigorously  of  a  sister  Colony,  that  it  might 
be  construed  as  treason  to  interpret  it."  Governor  Morris 
authorized  the  Council  to  be  made  public  and  the  com- 


OHIO  INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  295 

plaints  of  Hendricks  put  upon  record.  The  Mohawk  said, 
"I  will  hide  nothing  from  you.  The  Six  Nations  are 
divided.  The  French  party  is  larger  than  the  English 
party.  Onontio,  [Governor  of  Canada,]  has  found  a  way 
to  divide  our  people.  He  gives  large  rewards.  He 
builds  strong  houses  wherever  the  situation  is  advantage 
ous,  and  it  can  serve  either  to  curb  us  or  to  intercept  you 

in  your  commerce  with  us He  gives  fine  clothes. 

He  employs  artful  men  who  live  as  Indians ;  whereas  you 
are  weak.  You  build  no  strong  houses.  You  send  per 
sons  only  to  trade  amongst  us,  who  consult  their  own 
interest  and  often  impose  on  us.  ...  We  are  Mohawks 
and  boast  that  we  are  on  the  English  side,  and  therefore 
have  a  right  to  speak  things,  tho'  they  may  be  disagree 
able  to  you.  We  mean  it  well,  however,  and  now  shall 
take  the  freedom  to  tell  you  an  affair  that  will  always  do 
hurt  to  the  English  till  it  be  remedied The  Govern 
ment  of  New  York  does  not  use  us  well,  unless  they  can 
be  brought  to  make  us  satisfaction  we  can  never  be  as 
good  friends  as  we  were  formerly.  They  have  taken  our 
lands  from  us.  They  carry  on  a  clandestine  trade  with 
French  Indians.  This  is  disgusting  to  us  and  corrupting 
to  our  young  men."* 

The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  following  Weiser's 
advice  condoled  with  these  Indians  and  promised  to  lay 
the  matter  before  the  King.  But  the  Indians  liked  prompt 
reparation,  and  when  they  had  been  home  for  some 
months  and  heard  nothing  in  reference  to  a  redress  of 
their  wrongs,  they  lost  zeal  for  the  English  cause,  and 
the  French  party  grew  larger  among  the  Iroquois.  This 
division  among  the  Six  Nations  weakened  their  control 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  280,  284. 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


over  their  tributary  tribes  on  the  Ohio  and  in  the  Wyom 
ing  Valley. 

To  add  to  the  embarrassments  which  were  continually 
gathering  around  the  English,  the  Pennsylvania  Proprie 
tors  employed  Conrad  Weiser  in  October,  1754,  to  run 
the  northwest  line  of  the  Albany  purchase.  As  soon  as 
the  Indians  realized  that  this  line  must  necessarily  cross 
the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  that  the  Six 
Nations  had  sold  that  river  basin,  they  compelled  Weiser 
to  stop.  "They  said,1'  writes  Weiser,  "that  a  northwest  line 
was  not  according  to  the  agreement.  They  insisted  that 
it  had  been  expressly  stipulated  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Six 
Nations  and  the  Commissioners  of  Pennsylvania  that  the 
line  should  stand,  provided  it  did  not  touch  the  lands  on 
'Zinachsa  River,  (west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna),  or 
come  near  the  Big  Island,  otherways  the  purchase  must 
only  include  the  land  then  settled  by  the  white  people" 
(meaning  the  Juniata  and  Buffalo  Creek  settlers). 
Weiser  then  stoutly  supported  the  cause  of  the  Indians, 
saying  to  Peters,  "You  know,  sir,  that  the  Indians  act 
ually  said  so,  and  we  took  L.  Evans'  map  before  us 
and  we  assured  the  Indians  that  that  line  would  never 
touch  the  river  'Zinachsa  below  the  'Big  Island/  and  so 
the  Indians  consented,  but  I  saw  plain  that  that  course 
would  cross  'Zinachsa  River  about  Canasorgu.  I  should 
be  very  sorry  if  their  Honors,  the  Proprietors,  should 
insist  upon  that  line  to  be  run  against  the  Indians'  mind, 
but  would  rather  advise  to  make  a  line  in  presence  of  the 
Indians  or  some  of  them,  to  take  all  the  settlers  aforesaid 
and  give  no  offence  to  the  Indians.  \Ve  would  find  advan 
tage  in  the  next  purchase  and  save  a  deal  of  trouble  now." 
The  Indians  told  Weiser  that  if  this  line  was  run,  or  if 
the  white  people  attempted  to  settle  on  this  land,  they 


OHIO   INDIANS  GO   OVER  TO   THE   FRENCH.  2Q7 

would  kill  their  cattle  first,  and  if  they  persisted,  then  the 
white  people  themselves  should  he  killed.* 

This  Albany  purchase  was  a  powerful  factor  in  alien 
ating  the  Indians.  Half  of  the  four  hundred  pounds 
purchase  money  was  paid  at  the  time  of  the  contract,  the 
remainder  was  not  to  be  paid  until  the  settlers  had  actually 
crossed  the  Allegheny  Mountains.  In  1755  the  Indians 
declared  that  they  would  not  receive  the  second  instal 
ment.  Hendricks  persuaded  them  to  stand  by  the  deed. 
This  was  in  July,  1755.  With  Braddock's  defeat  this 
entire  body  of  dissatisfied  Indians  arose  to  seek  vengeance 
on  Pennsylvania  soil.  Three  years  of  bloodshed  and  out 
rage  induced  the  Proprietaries,  persuaded  by  Conrad 
Weiser,  to  deed  back  to  the  Indians  all  of  the  Albany 
purchase  which  lay  west  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains. 
This  was  accomplished  by  Conrad  Weiser  and  Richard 
Peters  in  the  year  1758. 

After  the  surrender  at  Fort  Necessity,  the  Juniata  and 
Ohio  Indians  were  greatly  excited.  Swarms  of  them 
came  to  Aughwick,  and  clamored  for  food.  George  Cro- 
ghan  petitioned  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly  for  an 
order  to  feed  them.  The  bills  which  Croghan  had  been 
sending  to  Philadelphia  had  grown  into  uncomfortable 
dimensions.  Suspicion  had  been  afloat  that  George  Cro 
ghan  was  not  reliable,  the  Assembly  accordingly  cut  down 
his  bills.  Finally  when  it  was  hinted  that  Croghan  was 
secretly  in  league  with  the  French  this  prince  of  traders 
became  disgusted  and  decided  to  leave  Aughwick. 

The  Assembly  then  approved  his  accounts  and  recom 
mended  that  the  Indians  be  invited  further  east  where 
they  could  be  supplied  at  less  expense.  While  these  things 

*Manuscript  letters  of  Conrad  Weiser,  in  collections  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society, 


298  CONRAD  WEISER. 

were  in  a  state  of  uncertainty  the  Half  King  who  was  still 
loyal  to  the  English,  and  the  only  man  who  could  hold 
together  the  Ohio  Indians,  carne  with  his  family  to  John 
Harris'  Ferry,  on  the  Susquehanna.  Why  he  should  have 
been  induced  to  travel  so  far  east  when  his  Councils  were 
so  necessary  on  the  Ohio  is  something  of  a  mystery.  On 
the  night  of  October  4th,  he  died.  John  Harris  asked  the 
party  of  about  twenty  Indians  who  accompanied  him,  how 
they  wished  the  Half  King  buried.  The  Indians  replied 
that  they  looked  upon  their  chief  as  one  of  the  white 
people,  and  that  John  Harris  might  bury  him,  they  would 
not. 

Harris  managed  the  funeral  with  considerable  pomp 
and  display,  which  seemed  to  please  the  Indians  very 
much.  The  Half  King's  family  remained  at  Harris'  for 
nearly  a  month  at  the  expense  of  the  Province,  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  writing  of  this  circumstance,  remarked :  "I 
am  very  sorry  for  the  death  of  the  Half  King."  George 
Croghan  said,  'The  Half  King's  death  has  been  much 
lamented  by  all  the  Indians."  Conrad  Weiser  wrote,  "the 
Half  King  died  about  a  week  ago  at  Paxton,  I  suppose 
by  his  hard  drinking,  most*  everybody  treated  him.  He 
brought  the  sickness  upon  him  that  carried  him  off."* 

Governor  Morris,  in  a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  New 
York,  observed :  "I  have  accounts  from  Paxton  of  ye 
death  of  ye  Half  King,  a  chief  of  ye  Indians,  his  friends, 
it  seems,  attribute  his  death  to  French  witchcraft,  and 
threaten  revenge,  but  this  being  only  the  opinion  of  an 
Indian  trader  is  not  to  be  depended  on."§  The  Indian 
trader  was  John  Harris  himself,  who  wrote,  "Those 

*Manuscript  letters  of  October  12,  1754,  in  the  collections  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 

§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  179. 


,      OHIO   INDIANS  GO   OVER  TO   THE   FRENCH.  2Q9 

Indians  that  were  here  blame  the  French  for  his  death,  by 
bewitching  him,  as  they  had  a  conjurer  to  inquire  into  the 
cause  a  few  days  before  he  died,  and  it  is  his  opinion, 
together  with  his  relations,  that  the  French  have  been  the 
cause  of  their  great  man's  death,  by  reason  of  his  striking 
them  lately, §  for  which  they  seem  to  threaten  immediate 
revenge,  and  desired  me  to  let  it  be  known.  All  Indians 
that  are  here  are  in  great  trouble,  especially  his  relations. 
I  have  sent  an  account  to  Conrad  Weiser  at  Shamokin  this 
clay,  who,  I  expect  will  be  down  upon  notice.  I  humbly 
presume  that  his  death  is  a  very  great  loss,  especially  at 
this  critical  time.""  The  mystery  which  hung  around 
the  death  of  the  Half  King  only  aggravated  the  bitterness 
of  the  Indians'  sorrow  and  resentment.  His  loss  severed 
the  last  tie  which  bound  these  people  to  the  Government 
of  Pennsylvania. 

The  Indians  from  that  time  until  Braddock's  defeat 
either  remained  neutral  or  secretly  went  over  to  the 
French.  When  Pennsylvania  refused  any  longer  to  trust 
Croghan  to  distribute  supplies  among  the  Indians,  Conrad 
Weiser  was  sent  to  do  it.  Weiser's  letter  from  Augh- 
wick,  September  I3th,  reveals  the  beginning  of  the  last 
influence  which  alienated  the  Delawares  from  the  Prov 
ince.  The  Indians  were  very  reluctant  to  take  up  the 
hatchet  against  the  white  men  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
traditions  of  William  Penn  and  his  people  lay  close  to 
their  hearts,  but  starvation  and  ill  treatment  drove  them 
to  it.  "Mr.  Croghan  must  either  be  trusted,"  writes 
Weiser,  "to  buy  and  distribute  provisions,  or  the  Govern 
ment  must  keep  a  man  there Lewis  Montour, 

Andrew's  brother  disturbs  them  often  by  bringing  strong 

§Attack  upon  Jumonville. 
*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  p.  178. 


300  CONRAD  WETSER. 

liquor  to  them.  They  cannot  help  buying  and  drinking 
it,  when  it  is  so  near,  and  Lewis]  |  sells  it  very  dear  to 
them  and  pretends  that  his  wife,  who  is  an  ugly  Indian 
squaw,  does  it.  He  sends  to  the  inhabitants  to  fetch  it 
for  him,  and  Mr.  Croghan  can  by  no  means  prevent  it, 
because  they  keep  it  in  the  woods  about  or  within  a  mile 
from  his  house,  and  there  the  Indians  will  go  (after  hav 
ing  notice)  and  drink  away  their  clothing,  and  so  come 
back  to  George  Croghan 's  drunk  and  naked." 

Weiser  was  the  first  man  who  ever  dared  to  inform 
the  Provincial  Government  of  the  treatment  the  Indians 
received  from  the  early  settlers  of  Cumberland  County. 
"It  is  a  surprising  thing,"  he  writes,  "that  no  means  can 
be  found  to  prevent  the  inhabitants  in  Cumberland  County 
from  selling  strong  liquor  to  the  Indians.  I  am  credit 
ably  informed  that  some  of  the  magistrates  of  that  county 
sell  the  most."  Weiser  told  one  of  these  justices  that 
the  best  thing  for  the  Indians  would  be  for  the  Governor 
to  discharge  him  and  all  others  of  his  kind,  and  "put 
in  commission  those  who  were  not  whiskey  traders,  men 
who  would  exercise  their  authority."* 

While  things  were  in  this  troubled  condition  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  Weiser  to  distribute  supplies 
among  the  Indians.  During  the  early  part  of  July  he 
distributed  two  hundred  bushels  of  cornmeal  at  John 
Harris'  Ferry.  The  Indians  were  very  grateful  and  beg 
ged  Weiser  to  lead  them  to  Wills  Creek,  where  they  could 
do  scouting  for  Braddock.  At  Aughwick  Weiser  found 
only  women  and  children,  who  insisted  that  if  their  hus 
bands  and  young  men  were  to  fight  for  the  English  they 
must  be  fed.  Weiser  gave  them  five  hundred  weight  of 

IJLewis  Montour  was  thought  to  be  a  secret  agent  of  the  French. 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  149. 


OHIO   INDIANS  GO  OVER  TO  THE  FRENCH.  30! 

flour,  and  appointed  two  of  the  Shikellimys  to  preside 
there  until  the  pleasure  of  the  Government  was  learned. 
Weiser  complained  again  of  the  white  men  in  that  county. 
"Our  people,"  he  says,  "are  very  malicious  against  the 
Indians.  They  curse  and  damn  them  to  their  faces  and 
say,  'must  we  feed  you,  and  your  husbands  fight  in  the 
meantime  for  the  French/  "* 

At  the  time  of  the  writing  of  this  letter  Weiser  and 
the  people  in  and  around  Aughwick  were  ignorant  of 
Braddock's  defeat  near  Fort  DuQuesne.  The  Indian  dis 
affection  had  spread  over  all  western  Pennsylvania. 
Weiser  met  only  the  families  of  the  Indians  who  yet 
remained  loyal  to  the  Engish.  The  unfortunate  land  pur 
chases  at  Albany,  the  unrestrained  traffic  in  rum,  and  the 
neglect  and  ill  treatment  shown  to  the  Indians  gave  the 
French  every  advantage.  Their  dark  skinned  allies 
increased  every  day.  The  daring  blow  given  by  a  few 
French  and  Indians  against  Braddock,  the  destruction 
of  an  English  army  by  so  few  men  filled  the  Indians  with 
amazement  and  admiration.  The  hesitating  remnant  of 
the  Delawares  were  alienated,  and  the  dogs  of  war,  turned 
loose  upon  defenceless  Pennsylvania. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  495. 


3°-  CONRAD  WEISER. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

WEISER,     AND     THE      PENNSYLVANIA     EFFORTS      FOR 

DEFENSE. 


Dunbar's  Retreat  disgusts  the  Indians— A  Money  Bill  framed— The 
Governor  hesitates  and  will  not  sign — The  Assembly's  Position — 
The  Governor's  Position — The  Assembly  opposes  any  Amend 
ments — The  Germans  fear  Catholic  Treachery — The  friendly 
Indians  cannot  be  held — The  Indians'  Opinion  of  General  Brad- 
dock— Weiser's  Advice— The  Indian  Outbreak— The  Governor 
suppresses  the  News — Weiser  not  drawn  into  the  first  political 
quarrel — Thomas  Penn's  Letter  to  Weiser — Weiser  opposed  to 
Quaker  Assemblymen — The  Indians  attack  John  Harris — Weiser 
alarms  the  Country— Weiser  organizes  the  Germans  for  defence — 
Local  Jealousies — The  Governor  approves  Weiser's  Actions 
—Weiser  surrounded  with  Difficulties — Mobs  threaten  to  go  to 
Philadelphia — The  Proprietors  make  a  Donation — The  Assembly 
distrusts  the  Governor — Berks  County  Politics — The  Anti- Weiser 
Faction  in  Berks  County — Weiser  denies  all  charges  against  him — 
Weiser's  Accounts  difficult  to  settle— The  Attack  upon  the 
Moravians — The  Indians  plan  to  attack  Conrad  Weiser — James 
Hamilton's  Suggestions — Plans  for  Defense — The  Governor  com 
plains  of  the  People — War  declared  against  the  Delaware  Indians 
— James  Logan  opposed  to  the  Declaration — Weiser's  Opposition 
to  the  Scalp  Act — Colonel  Johnson  opposed  to  the  Declaration  of 
War — The  Friendly  Indians  turn  away  from  Pennsylvania. 

DURING  Braddock's  slow  and  painful  march 
towards  Fort  DuOuesne,  the  Western  Indians 
remained  in  a  state  of  suspense  and  expectation.  When, 
however,  a  handful  of  French  and  Indians  sallied  out  and 
defeated  the  advanced  portion  of  Braddock's  army,  the 
Indians  were  astonished.  They  became  loud  in  their  criti 
cisms  of  English  inability.  When  General  Dunbar  began 
his  inglorious  retreat  towards  Philadelphia,  destroying 
his  magazine  and  his  supplies,  ignoring  the  protests  of  the 
governors  of  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  New  York  and 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  303 

Massachusetts,  the  friendly  Indians  lost  all  confidence 
and  there  was  a  general  stampede  to  the  French. 

Immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  this  disastrous  news 
in  Philadelphia,  Governor  Morris  convened  his  Council, 
and  the  Assembly  sent  for  *€onracl  Weiser.  Unfortu 
nately  the  old  interpreter  was  confined  to  his  house  with 
illness,  and  the  Assembly  was  deprived  of  his  counsels; 
though  he  sent  his  son  "Sammie,"  the  Province  experi 
enced  a  loss. 

The  Assembly  was,  Jiowever,  in  no  uncertain  frame 
of  mind.  Benjamin  Franklin  had  become  a  leading  figure, 
one  in  whom  the  Friends  and  the  Germans  reposed  a 
large  measure  of  confidence.  The  Assembly  promptly 
framed  a  money  bill  and,  August  ist,  1755,  presented  it 
to  the  Governor  for  approval.  No  colony  among  the 
thirteen  was  more  prompt  and  generous  in  voting  money 
for  the  King's  use  than  Pennsylvania.  This  money  bill 
provided  that  a  tax  of  fifty  thousand  pounds  be  laid  on  all 
personal  property  and  real  estate. 

Before  the  Governor  had  decided  upon  his  plan  for 
defence,  or  solicited  any  funds  from  the  Assembly  this 
bill  was  laid  before  him  for  his  signature.  Ever  since 
the  death  of  William  Penn  there  had  been  a  growing 
desire  among  the  people  to  have  the  Proprietary  estates 
taxed  the  same  as  any  other  real  estate.  The  "Walking 
Purchase"  from  the  Delawares,  and  the  "Albany  Pur 
chase"  from  the  Iroquois  had  aroused  a  popular  suspicion 
about  the  sincerity  of  the  Proprietors  in  Indian  affairs. 

The  Assembly  had  for  a  number  of  years  insisted  that 
Penn's  heirs  should  share  the  expense  of  Indian  treaties. 
Their  petitions  to  this  effect  received  no  recognition.  Now 
when  it  was  evident  to  every  one  that  an  Indian  war  was 
about  to  burst  upon  the  Province,  the  Assembly  was  deter- 


V 

3O4  COXRAD  WEISER. 

mined  to  force  the  Proprietary  estates  to  bear  their  share 
of  the  expense. 

The  Governor  on  the  other  hand  had  explicit  instruc 
tions  from  the  Proprietors  to  permit  no  legislation  which 
would  in  any  way  jeopardize  the  Proprietary  estates.  To 
permit  the  local  assessors  to  place  values  upon  the  manors 
and  the  unseated  lands  would,  wrote  Governor  Morris 
to  Thomas  Penn,  be  used  "without  mercy.  One  very  good 
argument  against  your  being  taxed  at  all  is  the  great 
expense  you  are  at  in  administering  the  Government,  espe 
cially  since  the  Assembly  have  refused  the  Governor's 
salary,  which  you  will  be  obliged  to  pay.  Since  Mr. 
Franklin  has  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Assembly, 
they  have  gone  greater  lengths  than  ever  and  have  not 
only  discovered"  (revealed)  "the  warmth  of  their  resent 
ment  against  your  family,  but  are  using  every  means  in 
their  power,  even  while  their  country  is  invaded,  to  wrest 
the  Government  out  of  your  hands,  and  to  take  the  whole 

power  of  it  into  their  own The  Quakers,  indeed,  do 

not  wish  you  to  part  with  the  Government,  because  they 
will  have  much  less  power  under  the  Crown,  but  would 
willinglythrowasmuch  weight  as  possible  into  the  Assem 
bly.  Franklin  has  views  that  they  know  nothing  of,  and 
tho'  they  submit  to  him  in  the  Assembly,  the  more  sensible 
part  of  them  are  not  heartily  satisfied  with  his  attachment 
to  them.  The  truth,  I  believe,  is  that  he  is  courting  them 
in  order  to  distress  you,  and  at  the  same  time  leading 
them  into  measures  that  will  in  the  end  deprive  them  of 
any  share  in  the  administration."* 

The  Governor  amended  this  money  bill  by  excluding 
the  Proprietary  estates  from  taxation.  The  Assembly 
very  promptly  denied  the  right  of  any  executive  to  amend 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  739,  740. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  305 

a  supply  bill ;  they  insisted  that  he  should  either  accept  or 
reject  it.  "The  Proprietary  instructions/'  they  said,  "are 
secrets  to  us,  and  we  may  spend  much  time  and  much  of 
the  public  money  in  preparing  and  framing  bills  for  sup 
ply,  which  after  all  must  from  these  instructions  prove 
abortive.  If  we  are  thus  to  be  driven  from  bill  to  bill 
without  one  solid  reason  afforded  us,  and  can  raise  no 
money  for  the  King's  service,  and  relief  and  security  of 
our  country  till  we  fortunately  hit  on  the  only  bill  the 
Governor  is  allowed  to  pass,  or  till  we  consent  to  make 
such  as  the  Governor  or  Proprietaries  direct  us  to  make, 
we  see  little  use  of  Assemblies  in  this  particular,  and  think 
we  might  as  well  leave  it  to  the  Governor  or  Proprietaries 
to  make  for  us  what  supply  laws  they  please,  and  save 
ourselves  and  the  country  the  expense  and  trouble.  We 
are  left  in  the  dark  to  grope  around  for  the  right  bill. 
All  debates  and  all  reasonings  are  vain,  where  Proprie 
tary  instructions,  just  or  unjust,  right  or  wrong,  must 
inviolably  be  observed. 

"Every  citizen  is  astonished  at  this  conduct  of  the  Pro 
prietors,  who  refuse  to  bear  any  share  of  the  -increasing 
expense  of  Indian  affairs,  tho'  they  reap  such  immense 
advantages  by  their  friendship;  but  they  now,  by  their 
lieutenant,"  (the  Governor)  "refuse  to  contribute  any 
part  toward  resisting  an  invasion  of  the  King's  Colony 
committed  to  their  care,  or  to  submit  their  claim  of  exemp 
tion  to  the  decision  of  their  sovereign.  In  fine,  we  have 
the  most  sensible  concern  for  the  poor,  distressed  inhabit 
ants  of  the  frontiers.  We  have  taken  every  step  in  our 
powrer  consistent  with  the  just  rights  of  the  Freemen  of 
Pennsylvania  for  their  relief,  and  we  have  reason  to 
believe  that  in  the  midst  of  their  distresses  they  them 
selves  do  not  wish  us  to  go  further.  Those  zvho  would 


306  CONRAD  WEISER. 

give  np  essential  liberty  to  purchase  a  little  temporary 
safety  deserve  neither  liberty  nor  safety."* 

In  the  midst  of  this  heated  discussion  between  the 
Governor  and  the  Assembly,  an  Indian  war  had  broken 
out  all  along  the  frontier.  The  news  of  Braddock's  defeat 
and  Dunbar's  ignominious  retreat  towards  Philadelphia 
filled  the  Pennsylvania  pioneers  with  consternation  and 
fear.  The  woods  were  full  of  rumors  and  the  wildest 
stories.  The  Germans  of  Tulpehocken,  led  by  Conrad 
Weiser  and  other  magistrates,  petition  the  Governor,  beg 
ging  that  all  arms  and  ammunition  be  taken  away  from 
the  Catholics  who  were  settled  in  that  vicinity.  The  peti 
tioners  were  positive  that  the  Catholics  were  in  secret 
league  with  the  French,  and  were  plotting  against  the 
lives  of  the  Germans. §  The  Assembly  replied  to  these 
petitioners,  saying:  'The  House  has,  this  afternoon 
examined  Conrad  Weiser  and  some  other  gentlemen 
from  Berks  County,  and  we  apprehend  there  is  very 
little  foundation  for  the  report." ||  Indeed,  it  must  be 
said  in  this  connection  that  the  cool  deliberation  of  the 
Assembly  prevented,  more  than  once,  the  outbreak  of  civil 
religious  quarrels  which  were  fomented  to  the  highest 
pitch  during  these  exciting  times. 

By  the  middle  of  August  the  Indians  who  had  fought 
under  Braddock  came  to  Philadelphia,  bringing  Conrad 
Weiser  with  them.  They  were  kindly  received  and  suit 
able  rewards  were  given  them  for  their  fidelity.  While 
these  Indians  were  in  Philadelphia,  Conrad  Weiser  used 
every  effort  to  retain  their  friendship  for  the  English. 
Scaroyady,  their  chief,  came  to  Weiser  several  times, 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  693,  695. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  503. 
[[Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  534- 


/  , 

'sr 


/ 


M 


( 


THE    INDIANS   WHO    FOUGHT  UNDER  BRADDOCK  BROUGHT  TO 
PHILADELPHIA  BY  CONRAD  WEISER 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS   FOR  DEFENSE.  307 

saying  that  if  the  Governor  neglected  this  opportunity  to 
engage  these  Indians  as  allies  for  the  English  they  would 
all  go  over  to  the  French.     It  was  impossible,  he  said,  to 
remain  neutral  and  live  in  the'  woods.     He  claimed  to  rep 
resent  an  extensive  influence  among  the  Delawares  on  the 
Susquehanna  and  among  the  Wyandots  in  Ohio.     The 
Governor  was  at  a  loss  to  know  what  to  do.     Weiser 
insisted  that  these  Indians  should  be  made  allies  and  given 
the  hatchet  against  the  French  and  their  Indians.     Gov 
ernor  Morris  wavered  and  finally  sent  Weiser  and  Scar- 
oyady  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  for  a  decision  in 
the  matter.    This  action  of  the  Governor's  seemed  to  pro 
voke  the  Assembly,  which  replied  that  it  had  no  knowl 
edge  of  these  Indians  having  been  invited  to  Philadel 
phia.     "It  is  some  surprise  to  us,"  wrjte's-;  the  Speaker, 
"to  find  the  Indians  should  have  reason  to  importune  him" 
(the  Governor),   "or  that  he  should  be  at  any  loss  to 
know  what  he  has  to  impart  to  them  on  this-  occasion. 
Our  conduct    towards    the    Indians  in    our    alliance  has 
always  been  candid  and  free  from  any  subterfuge  what 
ever,  so  that  we  do  not  understand  what  the  Governor 
would  mean  by  telling  us  'that  the  matter  cannot  be  now 
minced,  neither  with  them  nor  the  other  nations.'     And 
we  are  likewise  at  a  loss  to  conceive  why  they  should 
expect  great  presents  from  us  who  are  wholly  ignorant  of 
the  intention  of  their  coming.      The  Governor  has  been 
pleased  to  refuse  his  assent  to  our  bills  which  had  pro 
vided  for  Indian  and  other  expenses ;  and  as  our  treasury 
is  exhausted  by  the  very  heavy  charges  for  the  King's 
service,  these  Indians  are  coming  among  us  at  a  very 
unfortunate  time  when  it  is  not  in  our  power  to  supply 
them  in  the  manner  we  are  inclined  to  do;  however,  we 
will  do  all  that  can  reasonably  be  expected  from  us,  and 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


must  leave  the  rest  to  be  supplied  by  the  Proprietors, 
whose  interest  is  at  least,  as  much  concerned  as  ours  in 
engaging  the  affection  of  the  Indians  at  this  time."* 

The  Governor  was  highly  incensed  at  this  reply,  and 
declared  that  both  the  Proprietors  and  himself  had  been 
treated  in  a  very  unbecoming  manner.     The  Indians  were 
given  presents  to  the  value  of  fifty-seven  pounds   and 
urged  to  remain  in  friendship  with  the  English.     The 
Governor  not  feeling  sure  of  the  support  of  the  Assembly 
declined  to  put  the  hatchet  in  the  hands  of  these  Indians. 
A  feeling  of  disappointment  w^as  felt  among  the  Redskins. 
They  expressed  their  thanks  for  the  presents,  saying  :   "It 
is  now  well-known  to  you  how  unhappily  we  have  been 
defeated  by  the  French,  near  Minongelo,"   (Braddock's 
Defeat)  "we  must  let  you  know  that  it  was  the  pride  and 
ignorance  of  that  great  general  that  came  from  England. 
He  is  now  dead;  but  he  was  a  bad  man  when  he  was 
alive  ;   he  looked  upon  us  as  dogs,  and  would  never  hear 
anything  what  was  said  to  him.     We  often  endeavored 
to  advise  him,  and  to  tell  him  of  the  danger  he  was  in 
with  his  soldiers;  but  he  never  appeared  pleased  with  us, 
and  that  was  the  reason  that  a  great  many  of  our  war 
riors  left  him  and    would  not    be    under    his  command. 
Brethren,  we  would  advise  you  not  to  give  up  the  point, 
though  we  have  in  a  manner  been  chastised  from  above; 
but  let  us  unite  our  strength.     You  are  very  numerous, 
and  all   the  English  Governors  along  the  seashore  can 
raise  men  enough;  don't  let  those  that  come  from  over 
the  great  seas  be  concerned  any  more;  they  are  unfit  to 
fight  in  the  woods.     Let  us  go  ourselves,  we  that  came 
out  of  the  ground,  we  may  be  assured  to  conquer  the 
French.     The  Delawares  and  the  Nanticokes  have  told 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  536,  537. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  309 

me  that  the  French  never  asked  them  to  go  on  the  late 
expedition  against  Braddock,  one  word  of  yours  will 
bring  the  Delawares  to  join  you." 

The  Governor  was  at  a  loss  to  know  how  to  reply. 
He  could  not  afford  to  take  the  Delawares  into  an  alliance. 
The  King  of  England  not  having  declared  war  he  did  not 
feel  at  liberty  to  give  them  the  hatchet.  As  usual  when 
seriously  embarrassed  the  Governor  consulted  Conrad 
Weiser.  For  over  forty  years  the  old  interpreter  had  been 
a  man  of  action.  Right  or  wrong  he  was  always  ready 
with  a  clear  cut  purpose.  He  advised  the  Governor  to 
give  a  general  answer,  to  thank  the  Indians  for  their 
advice,  to  solicit  their  lasting  friendship,  and  to  beg  them 
to  wait  until  the  decision  of  the  Six  Nations  could  be 
learned. 

The  Indians  then  returned  to  their  people,  and  Conrad 
Weiser  was  sent  to  Harris'  Ferry,  where  in  the  early  part 
of  September,  1755,  he  distributed  a  wagon  load  of  flour 
and  many  other  necessaries  among  the  Indians.     Scar- 
oyady's  wife,   one  of  the  recipients  of  this  generosity, 
told  Weiser  how  she  had  aroused  her  brothers  to  go  to 
Ohio  and  bring  her  a  number  of  French  scalps  in  revenge 
for  Braddock's  death.    When  "The  Belt,"  a  chief  of  con 
siderable  importance,  realized  that  Weiser  was  displeased 
with  this  act  of  Indian  loyalty  to  the  English,  he  said,  "I 
must  let  you  know  that  the  Six  Nations  have  told  the 
Delawares  to  lay  aside  their  pettycoats,  to  take  up  the 
hatchet  against  the  French  and  become  men."     To  what 
extent  "The  Belt's"  information  was  correct  is  not  known. 
The  Six  Nations  were  divided.     The  majority  were  with 
the  French.    Weiser  had  scarcely  returned  from  his  expe 
dition  of  distributing  supplies  until  the  wild  war-whoop 
of  the  Indians  was  heard  along  the  Blue  Ridge  from 


3  T °  CONRAD  WEISER. 

Maryland  to  Easton.  The  first  attack  was  on  Patterson's 
Creek,  in  Maryland,  where  forty  white  people  were 
reported  to  have  been  killed.  'The  Indians  destroy  all 
before  them,"  wrote  Trent,  the  trader.  -Firing  houses, 
barns,  stackyards  and  everything  that  will  burn/'  Cro- 
ghan  reported  one  hundred  and  sixty  Indians  in  the  passes 
of  the  Alleghanies.  A  friendly  Indian  had  advised 
Croghan  to  fly  because  the  French  had  a  large  reward 
on  his  scalp.  Croghan  writes  to  Charles  Swain,  at  Ship- 
pensburg.  "I  feared  it  would  come  to  this,  for  I  see  all 
our  great  Directors  of  Indian  affairs  are  very  short 
sighted,  and  glad  I  am  that  I  have  no  hand  in  Indian 
affairs  at  this  critical  time,  when  no  fault  can  be  thrown 
on  my  shoulders.'' 

The  first  attack  within  the  present  limits  of  Pennsyl 
vania  occurred  on  Pcmrs  Creek  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Susquehanna  River  on  territory  which  the  Indians  claimed 
had  been  fraudulently  purchased  at  Albany  a  year  before. 
The  report  of  these  outrages,  which  was  promptly  dis 
patched  to  the  Governor,  was  by  that  official  suppressed. 
The  Governor  evidently  desired  explicit  instructions  from 
the  Proprietors  before  he  acted,  and  hesitated  to  advise 
the  Assembly  of  the  actual  state  of  affairs  on  the  frontier. 
By  this  means  he  forfeited  the  confidence  of  the  people. 
Even  his  private  secretary,  in  a  letter  to  Conrad  Weiser, 
says  (October  18,  1755):  'This  is  a  private  letter  to 
tell  you  that  we  all  blame  the  Governor  very  much  for 
not  laying  before  the  Assembly  all  the  Indian  news.  Your 
letter  of  the  4th  of  October,  and  Croghan's  information 
to  Charles  Swaine.§  But  as  he  is  determined  not  to  say 
anything  more  to  the  Assembly  till  he  hears  from  the 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  640,  642. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  3!  I 

King's ,*  I  am  put  under  intolerable  difficulties. 

By  advice  of  Mr.  Allen  I  showed  the  Speaker,  in  confi 
dence,  George  Croghan's  letter  to  Charles  Swaine,  and 
likewise  your  letter  of  the  4th  of  October,  'tis  last  I  did 
as  I  told  him,  to  be  informed  of  what  -  -*  and  - 
was  come  to  respecting  the  Indians,  but  -  -*  said  I 
had  no  orders  from  the  Governor  to  show  to  him.  This 
is  certainly  (?)  disagreeable  work,  but  I  could  not  rest 
until  (the)  contents  of  your  letter  and  Swaine's  was 
somehow  made  known  to  them,  that  they  may  take 

*  measures  -        — *  out  of  the  Governor  - 

for  the  lives  of  people  are  not  to  be  played  with,  not 
thrown  away  because  the  two  parts  of  the  Legislature 
differ,  at  least  I  am  determined  not  to  be  accessorary  to 
such  a  step.  I  moved"  (?)  [leave  it?]  "to  you  whether 
in  this  unhappy  difference  you  should  not  write  to  the 
Speaker  as  well  as  to  the  Governor,  a  least  all  your  news. 
Pity  me  dear  Conrad  and  take  off  from  my  mind  all  that 
you  can.  Give  full  accounts,  give  clear  and  full  advice, 
say  everything  you  shall  judge  proper  and  notwithstand 
ing  public  differences  make  known  to  both  sides  all  the 
particulars  that  are  absolutely  necessary. 

I  am  your  ft. 
'This  is  private." §  R-  PETERS. 

During  all  this  heated  controversy  between  the  Assem 
bly,  led  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  the  Proprietors  led 
by  the  Governor,  Conrad  Weiser  appears  to  be  the  only 
man  holding  a  public  position  who  did  not  warmly  advo 
cate  one  side  or  the  other.  He  retained  not  only  the  con 
fidence  of  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly,  but  also  of 

*Obliterated- 

§In  the  MS.  collections  of  Conrad  Weiser's  correspondence. 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 


CONRAD  WEISER. 

the  Proprietors  in  England.  He  wrote  plainly  and  witli 
force  to  all  of  them,  and  was  probably  an  important  factor 
in  bringing  the  Proprietors  to  something  like  temporary 
terms. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know  what  Weiser  wrote 
to  Thomas  Penn.  A  fragment  of  the  reply  has  been 
found.  "It  gives  me  great  concern,"  writes  Penn  to 
Conrad  Weiser,  "that  the  situation  of  our  country  should 
oblige  you  to  write  in  the  manner  you  have  done  to  me. 
The  accounts  I  have  received  made  very  deep  impressions 
on  me,  and  tho'  I  and  my  family  have  been  treated  with 
so  much  injustice  by  the  Representatives  (of)  the  people, 
I  would  willingly  undertake  any  hazards  to  ....  peace 
and  good  order  among  the  people  in  general,  but  in  the 

have  given  the  strictest  orders  to  the  Governors 

to  treat  them"  (Indians)  "as  our  own  flesh.  I  have  also 
represented  them  to  every  one  here  as  people  not  only 
useful,  but  unless"  [except?]  "this  debauched  crew  of 
Shawanoes  and  Delawares,  faithful  to  their  engage 
ments."  Weiser  had  doubtless  written  asking  that  a  law 
be  issued  forbidding  Quakers  from  holding  seats  in  the 
Assembly.  Thomas  Penn  replies  to  this,  "It  was  not 
thought  wright  here  to  exclude  Quakers  by  law  from  the 
Assembly,  yet  as  they  have  been  told  they  will  be  excluded 
in  case  they  do  not  withdraw  at  the  next  session."§ 

Weiser  shared  with  the  Governor's  party  a  widespread 
belief  that  the  Quakers  were  responsible  for  the  attitude 
of  the  Assembly,  that  they  urged  the  taxation  of  the  Pro 
prietary  estates  as  a  clog  to  the  passing  of  a  supply  bill. 
As  the  Indian  outrages  increased  the  indignation  of  the 
people  grew  warmer.  These  Delawares  were  once  the 

§Fragment  in  MS.  collection  of  Conrad  Wdser's  correspondence 
111  Pennsylvania  Historical  collections. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  313 

petted  friends  of  the  Quakers.  Now  the  land  is  steeped 
in  blood,  and  these  same  Quakers  must  in  some  way  be 
the  cause  of  it  all.  Others  placed  all  censure  upon  the 
Proprietors  and  the  Governor;  if  they  would  yield  the 
point  about  taxing  the  Proprietary  estates  the  frontier 
could  be  defended.  The  people  and  the  Assembly  were 
ready  and  willing  to  furnish  the  money.  The  Governor 
alone  blocked  the  way.  From  certain  quarters  threats 
of  vengeance  went  out  against  the  Governor.  The 
Assembly  passed  another  bill  November  8,  providing 
for  an  issue  of  sixty  thousand  pounds  in  "Bills  of  Credit." 
A  fund  to  sink  the  same  was  to  be  raised  by  a  tax  of  six 
pence  to  the  pound  on  all  real  estate,  and  eighty  shillings 
per  head  annually  for  four  years.  This  the  Governor 
amended  by  making  an  exception  of  all  Proprietary 
estates.  Then  the  war  between  the  Legislature  and  the 
Executive  was  renewed  with  greater  vigor. 

In  the  meantime  the  Indians  were  burning  and  scalp 
ing  on  the  frontier.  The  settlements  in  the  "Big  and 
Little  Coves"  were  entirely  destroyed.  All  settlers  north 
and  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge  became  targets  for  Indian 
wrath.  John  Harris,  while  returning  from  Shamokin, 
where  he  went  to  deliver  a  message,  was  attacked  by  a 
party  of  Indians  in  ambush,  and  lost  over  half  of  his 
men.  The  old  trader  came  home  and  cut  loop  holes  in 
his  house,  thus  producing  the  first  attempt  toward  a  fort 
ever  made  in  Eastern  Pennsylvania.  He  immediately 
wrote  to  the  Governor,  urging  that  a  bounty  be  offered 
for  Indian  scalps.  When  Conrad  Weiser  heard  of  this 
attack,  he  sent  his  servants  in  the  night  to  alarm  the  neigh 
borhood.  At  day-break  the  people  were  gathered  around 
his  house,  a  mass  of  sturdy  Germans  armed  with  guns, 
old  swords,  pitchforks  and  axes.  Weiser  told  them  of 


314  CONRAD  WETSER. 

the  Indian  outrages  along  the  Susquehanna.  With  one 
voice  the  men  declared  that  they  would  stand  by  each 
other  if  Weiser  would  be  their  leader.  At  two  o'clock 
that  afternoon,  two  hundred  men,  representing  two  town 
ships,  assembled,  each  carrying  provisions  for  three  days. 
Weiser  volunteered  to  join  them  as  a  private  soldier.  The 
men  elected  him  their  commander-in-chief. 

Weiser  divided  them  into  companies  of  thirty  men 
each,  and  allowed  them  to  elect  their  captains,  with  three 
subordinate  officers,  each  of  whom  was  to  have  charge 
of  ten  men.  In  the  meantime  he  had  secretly  sent  a  mes 
senger  some  miles  or  more,  after  a  Lutheran  minister, 
who  preached  a  sermon  and  offered  prayer  to  this  hastily 
improvised  and  democratically  organized  little  army. 
Fifty  men  were  at  once  detailed  to  hold  the  "Swartaro 
Pass,"  and  Wreiser  with  the  remainder,  set  out  for  the 
Susquehanna  River.  After  marching  ten  miles  that  even 
ing,  he  found,  when  he  went  into  camp  that  his  citizens' 
army  had  received  over  one  hundred  recruits.  A  hurried 
inspection  showed  that  his  men  were  all  well  armed  except 
about  twenty,  who  were  supplied  with  axes  and  pitch 
forks.  With  characteristic  instinct  and  practiced  fore 
thought  Weiser  had,  early  that  morning,  ordered  from 
Reading,  a  supply  of  powder  and  lead.  This  arrived 
while  the  inspection  was  progressing.  In  writing  to  Gov 
ernor  Morris,  he  says,  we  all  "unanimously  agreed  to  die 
together,  and  to  engage  the  enemy  wherever  we  should 
meet  with  them,  never  to  inquire  the  number,  but  fight 
them,  and  so  obstruct  their  progress  further  into  the 
inhabited  parts,  till  others  of  our  brethren  should  come 
up  and  so  do  the  same,  and  so  save  the  lives  of  our  wives 
and  children."* 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  657. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  315 

Weiser  led  his  men  over  into  Hanover  township,  Lan 
caster  County,  where  a  consultation  was  held  with  Adam 
Read,  Esq.  This  gentleman  reported  the  attack  on  John 
Harris'  party,  which  went  up  the  river  to  bury  the  dead 
at  Penn's  Creek.  Just  what  occurred  at  this  consultation 
we  are  not  told.  It  is  evident  that  local  jealousies  were 
strong.  Weiser  merely  says  :  "We  had  a  consultation,  and 
as  we  did  not  come  up  to  serve  as  guards  to  Paxton 
people,  but  to  fight  the  enemy  if  they  were  come  so  far 
as  we  first  heard,  we  thought  best  to  return  and  take  care 
of  our  own  townships."  Weiser  therefore  preserved  the 
organization,  but  disbanded  his  men  who  numbered  nearly 
five  hundred.  It  was  his  opinion  that  the  friendly  Indians 
had  all  gone  over  to  the  French,  and  that  the  enemy  were 
determined  to  build  a  fort  on  the  Susquehanna  River, 
probably  at  Shamokin.  He  declared  that  the  people  in 
that  vicinity  were  willing  to  fight.  "I  had  two  or  three 
'long  beards' §  in  my  command,  one  a  Menonist,  who 
declared  he  would  live  and  die  with  his  neighbors;  he 
had  a  gun  with  him." 

Governor  Morris  was  well  pleased  with  this  prompt 
action  of  Weiser's,  and  immediately  sent  him  a  colonel's 
commission,  saying,  "I  have  not  time  to  give  you  any 

instructions, but  leave  it  to  your  judgment  and 

discretion,  which  I  know  are  great,  to  do  what  is  most 
for  the  safety  of  the  people  and  service  of  the  Crown.  .  .  . 
You  may,  on  behalf  of  this  Government,  make  such  offers 
of  rewards  to  the  Indians  or  others  that  you  employ  in 
this  service  as  you  shall  judge  best,  and  I  will  remit  you 
the  money  or  other  things  you  shall  agree  for  as  soon  as 
you  please."* 

§Germans  who  opposed  war. 

*Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  voL    VI.,  p.  660. 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


This  carte  blanche  of  the  Governor's  led  Weiser  into 
interminable  difficulties.  The  trust  and  responsibility 
imposed,  the  continued  and  ruthless  assaults  of  the 
Indians,  the  disorganized  condition  of  the  defense,  the 
paralysis  of  industries  caused  by  such  numbers  of  people 
being  driven  from  the  frontiers,  all  these  things  made  it 
imperative  that  some  one  should  act,  and  in  this  Conrad 
Weiser  was  prompt  and  emphatic.  He  did  things  in  his 
own  way.  Supplies  were  purchased  with  his  own  or  his 
son's  money,  and  the  items  charged  to  the  Province.  As 
long  as  the  war  whoop  was  heard  in  the  mountains  there 
were  no  complaints.  Weiser  had  at  first  general  control 
of  the  forts  and  defenses  between  the  Susquehanna  and 
Delaware  Rivers.  He  was  held  responsible  for  all  dis 
aster.  When  the  Indians  stole  around  the  forts  and  fell 
upon  the  inhabitants,  Weiser  received  the  censure.  When 
there  was  a  lull  in  the  butcheries,  the  soldiers,  who  were 
not  well  disciplined,  not  infrequently  committed  outrages 
upon  the  settlers.  Indeed,  in  some  communities  the 
soldiers  were  as  much  feared  as  the  Indians.  For  all  these 
things  Conrad  Weiser  was  held  accountable.  A  strong 
local  hatred  grew  toward  him. 

While  this  was  waxing  stronger  the  Assembly  had 
succeeded  in  bringing  down  upon  the  Governor  and  the 
Proprietors  such  a  storm  of  indignation  that  mobs  from 
Lancaster  and  Berks  counties  were  only  prevented  from 
going  to  Philadelphia  by  the  earnest  appeals  of  the  magis 
trates.  The  Governor  became  thoroughly  frightened,  and 
wrote  to  England  for  help.  He  insinuated  that  if  these 
mobs  should  come  to  Philadelphia  the  Assembly  would 
find  some  means  to  poison  their  minds,  and  then  they 
would  make  the  Governor  the  victim  of  their  anger. 

This  desperate  condition  of  things  brought  the  Pro- 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  317 

prietors  to  their  senses,  and  they  directed  their  land  agent 
to  donate  five  thousand  pounds  from  uncollected  quit- 
rents  and  fees  to  go  towards  the  expenses  of  the  war. 
This  donation  induced  the  Assembly  to  yield  their  long- 
contested  point  about  taxing  proprietary  estates.  A  bill 
for  sixty  thousand  pounds  in  bills  of  credit  was  then  pre 
sented,  and  the  tax  to  sink  the  same  was  not  to  apply  to 
the  Proprietary  estates.  While  this  matter  was  pending 
a  committee  of  the  Assembly  had  been  distributing  mili 
tary  supplies  on  the  frontier  without  the  knowledge  or 
permission  of  the  Governor. 

Now  when  the  sixty  thousand  pounds  was  placed  at 
the  King's  service  the  Assembly  was  unwilling  to  place 
the  disposition  of  it  entirely  in  the  Governor's  hands. 
Accordingly,  a  Commission  was  appointed  which  largely 
gained  control  of  the  finances.  Before  these  Commission 
ers,  complaints  were  laid  against  Conrad  Weiser's  expen 
ditures,  and  his  conduct  as  commander-in-chief.  There 
is  nothing  surprising  about  this  action  of  some  of  the 
Berks  County  people.  Conrad  Weiser  had  never  been 
without  bitter  enemies,  and  all  they  had  wanted  for  many 
years  was  a  place  to  strike. 

Next  to  the  Indian  war,  the  Berks  County  election  of 
1755  was  the  most  exciting  thing  in  that  locality.  It  had 
been  customary  for  the  Freemen  to  elect  two  men  for 
sheriff",  and  leave  it  to  the  Governor  to  select  and  com 
mission  one  of  them.  Conrad  Weiser  joined  the  Gover 
nor's  party  and  supported  Jonas  Seely  for  sheriff.  The 
Assembly's  party  was  strong  in  Berks  County,  and  Seely 
they  declared  was  a  Governor's  man.  He  belonged  to  the 
ring  in  Reading.  He  was  a  war  man,  and  if  elected 
would  force  a  musket  into  the  hands  of  those  whose  relig 
ious  convictions  were  against  war.  Our  foolish  people 


CONRAD  WEISER. 


believed  all  these  thing's,  writes  Weiser  to  Richard  Peters, 
"and  elected  William  Boone  and  John  Hughes."  Weiser 
was  very  much  incensed  at  this  "foolish  action  of  the 
Germans,"  and  wrote  to  R.  Peters  to  persuade  the  Gov 
ernor  to  appoint  John  Hughes,  "in  order  to  bring  that 
spiteful  fellow  W.  B.  to  some  disappointment."* 

Such  and  similar  actions  led  to  the  appearance  of  an 
anti-Weiser  faction,  not  only  in  Berks  County,  but  also 
in  Philadelphia.  Complaint  was  sent  to  the  Governor  in 
1757.  that  Weiser  frequently  ordered  his  soldiers  to  be 
quartered  at  farm  houses,  and  there  was  no  security  from 
their  outrages;  that  he  enlisted  more  men  than  were 
needed,  and  refused  to  discharge  men  when  their  time 
was  expired;  that  he  was  a  "lover  of  money,"  trying  to 
rob  the  Province.  The  last  complaint  insisted  that 
Weiser's  own  company  was  the  worst  disciplined  of  them 
all. 

Weiser  flatly  denied  all  charges  and  called  the  people 
who  instigated  them  liars.  "If  my  own  company  was  so 
worthless,  he  retorts,  why  did  they  want  it  in  Cumberland 
County,  in  Shamokin,  and  on  Susquehanna."  Then  with 
characteristic  energy  he  declares  that  he  will  resign  rather 
than  rest  under  such  charges. 

W^eiser's  greatest  difficulty,  however,  was  to  get  his 
accounts  against  the  Province  settled.  The  commissioners 
representing  the  Assembly  considered  his  bills  excessive, 
and  hesitated  about  paying  them.  Weiser  wrote  to 
Richard  Peters,  saying,  "I  hope  by  this  time  my  accounts 
against  the  gentlemen,  the  Provincial  Commissioners,  are 
settled,  some  wray  or  other,  and  I  don't  expect  much  good 
or  favor,  nay,  even  doubt  their  doing  me  justice,  which 

*Manuscript  letters  of  Conrad  Weiser,  in  the  collection  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  319 

they  have  refused  me  before;  now,  I  don't  intend  to  wait 
their  pleasure  any  longer  if  I  can  help  it.  I  have  his 
honor,  the  Governor's  order  for  my  late  service  done, 
and  his  promise  to  see  me-  paid  for  the  balance  of  my 
accounts,  which  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  send  to  me  by 
my  son  Peter,  the  bearer  thereof,  before  it  grows  an  old 
debt.  I  have  found  by  experience  that  new  debts  are  suf 
fered  to  grow  old  ones,  and  old  ones  are  never  paid,  which 
is  but  poor  encouragement  for  faithful  servants  to  the 
Government.  I  have  served  the  Government  of  pensil- 
vania  as  provincial  interpreter  since  the  year  1731  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  Governors  and  Assemblies  as  much  as 
I  know.  I  never  heard  nothing  to  the  contrary  till  three 
yers  ago"  (1755), — "when  a  certain  set  of  gentlemen  got 
the  Administration,  or  the  purse  into  their  hands,  then  I 
could  no  more  please,  having  ben  a  little  too  free,  when 
the  blood  of  the  back  inhabitants  was  spilled  like  water, 
and  they"  (Assembly's  Commissioners),  "in  a  manner 
unconcerned,  did  let  me  suffer  prodigeously  and  showed 

their  spite  openly  to  me  for  what  reason well-known 

to  them,  to  you,  and  to  me,  but  I  won't  give  up  the  point, 
truth  will  prevail  at  last.  If  even  I  should  not  live  so 
long.  I  perhaps  went  a  little  too  far,  but  what  signifies 
writing,  if  not  one's  mind."  Richard  Peters  promised 
Weiser  that  his  accounts  should  be  settled.  When  General 
Forbes  was  lying  at  the  point  of  death,  Weiser  was  again 
summoned  to  Philadelphia  for  council.  The  old  man 
hesitated,  and  again  pressed  the  Governor  for  a  settlement 
of  his  accounts.  A  short  time  after  this  we  find  \Veiser 
in  Philadelphia  as  of  yore,  giving  advice  freely,  and  from 
that  we  suppose  that  his  bills  were  paid. 

Weiser's    prompt    and    decided    actions    during    the 
autumn  of  1755  stayed  for  a  time  the  Indian  invasion. 


32O  CONRAD  WEISER. 

Other  localities,  however,  were  attacked.  All  the  settle 
ments  in  the  Big  and  Little  Coves  were  destroyed  and  a 
portion  of  the  people  only  escaped  with  their  lives.  The 
Moravian  missionary  stations  were  destroyed  and  these 
godly  people  were  slaughtered  in  great  numbers. 

The  Delaware  Indians  from  Ohio  ~net  their  Eastern 
brethren  on  the  Big  Island  in  the  west  branch  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna  River  and  endeavored  to  arouse  them  against 
the  English.  These  Western  Indians  danced  the  war 
dance  and  then  addressed  themselves  to  the  Delawares 
on  the  Susquehanna.  "When  Washington  was  defeated, 
we,  the  Delawares,  were  blamed  without  a  cause.  We 
make  up  three  parties  of  Delawares.  One  party  will  go 
against  Carlisle,  one  down  the  Susquehanna,  and  I  myself 
with  another  party  will  go  against  Tulpehocken  to  Conrad 
Weiser.  And  we  shall  be  followed  by  a  thousand  French 
and  Indians."* 

This  plan  to  attack  Conrad  Weiser  was,  no  doubt, 
inspired  by  the  French.  Furthermore,  the  Delawares  on 
the  Ohio  were  not  without  cause  of  complaint  against 
the  great  champion  of  the  Six  Nations.  In  some  way 
they  secured  the  impression  that  Conrad  Weiser  had  been 
the  means  of  persuading  the  Iroquois  to  sell  the  west 
branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  Weiser  soon  found  that  it 
was  impossible  to  protect  the  Tulpehocken  people.  When 
John  Harris  returned  home  from  the  massacre  on  Penn's 
Creek,  he  wrote  to  Edward  Shippen,  insisting  that  scalp 
ing  parties  should  be  sent  into  the  woods,  or  the  Indians 
would  soon  overrun  the  settlements. 

Not  only  John  Harris,  the  trader,  but  James  Hamil 
ton,  the  lawyer,  favored  a  scalp  act.  The  latter,  writing 
to  the  Governor  from  Easton,  says,  "I  heartily  wish  you 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  683. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  321 

were  at  liberty  to  declare  war  against  them,  and  offer 
large  reward  for  scalps,  which  appears  the  only  way  to 
clear  our  frontier  of  those  savages,  and  will,  I  am  per 
suaded,  be  infinitely  cheaper  in  the  end.  For  I  clearly 
foresee  the  expense  of  defending  ourselves  in  the  way 
we  are  in,  will  ruin  the  Province  and  be  far  from  effectual 
at  last,  principally  for  want  of  a  good  militia  law  by  which 
men  might  be  subjected  to  discipline,  for  at  present  they 
enter  themselves  and  then  leave  their  captains  at  their 
own  humor,  without  a  person  in  the  officers  to  punish 
them  for  that  or  any  other  misbehavior." 

The  general  opinion  along  the  frontier  was  that  a 
chain  of  forts  and  block  houses  along  the  Blue  Moun 
tains  from  Easton  to  Maryland  would  be  the  only  effect 
ual  means  of  defense.  John  Potter,  sheriff'  of  Cumber 
land  County,  declared  that  the  only  way  to  prevent 
slaughter  and  destruction  on  the  frontier  was  to  send  a 
strong  force  into  the  centre  of  the  Indians'  strongholds, 
rather  than  supply  a  chain  of  forts.  Governor  Morris 
and  the  Council,  however,  considered  a  system  of  forts 
the  best  possible  means  of  defense ;  Hamilton  on  the  Dela 
ware,  Franklin  on  the  Lehigh,  Weiser  on  the  Schuylkill 
and  Susquehanna,  and  Potter  in  Cumberland  County, 
directed  and  controlled  the  erection  and  maintenance  of 
these  forts.  The  Governor,  in  person,  during  December, 
1755,  and  January,  1756,  directed  this  movement. 

Writing  from  Reading,  in  January,  he  says,  "The 
Commissioners  have  done  every  thing  that  was  proper  in 
the  County  of  Northampton,  but  the  people  are  not  satis 
fied,  nor  by  what  I  can  learn  from  the  Commissioners 
would  they  be,  unless  every  man's  house  was  protected 
by  a  fort  and  a  company  of  soldiers,  and  themselves  paid 
for  staying  at  home  and  doing  nothing.  There  are  in  that 


O-2  CONRAD    WEISER. 

county  at  this  time  three  hundred  men  in  pay  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  yet  from  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants, 
the  want  of  conduct  in  the  officers,  and  of  courage  and  dis 
cipline  in  the  men,  I  am  fearful  that  whole  country  will 
fall  into  the  enemy's  hands/''*  The  Governor's  fears  were 
not  without  foundation  since  the  Indians  for  two  years 
laid  waste  the  frontier  and  scalped  the  settlers  under  the 
very  shadow  of  the  forts. 

After  the  quarrel  between  the  Governor  and  the  Leg 
islature  over  the  supply  bill,  the  Assembly  lost  confidence 
in  the  Executive  and  a  secret  committee  was  appointed 
to  distribute  arms  and  ammunition  among  the  settlers. 
This  movement  led  to  the  appointment  of  a  board  of  Com 
missioners  which  assumed  executive  control  of  the  Pro 
vincial  defenses,  and  paid  out  all  the  moneys.  During  the 
winter  of  1755-1756,  the  Commissioners  urged  the  Gov 
ernor  to  declare  war  with  the  Delaware  Indians.  Scar- 
oyacly,  the  leader  of  the  friendly  Indians,  favored  such 
a  course,  and  ventured  the  opinion  that  the  Six  Nations 
would  approve  such  action.  Accordingly,  the  Governor 
declared  war  against  the  Delaware  Indians  in  April, 
1756,  and  offered  one  hundred  and  thirty  Spanish  dollars 
for  every  male  Indian  scalp  over  twelve  years  of  age. 
For  every  female  Indian  scalp  fifty  Spanish  dolfers  were 
to  be  paid.  Indian  prisoners  were  valued  at  one  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars  for  men  and  one  hundred  and  thirty  dol 
lars  for  women. 

James  Logan,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Council, 
vigorously  opposed  this  declaration  of  war.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  James  Logan  was  a  prominent  member 
of  "The  Society  of  Friends,"  but  a  stout  advocate  of 
defensive  warfare.  Yet  this  declaration  of  war  he 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  pp.  771,  772. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS   FOR  DEFENSE.  323 

declared  to  be  fraught  with  evil  and  ruin  for  the  Prov 
ince.  He  further  showed  that  it  was  issued  just  at  a 
time  when  Conrad  Weiser,  Colonel  Johnson  and  the  Six 
Nations  were  endeavoring  to  unite  the  councils  of  the 
Delawares  and  win  back  the  alienated  friendship  of  the 
Western  tribes.  James  Logan  then  insisted  upon  a  full 
Council  and  urged  that  the  Assembly  be  consulted  before 
the  declaration  was  issued.  The  Governor  and  Council 
decided  that  they  would  declare  war  first  and  consult  the 
Assembly  afterwards.  Doubtless  this  attitude  of  the 
Executive  grew  out  of  some  very  poignant  criticisms 
made  during  the  winter  by  the  Assembly,  in  which  it  was 
hinted  that  the  alienation  of  the  Shawanese  Indians  was 
due  to  the  refusal  of  the  Proprietors  to  pay  them  for  cer 
tain  land  claims  in  Cumberland  County,  and  the  surveying 
of  certain  Proprietary  Manors  on  land  which  the  Shawa 
nese  Indians  claimed.  This  was,  of  course,  denied  by  the 
Governor,  who  insisted  in  behalf  of  the  Proprietors  that 
the  Shawanese  were  squatters,  and  never  had  any  land 
claims  in  Pennsylvania. 

At  the  time  of  this  declaration  of  war,  Conrad  Weiser 
was  summoned  to  Philadelphia.  He  came  with  reluc 
tance.  Weiser  was  loath  to  speak  his  mind.  He  said  that 
he  was  in  favor  of  a  declaration  of  war,  but  opposed  to 
offering  a  reward  for  scalps.  The  Government,  he  said, 
might  offer  rewards  for  Indian  prisoners,  but  a  bounty 
on  scalps  would  only  aggravate  existing  evils.  Since  any 
one  could  bring  in  these  scalps  there  were  no  means  of 
distinguishing  between  the  scalps  of  an  enemy  and  a 
friendly  Indian.  Indeed,  this  was  the  core  of  the  whole 
difficulty.  Scalps  of  friendly  Indians  were  taken  and  the 
peace  negotiations  with  the  Eastern  Indians  frustrated. 
The  members  of  the  "Society  of  Friends,"  and  many 


324  CONRAD    WEISER. 

others  in  Philadelphia  united  in  a  petition  to  the  Gover 
nor  against  the  declaration  of  war  and  the  bounty  on 
scalps.     They  urged    that    such    action    was  hasty  and 
premature;  that  full  time  had  not  been  allowed  "for  those 
Indians  who  still  remain  well  affected  towards  us,  to  use 
and  report  the  effect  of  their  endeavors  to  reconcile  our 
enemies."     They  claimed  that  by  such  conduct  even  our 
allies  might  become  alienated  and   urged  that  a   fuller 
opportunity  be  given  to  make  peace  with  these  Indians.* 
Col.  Johnson,  in  writing  to  Governor  Shirley,  April 
24>    I756;-   says:      "I    am    surprised    that    Mr.    Morris, 
whose  Province  was  so  much  interested  in  the  results  of 
the  Six  Nations'  Embassy,  who  was  a  principal  in  it,  and 
to  whom  I  sent  a  copy  of  my  late  proceedings,  would  not 
want  to  bear  the  effects  of  this  embassy  before  he  entered 
into  this  consequental  measure.    What  will  the  Delawares 
and  Shawonese  think  of  such  opposition  and  contradic 
tion  in  our  conduct  ?    How  shall  I  behave  at  the  approach 
ing  meeting  at  Onondago,  not  only  to  those  Indians  but  to 
the  Six  Nations;  these  hostile  measures  which  Mr.  Morris 
has  entered  into  is  throwing  all  our  Schemes  into  confu 
sion,  and  must  naturally  give  the  Six  Nations  such  im 
pressions,  and  the  French  such  advantage  to  work  against 
us  that  I  tremble  for  the  consequences.     I  think  without 
consulting  your  Excellency,  without  the  concurrence  of 
the  other  neighboring  Provinces,  without  my  receiving 
previous  notice  of  it,  this  is  a  very  unadvised  and  unac 
countable  proceeding  of  Governor  Morris,  I  cannot  but  be 
of   opinion,    if   terms    of   good    accommodation   can   be 
brought   about,    that   in   the   present  critical  situation  of 
affairs  it  will  be  far  more  eligible  than  to  enter  into  hostil- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  pp.  85,  86. 


PENNSYLVANIA  EFFORTS  FOR  DEFENSE.  325 

ities  against  these  Indians,  especially  as  a  few  days  will 
determine  what  part  we  have  to  choose."* 

The  friendly  Indians  in  Pennsylvania  were  numerous, 
and  could  easily  have  been  increased  until  their  number 
would  have  been  a  far  more  effectual  barrier  against  the 
French  and  their  allies  than  any  chain  of  forts.  The  old 
"Belt,"  a  friendly  chief  on  the  Susquehanna  near  Harris' 
Ferry,  was  very  much  disappointed,  and  his  affection  for 
the  English  cooled  by  the  action  of  the  "Paxton  people." 
Early  in  this  struggle,  Weiser,  in  a  letter  to  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  said :  "Your  Honor  will  have  heard  by 
this  time  that  Paxton  people  took  an  enemy  Indian  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Narrows  above  Samuel  Hunters  and 
brought  him  down  to  Carson's  house,  where  they  exam 
ined  him.  The  Indian  begged  his  life  and  promised  to 
tell  all  what  he  knew  to-morrow  morning,  but  (shocking 
to  me)  they  shot  him  in  the  midst  of  them,  scalped  him, 
and  threw  his  body  into  the  river.  The  old  'Belt'  told  me 
that  as  a  child  of  Onontio  he  deserved  to  be  killed,  but  he 
would  have  been  very  glad  if  they  had  delivered  him  up  to 
the  Governor  in  order  to  be  examined  stricter  and 
better."§ 

The  "old  Belt"  was  disappointed  that  his  white  broth 
ers  should  resort  to  lynching.  He  felt  that  no  mob  of  citi 
zens  had  a  right  to  take  even  an  enemy's  life.  It  was  such 
actions  as  these  which  cooled  the  ardor  of  the  friendly 
Indians,  and  seriously  embarrassed  peace  negotiations. 
The  plan  of  defense  by  a  line  of  forts,  the  expenditure  of 
^ver  50,000  pounds,  the  arming  of  over  one  thousand 
men,  the  bounty  on  Indian  scalps,  all  these  things  were  of 
no  avail  in  protecting  the  frontier.  The  stealthy  savage 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.   117. 
§Penna,  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI.,  p.  763, 


326  CONRAD    WEISER. 

in  the  dead  hours  of  the  night,  or  at  high  noon,  fell  upon 
the  inhabitants  in  the  least  suspected  quarter.  Pennsyl 
vania  was  saturated  in  blood.  Whole  settlements  were 
destroyed.  Fire  and  plunder,  death  and  murder  flourished 
in  the  teeth  of  all  opposition.  For  over  seventy-five  years 
Pennsylvania  had  lived  in  peace  with  the  Indians.  Now 
when  war  rages  along  her  border  it  was  not  so  much  her 
defenses  as  her  peace  negotiations  which  won  protection 
for  her  people.  Weiser  with  one  hand  maintained  resist 
ance,  but  with  the  other  he  negotiated  for  peace.  The 
Wyoming  Indians  and  most  of  the  Eastern  Indians,  dur 
ing  the  darkest  periods  of  the  war,  i/56-'57  ancl  ?58, 
refrained  from  joining  the  French,  and  the  Ohio  Indians. 
The  greatest  victories  which  Pennsylvania  ever  won  in 
this  French  and  Indian  war  were  victories  of  peace. 


RECONCILIATION.  32 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
RECONCILIATION. 

The  Society  of  Friends  endeavors  to  make  Peace  with  the  Indians- 
Conrad  Weiser  and  Israel  Pemberton  have  an  Interview  with  the 
Indians— The  Governor  consults  his  Council— Weiser  now  sup 
ports  the  Declaration  of  War  against  the  Delawares— 
favor  the  Delawares— The  Wrongs  of  the  Delawares— The  Peace 
Message— Col.  Johnson's  Peace  Conference— Teedyuscung  buries 
the  Hatchet— The  First  Easton  Conference— Teedyuscung  s  Speech 
—"The  Bi^  Peace  Halloo"— "The  Peace  Belts"— Teedyuscung: loses 
his  Temper— The  Governor  issues  the  Peace  Message— The  Cause 
of  Peace  in  Danger— Pennsylvania  forbidden  from  making  further 
Peace  Negotiations— The  Indians  suspicious  of  Conrad  Weiser— 
The  second  Easton  Treaty— Governor  Denny  refuses  to  go  to 
Easton— The  Conferences  opened  at  Easton— Teedyuscung  claims 
to  have  been  defrauded  of  his  Lands— Weiser  defends  the  Walking 
Purchase— An  Investigating  Committee  appointed— Conditions  o 
Peace  suggested— Weiser  conducts  Teedyuscung  away  from  Easton 
—The  Anti- Proprietary  Party  take  up  the  Cause  of  Teedyuscung- 
Weiser  defends  the  Proprietary  Faction— The  Lancaster  Conter- 
ence— The  Coming  of  Teedyuscung— Teedyuscung  demands  a 
Private  Secretary— Weiser  suspects  Israel  Pemberton— 
nor  angry  with  the  Commissioners-Richard  Peters  offended- 
Teedyuscung  secures  Charles  Thomson  as  Clerk—Charles 
Thomson  charges  Weiser  with  getting  Teedyuscung  mtoxicated- 
Teedyuscung's  Fear  of  the  Six  Nations— Efforts  to  secure  a 
Retraction  of  Teedyuscung's  Charges  of  Fraud— 1  he  old  Deeds  tc 
be  shown  to  Teedyuscung— An  Indian  Peace  secured. 

THE  declaration  of  war  made  by  Governor  Morris 
against  the  Delaware  Indians,  and  the  scalp  bounty 
offered,  aroused  the  active  members  of  "The  Society  of 
Friends."  They  felt  that  the  entire  Indian  policy  of  Penn 
sylvania  was  reversed,  that  the  Indians  would  not  have 
fallen  upon  the  frontier  without  a  grievance,  and  that 
adequate  efforts  had  not  been  made  towards  reconcilia 
tion.  Accordingly  in  April,  1756,  while  some  friendly 
Indians  were  in  Philadelphia,  Israel  Pemberton  waited 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


upon  the  Governor  in  behalf  of  numerous  Friends,  and 
asked  permission  to  invite  the  chiefs  to  dine  with  a  com 
mittee  of  Quakers,  in  order  that  the  Indian  grievances 
might  be  learned,  and  efforts  made  to  bring  about  a  peace. 
The  Friends  offered  to  bear  all  the  expenses  and  con 
duct  the  negotiations  as  a  private  affair,  and  do  nothing 
without  the  Governor's  approbation.  The  Provincial  fi 
nances  were,  at  that  time,  in  such  an  embarrassed  condi 
tion,  that  the  Governor  seemed  entirely  willing  to  place 
the  peace  negotiations  in  the  hands  of  the  Friends,  on  con 
ditions  that  Conrad  Weiser  should  be  advised  of  every 
thing  said  to  the  Indians,  as  well  as  all  information 
received  from  them.  Weiser  entered  into  this  affair  with 
hearty  zeal.  When  Israel  Pemberton  set  forth  at  dinner 
the  peace  principles  of  the  Friends  the  Indians  were 
greatly  pleased,  and  Scaroyady,  their  speaker,  was 
delighted.  He  declared  that  the  Six  Nations  would 
eagerly  join  in  such  a  project.  The  Governor  told  Israel 
Pemberton  that  when  these  negotiations  were  sufficiently 
ripened  he  would  lay  the  affair  before  the  Council. 

That  afternoon  Conrad  Weiser  and  Israel  Pemberton 
had  a  long  conference  with  Scaroyady,  in  which  it  was 
deemed  wise  to  send  messengers  to  the  Councils  of  the  Six 
Nations,  "setting  forth  their  conference  with  the  Quakers, 
their  religious  Professions  and  their  Characters,  and  the 
influence  they  had  as  well  with  the  Government  as  the 
people,  their  desiring  to  bring  about  a  peace,  and  their 
offer  to  become  mediators  between  them  and  the  Govern 
ment;  that  he  (Scaroyady)  and  the  other  Six  Nations 
had  heard  what  they  said  with  pleasure  and  desired  that 
they  would  hearken  to  it,  cease  their  hostilities  and  accept 
this  mediation,  and  least  they"  (the  Indians)  "might  be 
afraid  that  they  had  done,  too  much  mischief  and  taken  too 


RECONCILIATION.  32Q 

many  lives,  even  more  than  could  possibly  be  forgiven,  he 
assured  them  these  peaceable  People  would,  notwithstand 
ing  this,  obtain  their  pardon  if  they  would  immediately 
desist,  send  the  English  prisoners  to  some  place,  there 
deliver  them  up  to  the  Governor,  and  request  peace  of  him 
and  forgiveness  for  what  was  past/' 

When  Israel  Pemberton  and  Conrad  Weiser  laid  this 
report  before  the  Governor  he  called  his  Council  together 
and  asked  ( I )  if  it  were  proper  to  permit  Friends  to  act 
as  mediators;  (2)  should  a  peace  be  proposed  on  condi 
tions  of  forgiveness  and  return  of  prisoners;  (3)  would 
such  a  message  in  any  way  obstruct  establishing  a  fort  at 
Shamokin;  (4)  would  it  not  be  better  to  invite  the 
friendly  Indians  such  as  Paxinosa  to  come  near  the  settle 
ments  and  thus  be  out  of  danger.* 

The  Council  was  a  long  time  deliberating,  and  they 
finally  advised  the  Governor  to  leave  it  entirely  with  the 
Quakers.  They  were  opposed  to  the  Government's 
assuming  any  responsibility.  Scaroyady,  Newcastle  and 
several  friendly  Indians  agreed  to  carry  this  peace  mes 
sage  among  the  hostile  Dela wares  and  even  into  the 
haunts  of  the  Six  Nations,  where  the  deputies  were  in 
structed  to  solicit  Sir  William  Johnson's  influence  in  per 
suading  Pennsylvania  to  recall  her  declaration  of  war  and 
"scalp  bounty  act/' 

Conrad  Weiser,  however,  advised  the  Governor  to 
leave  the  war  declaration  stand.  It  would,  he  thought, 
influence  the  hostile  Delawares  to  sue  for  peace.  The 
Council  not  being  able  to  decide  what  message  to  send  to 
the  Indians,  Conrad  Weiser  was  called  in  to  assist.  He 
urged  that  the  Declaration  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
bring  the  Delawares  to  their  senses,  and  that  it  would  be 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  pp.  103,  104, 


33°  CONRAD    WEISER. 

agreeable  to  the  Six  Nations.  Then  Weiser  quoted  from 
former  interviews  with  their  chiefs,  who  insisted  that  the 
English  were  cowards  sitting  with  their  head  between 
their  knees  while  the  Delawares  struck,  and  begging  the 
Six  Nations  to  chastise  their  subjects  for  breaking  the 
peace.  Weiser  went  further  and  insisted  that  Scaroyady, 
as  the  representative  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  not  offended 
at  the  bounty  offered  for  scalps.  In  these  matters  Weiser 
revealed  his  inbred  admiration  for  the  Iroquois,  and  un 
dying  contempt  for  the  Delawares. 

The  Friends  on  the  other  hand  were  in  sympathy 
with  the  Delawares  and  their  wrongs.  They  believed  that 
the  Six  Nations  had  been  oppressive  in  their  policy. 
Scarcely  anyone  at  that  time  knew  to  what  extent  the 
Delawares  had  thrown  off  the  yoke  of  the  Iroquois.  It 
was  only  after  long  years  of  bloody  warfare,  after  the  en 
tire  frontier  of  the  State  had  been  plundered  and  burned, 
and  settlers  had  been  scalped  and  butchered  again  and 
again,  under  the  very  shadows  of  the  forts,  that  the 
authorities  of  Pennsylvania  awoke  to  the  fact  that  the 
Delawares  were  an  independent  people,  and  able  to  man 
age  their  own  affairs. 

Had  the  Indian  policy  of  Pennsylvania,  since  the  com 
ing  of  Conrad  Weiser,  recognized  the  rights  of  the  Dela 
ware  Indians  to  land  on  the  Delaware  River,  and  confined 
the  Six  Nations  to  their  land  claims  on  the  Susquehanna, 
as  William  Penn  himself  did,  this  dark  chapter  in  colonial 
history  might  have  read  differently  to-day.  It  will  be 
remembered  in  Chapter  II,  page  28,  that  in  1736,  when 
the  Iroquois  gave  a  deed  for  all  their  Susquehanna  lands 
south  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  a  second  deed  was  pro 
cured  for  the  Delaware  lands.  This  was  done  at  the  sug 
gestion  of  the  Provincial  authorities,  and  revealed  to  the 


RECONCILIATION.  331 

Delaware  Indians  in  1742  that  they  had  not  only  lost  the 
rights  of  their  fathers  on  that  river,  but  that  they  had 
become  outcasts  in  the  wilderness,  without  a  hunting 
ground.  They  swallowed  their  insult  from  the  Six 
Nations  and  removed  to  Wyoming,  with  the  wrongs  of 
the  "Walking  Purchase"  still  rankling  in  their  bosoms. 
Indians  have  long  memories.  They  brooded  over  these 
things,  and  finally,  when  the  French  promised  to  aid  them 
in  getting  back  their  lost  lands,  a  number  of  their  young 
men,  and  most  of  the  Ohio  tribes,  put  on  the  war  paint. 
Although  the  Indians  had  long  memories,  they  had  faith 
ful  hearts,  and  many  of  the  old  men  remembered  William 
Penn  and  the  kind  treatment  of  former  years.  Old  Paxi- 
nosa,  the  Shawanese  chief  at  Wyoming,  poured  forth  his 
eloquence  for  peace.  Newcastle  declared  that  he  would 
die  for  the  sons  of  Onas.  Hundreds  of  brave  warriors 
were  undecided,  until  they  heard  of  the  Declaration  of 
War  and  the  Scalp  Act,  "then  a  mighty  shout  arose  which 
shook  the  very  mountains,  and  all  the  Dela wares  and 
Shawanese,  except  a  few  old  sachems,  danced  the  war 
dance."  Those  who  felt  it  wrong  to  use  the  war  paint 
were  heart-broken.  Paxinosa  took  his  family  and  moved 
up  towards  Tioga  away  from  the  scenes  of  war.  He  sat 
for  days  at  a  time  meditating  over  the  waywardness  of  his 
people.  The  sons  of  Teedyuscung,  the  "King  of  the  Del- 
awares,"  dragged  Paxinosa  for  a  brief  time  into  their  war 
parties.  Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  the 
Friends  offered  to  act  as  peacemakers. 

The  Delaware  chiefs,  Newcastle,  Jonathan  and 
Andrew  Montour,  grasped  at  these  overtures  as  drowning 
men  would  at  a  straw.  They  would  risk  their  lives  carry 
ing  messages  of  peace  for  the  Governor.  So  strong,  how 
ever,  was  the  hatred  of  these  Delawares  for  their  former 


332  CONRAD    WEISER. 

masters  the  Iroquois,  that  they  declared  they  would  do 
nothing  for  Scaroyady  and  the  Six  Nations.* 

The  Governor  was  about  to  issue  passes  for  these 
Indian  messengers,  when  he  suddenly  changed  his  mind 
and  determined  to  have  no  official  connection  with  the 
affair.  The  next  day  a  message  arrived  from  New  York 
containing  Sir  William  Johnson's  criticisms  of  Governor 
Morris'  declaration  of  war,  and  his  scalp  bounty.  The 
Governor  immediately  changed  his  mind  again,  and 
decided  to  send  forth  the  messengers  of  peace  in  his  own 
name. 

While  these  messengers  were  penetrating  the  moun 
tain  paths  leading  to  Wyoming,  with  their  lives  in  con 
tinual  jeopardy,  Sir  William  Johnson  was  holding  a  peace 
conference  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Otsa- 
ningo,  where  it  was  decided  that  the  Delaware  Indians 
were  acting  like  drunken  men,  and  deputies  were  sent  to 
order  them  to  get  sober,  and  leave  off  striking  their 
friends  the  English.  Since  this  conference  was  composed 
of  only  a  portion  of  the  Iroquois,  the  Delawares  replied  in 
a  very  haughty  manner,  saying,  we  are  no  longer  women, 
we  are  men.  "We  are  determined  to  cut  off  all  the  Eng 
lish  except  those  that  make  their  escape  from  us  in  ships."§ 
While  Newcastle  was  spreading  the  "Quaker  peace  doc 
trine"  among  the  Indians  at  Diago  (Tioga)  another  mes 
sage  was  sent  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  in  which  the  Dela 
wares  promised  to  make  peace  with  their  white  brothers 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  to  obey  their  uncles  the  Iroquois.  In 
July,  1756,  Newcastle  was  again  in  Philadelphia. 

Teedyttscung,  the  great  war  chief  of  the  united  Dela 
ware  Nations,  had  been  persuaded  by  Newcastle  to  bury 

*Penna.   Colonial   Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.   105. 
§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  522, 


TEKDYUSCUNG.  CHIEF  OF  THE  DELAWARE  INDIANS 


RECONCILIATION..  333 

the  hatchet.  This  was  a  remarkable  victory.  The  back 
bone  of  the  Indian  outrages  was  broken.  Newcastle  plead 
with  Governor  Denny  to  be  prompt  or  all  would  be  lost. 
The  Indians  could  not  give  up  their  prisoners,  he  said, 
until  a  peace  was  completed.  For  this  reason  Newcastle 
urged  that  the  Governor  refrain  from  pushing  this 
demand  until  a  firm  peace  was  established.  With  much 
reluctance  the  Governor  yielded  to  this  faithful  and  intel 
ligent  Indian. 

Arrangements  were  made  for  a  conference  at  Easton. 
Conrad  Weiser  was  ordered  to  concentrate  his  soldiers  in 
that  vicinity,  and  furnish  a  guard  for  the  Governor,  who 
with  his  Council  reached  Easton  July  24,  1756.  But  noth 
ing  of  importance  could  be  done  until  the  27th,  because 
Conrad  Weiser  had  not  arrived.  Teedyuscung  insisted 
upon  having  his  own  interpreter.  After  some  hesitation 
this  was  allowed.  Weiser  after  a  long  conference  with  the 
Council  determined  the  course  to  be  pursued.  The  treaty 
was  then  formally  opened  on  the  28th. 

The  Governor  welcomed  Teedyuscung,  who  replied : 
"The  first  messages  you  sent  me  came  in  the  spring,  they 
touched  my  heart,  they  gave  me  abundance  of  joy.  You 
have  kindled  a  council  fire  at  Easton.  I  have  been  here 
several  days  smoking  my  pipe  in  patience,  waiting  to 
hear  your  good  words.  Abundant  confusion  has  of  late 
years  been  rife  among  the  Indians,  because  of  their  loose 
ways  of  doing  business.  False  leaders  have  deceived  the 
people.  It  has  bred  quarrels  and  heart-burnings  among 
my  people.  The  Delaware  is  no  longer  the  slave  of  the 
Six  Nations.  I,  Teedyuscung,  have  been  appointed  King 
over  the  Five  United  Nations  and  representative  of  the 
five  Iroquois  Nations.  What  I  do  here  will  be  approved 
by  all.  This  is  a  good  day;  whoever  will  make  peace  let 


334  CONRAD    WETSER. 

him  lay  hold  of  this  belt,  and  the  nations  around  shall  see 
and  know  it.  I  desire  to  conduct  myself  according  to  your 
>,  which  I  will  perform  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  I 
wish  the  same  good  that  possessed  the  good  old  man  Wil 
liam  Penn,  who  was  a  friend  to  the  Indian,  may  inspire 
the  people  of  this  Province  at  this  time."* 

The  Governor  responded   warmly  to  Teedyuscung's 
•tures,  and  the  preliminaries  of  a  peace  were  arranged, 
bmce  only  a  few  Indians  had  accompanied  Teedyuscung 
to  Easton,  it  was  argued  that  "the  King '§  and  Newcastle 
lould   go   hack   among   the    Indians  and  give  the  "Big 
Peace  Halloo,"  and  gather  their  people  together  for  an 
other  larger  peace  conference.     The  Governor  then  gave 
Teedyuscung  a  small  present,  saying:    "I  think  it  .... 
necessary  to  inform  you  that  a  part  of  this  present  was 
given  by  the  people  called  Quakers  (who  are  descendants 
of  those  who  first  came  over  to  this  country  with  your  old 
friend  William  Penn)  as  a  particular  testimony  of  their 
regard  and  affection  for  the  Indians,  and  their  earnest 
desire  to  promote  the  good  work  of  peace  in  which  we  are 
now  engaged."!  I 

Teedyuscung  and  his  followers  were  given  a  grand 
entertainment.  The  old  chief  was  highly  pleased  with 
such  hospitality,  declaring  again  and  again  that  he  would 
go  forth  and  do  all  in  his  power  for  peace.  After  dinner, 
when  the  Philadelphia  Friends  came  to  bid  him  "fare 
well,  he  parted  with  them  in  a  very  affectionate  manner." 
He  plead  for  peace  and  insisted  that  he  and  his  people 
were  not  responsible  for  the  actions  of  the  Ohio  Indians. 
He  repeatedly  urged  that  the  white  people  hold  fast  to  that 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  213. 

§Teedyuscung. 

[|Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VTI..  p.  214. 


RECONCILIATION.  335 

peace  belt  until  he  could  persuade  his  people  to  bury  the 
hatchet. 

This   peace   belt   contained   a   "square  in  the  middle, 
meaning  the  lands  of  the  Indians,  and  at  one  end  the  fig 
ure  of  a  man,  indicating  the  English  and  at  the  other  end 
another"  man  "meaning  the  French."     "Our  uncles,  the 
Iroquois,"  said  Teedyuscung,  "told  us  that  both  these  cov 
eted  our  lands,"  and  invited  us  to  join  them  in  defending 
our  lands  against  both  the  English  and  the  French,  prom 
ising  that  we  should  share  the  land  with  them.*     This 
explanation  excited  the  Governor's  suspicion.     He  called 
together  his  Council  secretly,  and  invited  Conrad  Weiser, 
asking  him  if  it  would  be  wise  or  proper  for  the  Governor 
to  keep  that  belt.     Weiser  replied  that  he  had  entertained 
some    doubts    upon    that    subject  himself,  and  therefore 
sought  advice  from  Newcastle.    This  faithful  Indian  dis 
ciple  of  Quakerism  told  him  that  the  Six  Nations  had  sent 
the  belt  to  the  Delawares,  who  in  turn  had  sent  it  to  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania.     This  of  itself  was  an  act  in 
troductory  of  peace.     It  was  a  belt  of  much  consequence 
and  should  be  preserved  among  the  council  wampum,  and 
another  bigger  belt  nearly  a  fathom  long  should  be  given 
to   the    Indians   at   the    Council    to-morrow.     Newcastle 
further  advised  that  Teedyuscung  be  liberally  supplied  with 
wampum  if  the  cause  of  peace  was  expected  to  prosper. 
Conrad    Weiser    immediately    emphasized    Newcastle's 
advice  and  observed  that  the  French  gave  quantities  of 
wampum  to  their  Indians,  and  if  we  hoped  to  draw  the 
Indians  away  from  the  French  we  must  outbid  them  in 
the  length  of  our  wampum  belts.     These  arguments  were 
convincing  to  the  Council.    A  messenger  was  immediately 
sent  to  Bethlehem  to  bring  the  material,  and  the  Indian 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  213. 


33^  CONRAD    WEISER. 

women  were  called  in  and  set  to  work  making  belts.  One 
for  Teedyuscung  was  to  be  a  fathom  long  and  sixteen  beads 
wide.  In  the  centre  was  to  be  the  figure  of  a  man,  typify 
ing  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  and  on  each  side  five 
other  figures,  emblematic  of  the  ten  nations  which  Tee 
dyuscung  professed  to  represent. 

While  this  work  was  going  on,  Teedyuscung,  suspicious 
and  fearful  of  treachery,  grew  angry  because,  as  he  sup 
posed,  the  Governor  had  invited  Indian  women  into  his 
councils.  He  rushed  into  the  room  unannounced,  and  in 
a  loud  voice  said:  "Why  do  you  council  in  the  dark? 
Why  do  you  consult  with  women  ?  Why  do  you  not  talk 
in  the  light?"  The  Governor  replied:  "My  councils  are 
set  on  a  hill,  I  have  no  secrets.  The  Governor  never  sits 
in  swamps,  but  speaks  his  mind  openly.  The  squaws  are 
here  making  belts,  not  holding  a  council."  This  explana 
tion,  which  was  doubtless  the  words  of  Weiser  in  the 
mouth  of  the  Governor,  appeased  the  anger  of  Teedyus 
cung,  and  he  withdrew. 

The  next  day  the  Governor  "taking  two  belts"  of 
wampum  "joined  together  in  his  hands,  and  addressing 
Newcastle  and  Teedyuscung,  declared"  them  to  be  mes 
sengers  of  peace  for  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  to  go 
abroad  among  the  hostile  tribes  persuading  them  by  elo 
quence  and  reason  to  bury  the  hatchet,  to  desert  the 
French  and  unite  again  with  the  English.  The  Governor 
gave  each  of  the  messengers  an  armload  of  wampum  and 
bid  them  God-speed.  This  was  no  slight  mission  which 
was  undertaken  by  these  two  Indians.  The  savage  heart 
was  moved  not  so  much  by  bribes  as  by  plausible  argu 
ments  and  by  fervid  eloquence.  The  secret  embassies  of 
the  French  were  everywhere,  using  every  conceivable 
device  to  thwart  the  designs  of  the  peace-makers.  French 


RECONCILIATION.  337 

rewards  were  upon  the  scalps  of  these  faithful  Indians  and 
danger  surrounded  them  on  every  side. 

But  the  greatest  danger  to  the  cause  of  peace  lay  with 
some  of  the  soldiers  sent  to  defend  the  frontiers.  After 
the  Easton  Conference,  Teedyuscung  lingered  at  Fort 
Allen.  The  captain  was  in  Philadelphia  and  Lieutenant 
Miller  was  in  charge.  Teedyuscung  had  sixteen  deer  skins 
which  he  said  he  was  going  to  present  to  "the  Governor  to 
make  him  a  pair  of  gloves."  Miller  probably  well  knew 
that  this  was  the  figurative  language  of  the  Indian  to 
express  his  appreciation  of  the  Governor's  kind  treatment, 
yet  he  insisted  that  one  skin  was  enough  to  make  the  Gov 
ernor  a  pair  of  gloves,  and  after  a  liberal  use  of  rum 
secured  the  entire  sixteen  deer  skins  for  three  pounds. 
Teedyuscung  could  not,  like  the  Iroquois  counsellors  of  a 
generation  earlier,  withstand  the  temptation  of  strong 
drink.  While  intoxicated  he  sold  the  deer  skins,  and  then 
tarried  at  the  Fort  demanding  rum,  which  Miller  freely 
gave,  since  it  belonged  to  the  Provincial  supply.  New 
castle  went  off  in  disgust.  The  authorities  at  Philadel 
phia  were  apprehensive  that  Teedyuscung  was  not  sincere 
in  his  peace  professions.  Indians  on  the  border  insinuated 
that  the  Easton  Conference  was  but  a  ruse  to  gain  time, 
and  that  Teedyuscung  was  a  traitor,  working  in  the 
French  interest.  Finally  when  William  Parson's  letter  to 
the  Governor  was  received  (August  14,  1756)  setting 
forth  the  true  cause  of  Teedyuscung's  detention  at  Fort 
Allen,  Conrad  Weiser  was  ordered  to  look  into  the  affair 
and  to  punish  the  offending  lieutenant. 

This  was  promptly  done,  but  the  mischief  which 
Miller  caused  came  near  destroying  all  that  had  been  done 
for  peace.  Miller  was  discharged  and  Teedyuscung  went 
to  Wyoming,  and  up  the  North  Branch  of  the  Susque- 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


hanna,  persuading  the  Indians  to  bury  the  hatchet  and  to 
send  deputies  to  a  second  conference  at  Easton  to  be  held 
in  October.  In  the  meantime  the  Governor  when  he  be 
came  suspicious  of  Teedyusctmg's  delay  at  Fort  Allen, 
sent  Newcastle  secretly  to  New  York  to  learn  from  the 
Six  Nations  if  they  had  ever  deputized  Teedyuscung  to 
represent  them  in  public  treaties.  Newcastle  returned 
with  the  report  that  the  Six  Nations  denied  the  authority 
of  Teedyuscung. 

The  prospects  of  peace  were  growing  more  and  more 
embarrassing.    England,  now  that  war  was  declared  with 
France.  (April,  1756)  sent  Lord  London  to  America  to 
take  charge.    Indian  affairs  were  placed  under  the  control 
of  two  men,  Sir  William  Johnson  for  the  Northern,  and 
Mr.  Atkins  for  the  Southern  colonies.     London's  policy 
was  to  secure  as  many  Indians  as  possible  for  allies,  and 
with  them  strike  the  French.     To  this  end  Mr.  Atkins 
secured  the  alliance  of  the  Cherokee  and  other  Southern 
tribes.     These  were  immediately  added  to  the  armies  of 
Virginia  and  Western  Pennsylvania.    This  act  stirred  the 
Northern    Indians.      The    Iroquois    and    the    Delawares 
declared  that  they  could  never  fight  on  the  same  side  with 
the  despised  Cherokees.     This  Southern  alliance  meant 
Northern  revolt,  and  threatened  to  crush  the  peace  negoti 
ations  at  Easton.    At  this  critical  juncture,  Lord  London, 
whose  ignorance  of  the  problem  before  him  was  equalled 
only  by  his  contempt  for  provincialism,  ordered  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Pennsylvania  to  have  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  Indian  affairs.     Sir  William  Johnson,  only,  should 
control  these  things.     Moreover,  all  efforts  towards  peace 
were  advantages  given  to  the  enemy.    Johnson,  however, 
was  inclined  towards  peace,  but  he  seriously  complicated 
affairs  in  Pennsylvania  by  appointing  George  Croghan 


RECONCILIATION.  339 

his  sole  deputy  in  the  Province.  Croghan  and  Weiser 
had  quite  different  views  upon  Indian  affairs.  The  In 
dians  were  quick  to  notice  these  changes.  Jonathan,  an 
old  Mohawk  chief,  in  conversation  with  Conrad  Weiser 
said :  "Is  it  true  that  you  are  become  a  fallen  tree,  that 
you  must  no  more  engage  in  Indian  affairs,  neither  as 
counsellor  nor  interpreter?  What  is  the  reason?"  Weiser 
replied,  "It  is  all  too  true.  The  King  of  Great  Britain  has 
appointed  Warruychyockon  (Col.  William  Johnson)  to 
be  manager  of  all  Indian  affairs  that  concern  treaties  of 
friendship,  war,  etc.  And  that  accordingly  the  Great 
General  ( Lord  London )  that  came  over  the  Great  Waters, 
had  in  the  name  of  the  King  ordered  the  Government  of 
Pennsylvania  to  desist  from  holding  treaties  with  the 
Indians,  and  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  will  obey 
the  King's  command,  and  consequently  I,  as  the  Govern 
ment's  servant,  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  Indian  af 
fairs."  Jonathan  and  his  companion  replied  in  concert, 
"Ha!  Ha!"  meaning  "Oh,  sad."  The  two  Indians  then 
wrhispered  together  a  few  minutes,  during  which  Weiser 
politely  withdrew  into  another  room.  When  he  returned 
Jonathan  said,  "Comrade,  I  hear  you  have  engaged  on 
another  bottom.  You  are  made  a  captain  of  warriors  and 
laid  aside  council  affairs  and  turned  soldier."  To  this 
Weiser  replied  with  some  spirit,  setting  forth  his  reasons 
for  self-defense,  the  bloody  outrages  of  the  Indians,  the 
reception  of  the  first  peace  messengers.  "You  know," 
said  Weiser,  that  "their  lives  were  threatened.  You  know 
the  insolent  answer  which  came  back  that  caused  us  to 
declare  war.  I  was  at  Easton  working  for  peace.  I  love 
peace  more  than  war.  I  am  a  man  for  peace  and  if  I  had 
my  wish  there  would  be  no  war  at  all.  .  .  So,  comrade, 
do  not  charge  me  with  such  a  thing  as  that."  The  Indians 


340  CONRAD    WEISER. 

thanked  Weiser  for  the  explanation  and  went  away  satis 
fied.  But  at  the  same  time  Weiser  was  shorn  of  his  power 
among  the  Indians.  Making-  him  commander  of  the  Pro 
vincial  forces  robbed  Pennsylvania  of  her  most  powerful 
-dvocate  at  the  Council  Fires  of  the  Indians. 

Negotiations  for  peace  were  still  further  encumbered 
by  a  change  of  Governors  in  Pennsylvania.     Morris  was 
recalled  and  Denny  sent  out  in  his  stead.     In  the  latter 
October,   1756,  Teedyuscung  returns  to  Eastern 
He  had  over  one  hundred  Indians  with  him,  all  for  peace 
He  left  one  hundred   beyond   Fort  Allen  and  came  to 
Easton  with  thirty,   his  purpose  being  to  see  what  his 
reception  would  be  before  bringing  the  others  in. 

Denny  read  Lord  London's  instructions  and  declared 
that  he  would  not  go  to  Easton.  If  Teedyuscung  would 
come  to  Philadelphia  the  Governor  was  willing  to  act  for 
Sir  William  Johnson.  The  friends  of  peace  compared 
London's  orders  with  the  Charter  granted  Pennsylvania 
by  the  King,  in  which  sole  control  of  Indian  affairs  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Proprietary.  Accordingly  they 
reasoned  that  by  no  subsequent  act  could  the  King  or  the 
King's  servants  deprive  the  Proprietary  of  that  privilege. 
Denny  sent  an  invitation  to  Teedyuscung  to  come  to  Phil 
adelphia.  The  chief  replied,  "Brother,  you  remember  very 
well  that  in  time  of  darkness  and  danger  I  came  in  here 
at  your  invitation.  At  Easton  we  kindled  a  small  coun 
cil  fire.  ...  If  you  should  put  out  this  little  fire,  our  ene 
mies  will  call  it  only  a  Jack  Lantern,  kindled  on  purpose 
to  deceive  those  who  approach  it.  Brother,  I  think  it  by 
no  means  advisable  to  put  out  this  little  fire,  but  rather  to 
put  more  sticks  upon  it,  and  I  desire  that  you  will  come  to 
it  as  soon  as  possible,  bringing  your  old  and  wise  men 


RECONCILIATION.  341 

along  with  you  and  shall  be  very  glad  to  see  you  here." 
The  Governor  was  highly  incensed  over  Teedyuscung's 
attitude  and  declared  to  his  Council  that  it  was  ridiculous 
to  humor  the  Indians,  and  that  no  treaty  should  be  held 
outside   of    Philadelphia.      Weiser's   confidential    letters 
about  this  time  were  in  no  way  complimentary  to  the 
Governor.     The  Friends  sent  a  memorial  to  Denny  beg 
ging  him  to  finish  the  peace  which  Governor  Morris  had 
commenced,  and  offering  to  furnish  a  liberal  present  and 
asking  permission  to  attend  the  treaty.    The  Governor,  on 
condition  that  a  heavy  guard  attend  him  and  be  constantly 
around  him  at  Easton,  concluded  to  go.    He  accepted  the 
Indian  present  from  the  Friends  and  granted  them  per 
mission  to  attend  the  treaty.     Just  before  the  Governor 
reached  Easton  it  was  rumored  that  the  Indians  which 
Teedyuscung  left  near  Fort   Allen  were  bent  on  some 
treachery.     Israel  Pemberton,  the  leader  of  the  Quaker 
delegation  at  Easton,  went  out  immediately  to  investigate 
the    report    and    allay    the    Governor's    fears.      Weiser 
informed  the  Governor  that  this  was  a  false  rumor.  When 
this  news  reached  Governor  Denny  he  proceeded  on  his 
journey.    When  he  arrived  Teedyuscung  and  the  two  Iro- 
quois  chiefs  met  him,  Weiser  and  some  other  Indians 
having  missed  him  by  going  out  another  road.    When  the 
treaty  opened,   at  three  o'clock   in  the  afternoon,   "the 
Governor  marched  from  his  lodging  to  the  place  of  con 
ference  guarded  by  a  party  of  Royal  Americans  in  the 
front  and  on  the  flanks    and    a    detachment    of    Colonel 
Weiser's  Provincials  in  sub-divisions  in  the  rear,  with 
colors  flying,  drums  beating  and  music  playing,  which 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  3IQ- 


342  CONRAD    WEISER. 

order  was  always  observed  in  going  to  the  place  of  con 
ference."* 

Teedynscung  opened  the  conference  with  the  custom 
ary  ceremonies,  telling  the  Governor  to  take  no  cogni 
zance  of  the    numerous    Indian    massacres    taking   place 
around  them.     These  things,  he  said,  were  instigated  by 
the  French  and  should  not  mar  the  negotiations  for  peace. 
These  idle  reports  should  "no  more  be  regarded  than  the 
chirping  of  birds  in  the  woods.       I  remember  well  the 
leagues  and  covenants  of  our  forefathers.    We  are  but 
children  in  comparison  to  them.   What  William  Penn  said 
to  the  Indians  is  fresh  in  our  minds  and  memory,  and  I 
believe  it  is  in  yours.    The  Indians  and  Governor  Penn 
agreed  well  together;  this  we  all  remember,  and  it  is  not  a 
small  matter  that  would  then  have  separated  us,  and  now 
you  fill  the  same  station  he  did  in  this  Province,  it  is  in 
your  power  to  act  the  same  part.    I  am  sorry  for  what  our 
foolish  people  have  done.     I  have  gone  among  my  people 
pleading  for  peace.     If  it  cost  me  my  life  I  would  do  it.'' 
The    Governor   asked   Teedyuscung  why   his   people 
went  to  war   with    their   brothers,  the  English.      In   the 
chief's  lengthy  reply  he  hinted  that  injustice  had  been  done 
the  Indians  in  land  affairs.    The  Governor  and  Commis 
sioners    immediately    pressed    him    for    an    explanation. 
Teedyuscung  replied  with  great  reluctance  and  only  after 
he  had  been  repeatedly  urged  to  it.   The  Delaware  Indians 
still  feared  the  Iroquois.    They  remembered  the  chastise 
ment  given  them  in  1742.     Teedyuscung  knew  that  if  he 
mentioned  land  it  would  offend  the  Six  Nations.     There 
fore  he  hesitated.     His  counsellors  had  evidently  urged 
him  to  make  peace  without  mentioning  land.    But  after  he 
was  urged  to  it  he  stamped  upon  the  earth,  saying :    "This 
*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  314. 


RECONCILIATION.  343 

very  ground  was  my  land  and  inheritance  and  is  taken 
from  me  by  fraud."  The  Governor  then  asked  Teedyus-- 
cung  what  he  meant  by  fraud.  The  chief  replied,  after 
William  Perm's  death  his  "children  forge  a  deed  like  the 
true  one  with  the  same  Indians'  names  to  it  and  thereby 
take  lands  from  the  Indians  they  never  sold.  This  is 
fraud."  Also  when  "the  Proprietaries  greedy  to  purchase 
lands  buy  of  one  King  (Indian  Confederation)  what 
belongs  to  the  other,  this  is  fraud."*  When  the  Governor 
asked  him  if  he  had  ever  been  treated  in  this  manner  he 
replied  that  he  had.  The  young  Proprietaries  by  the 
Walking  Purchase,  had  by  the  use  of  a  compass  taken 
more  than  double  the  quantity  of  land  intended  to  be 
sold.  "I  did  not  intend  to  speak  this,"  he  said,  "but  I 
have  done  it  at  your  request;  not  that  I  desire  now  that 
you  should  purchase  these  lands,  but  that  you  should  look 
into  your  own  hearts,  and  consider  what  is  right,  and  that 
do." 

The  next  day  the  Governor  asked  Conrad  Weiser  if 
there  was  any  foundation  for  Teedyuscung's  complaint 
about  the  Walking  Purchase,  and  the  Six  Nations'  right 
to  sell  land  on  the  Delaware  River.  Weiser  was  never 
in  sympathy  with  the  Delaware  Indians.  His  reply  was 
worthy  of  an  Iroquois  Sachem.  He  said  that  none  of  the 
Delawares  present  could  remember  when  they  had  held 
original  claims  to  land.  If  any  injustice  was  done  the 
Indians  were  either  dead  or  gone  to  the  Ohio  country. 
That  the  land  mentioned  was  first  bought  by  William 
Penn  (1686).  His  sons  John  and  Thomas  renewed  this 
agreement  and  adjusted  the  limits,  "and  a  line"  (Walking 
Purchase)  "was  soon  after  run  by  Indians  and  survey 
ors."  The  Indians  complained  in  1742  and  the  deeds 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  324,  325. 


344  CONRAD    WEISER. 

were  then  examined  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  who 
old  the  Delawares  that  no  injustice  had  been  clone  them. 
Both  Weiser  and  Peters  insisted  that  if  this  matter  was 
loroughly  investigated  it  would  be  found  that  the  Pro 
prietaries  had  done  no  wrong. 

The  Governor  then  told  the  Indians  that  the  matter 
would  be  thoroughly  investigated.  Some  days  later  the 
Governor  denied  that  any  injustice  had  been  done,  but 
offered  the  Indians  a  handsome  present  to  make  satisfac 
tion  for  their  injuries.  This  Teedyuscung  refused  to  re 
ceive.  The  matter  was  then  placed  in  charge  of  an  inves 
tigating  committee. 

It  was  decided  that  a  general  peace  should  be  pro 
claimed,  provided  that  the  Indians  deliver  all  their  pris 
oners  and  that  the  Governor's  declaration  of  war  and 
scalp  act  should  not  apply  to  the  Indians  who  would 
promise  to  bury  the  hatchet.  Presents  were  then  delivered 
to  the  value  of  four  hundred  pounds,  the  Governor 
announcing  that  the  larger  part  of  this  present  was  fur 
nished  "by  the  people  called  Quakers as  a  particular 

testimony  of  their  regard  and  affection  for  the  Indians 
and  their  earnest  desire  to  promote  this  good  work  of 
peace."  Teedyuscung,  in  reply,  desired  that  every  one 
apply  himself  to  the  good  cause  of  peace.  'The  corn  that 
is  planted,"  he  said,  "must  be  tended  or  it  will  come  to 
nothing.  Though  we  have  done  well  in  the  cause  of  peace, 
we  must  be  prudent  or  our  success  will  not  meet  our 
expectations.  God  that  is  above  hath  furnished  us  both 
with  powers  and  abilities.  I  am  aware  that  I  have  not 
done  my  part.  I  must  confess  to  my  shame.  But  let  us 
all  do  our  part.  Let  us  complete  this  good  work  for  the 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  332. 


RECONCILIATION.  345 

sake  of  our  children.      It  is  our    duty    to    act  for  their 
good."* 

Weiser  accompanied  Teedyuscung  and  the  Indians  to 
Fort  Allen.  It  was  determined  that  the  disgrace  and  loss 
which  followed  the  first  conference  should  not  be  repeated. 
"We  reached  Bethlehem  after  dark,"  writes  Weiser,  "and 
after  the  soldiers  and  Indians  were  quartered  at  the  Pub 
lic  Inn  this  side  of  the  creek,  I  gave  Deedjoskon  (Tee 
dyuscung)  the  slip  in  the  dark,  and  he  went  along  with  the 
rest  to  the  said  Inn."  The  next  morning  Teedyuscung 
could  not  get  his  \vife  away  from  Bethlehem,  where  she 
had  been  staying  in  care  of  the  Moravian  brethren.  She 
declared  that  she  would  not  live  with  him  because  of  his 
debauched  habits.  The  chief  then  took  all  the  children 
from  her  but  one,  whereupon  the  Moravian  Brothers 
induced  Conrad  Weiser  10  use  his  influence  in  persuading 
the  \voman  to  live  with  her  husband.  Weiser  succeeded 
and  started  for  Fort  Allen  by  ten  o'clock.  At  Hesse's 
Inn  the  Indians  dined  on  cider  and  beef,  which  cost  the 
Province  fifteen  shillings.  A  ten-gallon  keg  of  rum  had 
been  sent  along  for  the  Indians  to  drink  after  they  were 
quite  beyond  Fort  Allen.  When  the  party  came  near  the 
Fort  a  number  of  Indians  came  to  meet  Teedyuscung  and 
receive  their  share  of  the  presents.  They  were  constantly 
importuning  Teedyuscung  to  be  treated  with  rum.  In 
spite  of  Weiser's  vigilance  five  gallons  were  consumed  be 
fore  they  reached  the  Fort.  Then  Teedyuscung  demanded 
the  remainder  that  he  might  have  a  frolic  with  the  Indians. 
Weiser  finally  surrendered  the  keg  on  condition  that  all 
the  Indians  stay  away  from  the  Fort,  or  suffer  the  conse 
quences.  Teedyuscung  agreed  to  the  terms,  and  Weiser 
writes,  "I  ordered  a  soldier  to  carry  it"  (the  rum)  "down 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  332,  333. 


346  CONRAD    WEISER. 

to  the  fire;   about  midnight  he  came  back  and  desired  to 
be  let  in,  and  it  was  found  that  he  was  alone,  orders  were 
given  to  let  him  in,  because  his  wife  and  children  were 
in  the  Fort;  he  behaved  well.     After  awhile  we  were 
alarmed  by  one  of  the  drunken  Indians,  that  offered  to 
climb  over  the  stoccadoes.     I  got  on  the  platform  and 
looked  out  of  the  porthole,  and  saw  the  Indian,  and  told 
him  to  be  gone,  else  the  sentry  should  fire  upon  him;  he 
ran  off  as  fast  as  he  could,  and  cried,  'Damn  you  all,  I 
value  you  not/  but  he  got  out  of  sight  immediately,  and 
we  heard  no  more  of  it."*     After  the  rum  was  all  gone 
and  Weiser  had  furnished  a  sick  Indian  with  a  horse,  and 
settled  the  case  of  a  stolen  gun,  Teedyuscung,  who  was 
quite  sober,  parted  from  Weiser  with  tears  in  his  eyes. 
He  desired  me,  .says  Weiser,  "to  stand  a  friend  to  the 
Indians,  and  give  good  advice,  till  everything  that  was 
desired  was  brought  about.     Though  he  is  a  drunkard 
and  a  very  irregular  man,  yet  he  is  a  man  that  can  think 
well,  and  I  believe  him  to  be  sincere  in  what  he  said." 

Teedyuscung  went  out  among  his  people  to  hunt  up 
the  prisoners,  and  to  arouse  a  more  widespread  peace  sen 
timent.  Newcastle,  the  warm  friend  of  the  English,  had 
died  of  small-pox  at  Philadelphia.  The  great  peace 
apostle  among  the  Indians  was  dead.  Teedyuscung  alone 
remained.  The  charge  of  fraud  made  by  the  great  chief, 
was  the  tocsin  for  civil  strife.  The  anti-Proprietary  party 
took  up  the  issue.  Dark  suspicions  had  hung  over  the 
"Walking  Purchase."  Now  the  Governor  had  promised 
that  all  would  be  investigated.  The  Assembly  and  the 
Quakers  were  determined  that  the  committee  of  inves 
tigation  should  investigate.  About  this  time  Sir  William 
Johnson  selected  George  Croghan  as  his  deputy,  and  gave 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  III.,  p.  67. 


RECONCILIATION.  347 

him  entire  control  of    Indian    affairs    in    Pennsylvania. 
Croghan  desired  that  the  coming  treaty,  which  was  to 
include  a  large  number  of  Susquehanna  Indians,  should 
be  held  at  Lancaster.     During  May,  1757,  a  great  con 
course  of  Indians  gathered  there.     But  Teedyuscung  was 
still  among  the  Iroquois  pleading  for  peace.     Sir  William 
Johnson  and  Croghan  desired  that  all  friendly  Indians 
take  up  the  hatchet  in  the  English  cause.     Teedyuscung 
opposed  this  and  advocated  the  Quaker  view  of  peace  and 
neutrality  for  the  Indians.    While  the  chiefs  were  waiting 
near  Lancaster  for  Teedyuscung,  the  Governor  received 
imperative  orders  again  from  Lord  London  to  keep  clear 
from  all  Indian  treaties,  and  to  forbid  the  Quakers  from 
either  attending  those  treaties  or  in  any  manner  contribut 
ing  thereto.    For  these  reasons  Governor  Denny  declined 
to  go  to  Lancaster.     Letters  and  petitions  now  poured  in 
upon  the  Governor.     William  Masters  and  Joseph  Gallo 
way,  of  Lancaster,  voiced  the  sentiment  of  that  vicinity 
in  a  letter  urging  the  Governor  to  come  to  Lancaster 
immediately,  and  use  every  possible  means  to  ascertain 
the   truth   or    falsity   of   Teedyuscung's  charges.      "The 
Indians  now  present  have  plainly  intimated  that  they  are 
acquainted  with  the  true  cause  of  our  Indian  war.':     The 
Friendly  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Peace  among  the 
.   Indians  asked  permission  of  the  Governor  to  examine  the 
minutes  of  the  Provincial  Council,  and  the  Proprietary 
deeds  in  order  to  "assist  the  Proprietary  in  proving  their 
innocence    of    Teedyuscung's    charges."     The    Governor 
positively  refused  to  show  them  any  papers.     The  Com 
missioners  in  charge  of  Indian  affairs  were  also  refused 
the  same  request.    The  Governor  then  lost  his  temper  and 
charged  the  Quakers  of  Pennsylvania  with  meddling  in 
affairs  which  did  not  concern  them.     The  Assembly  then 


34^  CONRAD    WEISER. 

sent  a  message  to  the  Governor,  denying  that  the  people  of 
the  Province  ever  ''interfered  with  his  Majesties  preroga 
tive  of  making  peace  and  war Their  known  duty  and 

loyalty  to  his  Majesty,  notwithstanding  the  pains  taken 
to  misrepresent  their  actions,  forbid  such  an  attempt. 
It  is  now  clear  by  the  inquiries  made  by  your  Honor, 
that  the  cause  of  the  present  Indian  inscursions  on  this 
Province,  and  the  dreadful  calamities  many  of  the  inhab 
itants  have  suffered,  have  arisen  in  a  great  measure  from 
the  exorbitant  and  unreasonable  purchases  made  or  sup 
posed  to  be  made  of  the  Indians,  that  the  natives  complain 
they  have  not  a  country  left  to  hunt  or  subsist  in."* 

This  view  which  was  entertained  by  the  people  as 
well  as  the  Assembly  was  contradicted  by  Conrad  Weiser, 
who  was  requested  by  the  Proprietors  to  furnish  them 
something  in  writing.  "I  can  never  agree,"  he  says,  "that 
the  Indians  came  to  complain  about  their  land,  or  some  of 
it  being  fraudulently  got  from  them,  but  they  were  pressed 
for  reasons  why  they  struck  us,  and  gave  that  as  one  of 
their  reasons,  but  I  am  satisfied  that  it  was  put  into  their 
mouth  some  time  before.  Witness  Sailer's  News  after 
the  treaty  in  July,  in  Easton,  upon  that  head  we  want  no 
treaty,  without  they,  the  Indians,  require  it.  We  want  no 
mediator  between  the  Proprietors  and  the  Indians  about 
land  affairs. "§ 

The  pressure  of  the  people  compelled  Governor  Denny 
to  go  to  the  Lancaster  Conference.  Croghan  was  desir 
ous  that  the  consultation  be  held  at  Lancaster  and  that  the 
Western  Indians  be  drawn  into  a  treaty  there.  Croghan 
and  Weiser  could  not  agree  upon  the  policy  to  be  em 
ployed.  Finally,  Weiser  yielded  to  his  superior  in  office. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  577- 
§C.  Z.  Weiser's  Life  of  Conrad  Weiser,  p.  386. 


RECONCILIATION.  349 

The  Cherokee  Indians  who  were  serving  in  the  army  near 
Fort  London  and  Fort  Cumberland  were  stoutly  opposed 
to  any  peace  with  the  Delaware  Indians.     As  a  conse 
quence  while  the  conference  was  in  progress  at  Lancaster, 
a  number  of  Indian  outrages  took  place  within  a  few  miles 
of  that  town.     This  exasperated  the  people  to  such  an 
extent  that  in  one  instance  they  brought  the  mutilated 
body  of  a  woman  whom  the  Indians  had  scalped,  and  left 
it  on  the  Court  House  steps,  a  silent  witness  as  they  said 
of  the  fruits  of  an  Indian  peace.     These  things  with  the 
absence  of  Teedyuscung  made  it  impossible  to  accomplish 
anything  at  Lancaster.      Presents  were   given,   and  the 
principles  of  peace  expounded  among  the  Indians.     This 
was  done  by  the  Friends    who    attended    in  large  num 
bers.     The  Governor,  writing  to  the  Proprietaries,  said : 
"In  case  the  Quakers  should  again  apply  for  liberty  to 
give  presents  and  attend  the  treaty,  I  have  prepared  an 
answer  agreeable  to  the  Proprietor's  letter  of  the  I2th  of 
March,  in  which  I  shall  give  them  in  writing,  considering 
how  fully  and  openly  I  had  censured  their  numbers  and 
behavior' at  Fasten.     I  did  not  expect  such  a  body  of 
Friends  would  have  attended  at  Lancaster,   where  the 
Secretary  counted  above  one  hundred  in  the  Court  House 
at  one  of  the  conferences,  and  some  told  me  there  were 
one  hundred  and  forty;  all  as  I  am  creditably  informed 
deputed  by  the  several  meetings  for  that  purpose.     Four 
members  of  the  Quaker  meeting  applied  to  me  before  I 
went  to  Lancaster  for  leave  to  join  their.presents  as  usual 
to  the  Provincial  presents.     I  consented  it  should  be  done 
exactly  as  it  was  agreed  on  by  Governor  Morris.    On  this 
answer,  they  have  given  out  that  I  consented  to  their 
going,  which  I  did  no  otherwise  than  as  I  have  related.'^ 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  TIL,  pp.  196,  197- 


35°  CONRAD    WEISER. 

To  what  extent  the  interference  of  the  Friends  embar 
rassed  the  Governor's  conferences  is  not  clear.  His  cor 
respondence  with  the  Proprietaries  would  indicate  that  he 
was  under  instructions  to  exclude  them  from  public  trea 
ties  if  possible.  Yet  the  Governor  seems  to  have  been 
unwilling  to  refuse  their  offers  of  Indian  presents,  and 
m  winking  at  their  presence,  an  influence  potent  for  peace 
was  permitted  to  circulate  among  the  Indians.  The  ques 
tion  of  a  peace  with  the  Ohio  Indians  was,  therefore,  post 
poned  until  Teedyuscung  should  arrive. 

In  June,  1757,  a  message  came  from  the  "King,"  as 
he  was  called,  asking  that  "four  or  five  horse  loads  of 
provisions"  be  sent  to  Wyoming,  "not  by  white  people, 

but  by  Indians I  desire  you  would  be  careful," 

said  Teedyuscung,  "I  have  heard  and  have  reason  to  think 
it  will  grieve  both  you  and  me  to  the  heart.  There  are 
many  nations  belonging  to  the  French  who  go  around  me ; 
and  as  I  have  heard,  and  have  reason  to  believe  they  know 
and  have  understood  that  I  have  taken  hold  of  your  hand, 
and  their  aim  is  to  break  us  a  peace,  and  to  separate  us. 
When  I  visited  the  Indians  over  the  Great  Swamp  and 
told  them  my  message  of  peace  they  said  it  was  a  bait, 
and  that  the  English  would  kill  us  all ;  but,  however,- when 
they  saw  me  come  back  safe  the  first  time,  they  dropt 
their  tomahawks,  and  said,  Mf  the  English  are  true  to  you 
they  will  be  true  to  us.'  "*  When  the  third  Easton  Con 
ference  opened  in  July,  1757,  Teedyuscung  was  very  much 
incensed  at  Conrad  Weiser.  The  chief  wanted  to  go  out 
and  meet  Governor  Denny,  which  he  claimed  was  the 
Indian  custom  of  complimenting  a  great  man.  Weiser 
had  promised  to  give  Teedyuscung  notice  of  the  Gover 
nor's  arrival  The  chief  now  complains  that  Weiser 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  590. 


RECONCILIATION.  351 

deceived  him,  and  if  he  would  do  it  in  one  instance  he 
would  do  it  again.  The  old  Indian  never  knew  that  the 
Governor  had  no  desire  to  be  a  recipient  of  the  Indian's 
compliments,  shown  in  this  manner,  and  that  Weiser  was 
under  instructions  to  keep  the  Indians  from  coming  to 
meet  him. 

Teedyuscung  went  further  and  declared  that  he  would 
do  no  business  until  he  could  have  a  clerk  of  his  own.  He 
considered  that  it  was  proper  that  he  should  have  a  copy 
of  the  proceedings  which  should  be  kept  among  the 
Indians'  wampum.  The  Governor  consulted  his  Council 
and  had  a  lengthy  interview  with  Conrad  Weiser,  when 
it  was  decided  that  it  was  not  necessary  for  Teedyuscung 
to  have  a  clerk.  That  evening  a  meeting  was  held  and  the 
Governor  explained  why  it  was  not  necessary  for  Tee 
dyuscung  to  have  a  private  secretary.  The  chief  seemed 
satisfied.  The  next  morning  "the  Governor  and  Council 
were  surprised  at  Teedyuscung's  applying  again  with  so 
much  warmth  for  a  clerk  after  he  had  expressed  himself 
so  well  satisfied  the  evening  before  with  the  speech  made 
them  by  the  Governor,  assigning  reasons  why  he  could 
not  comply  with  his  request,  and  suspected  that  the 
Indians  had  been  tampered  with  on  this  occasion  by  some 
evil  disposed  persons  and  put  on  renewing  this  demand."* 
Croghan  insisted  that  Teedyuscung  had  no  such  intention 
when  he  came  to  Wyoming  a  few  weeks  previous,  but  on 
the  contrary  expressed  his  entire  approval  of  the  clerk 
which  Croghan  had  selected. 

Weiser  was  positive  that  Israel  Pemberton,  the  leader 
of  the  "Friends'  Peace  Association"  had  seduced  Tee 
dyuscung  into  such  a  demand.  "I  was  sitting  alone  in  my 
room  at  the  tavern,"  he  said,  "when  Israel  Pemberton 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  p.  657. 


352  CONRAD    VVEISER. 

suddenly  opened  my  door,  but  noticing  that  I  was  alone, 
he  asked  my  pardon  and  withdrew.  Sometime  later  I 
joined  Captains  Orndt  and  Busse,  who  were  sitting  to 
gether  in  another  room,  in  a  few  minutes  Teedyuscung 
and  Pumpshire,  his  interpreter,  joined  the  company.  The 
chief  in  an  abrupt  and  rough  manner  complained  that  the 
Governor  had  not  used  him  well  in  reference  to  the  clerk. 
As  the  King  of  Ten  Nations  he  had  a  right  to  a  clerk. 
He  would  have  one.  He  would  no  longer  be  led  by  the 
nose,  and  the  Governor  might  be  told  so.  I  told  him  he 
could  tell  the  Governor  himself.  After  the  Indian  with 
drew,  Captain  Orndt  said  that  Teedyuscung  had  been  in 
his  room  before  that  evening,  but  a  Quaker  gentleman, 
known  to  be  Israel  Pemberton,  had  taken  him  out  scarcely 
a  half  hour  before."  From  this  Weiser  and  Orndt  con 
cluded  that  Pemberton  was  the  cause  of  Teedyuscung's 
unusual  demand.  The  Governor  was  very  much  dis 
turbed  by  this  request.  With  the  advice  of  all  the  council 
except  James  Logan  it  was  thought  best  to  leave  it  all 
with  George  Croghan.  The  old  trader  endeavored  to 
persuade  the  "King"  away  from  such  "an  infatuation,  but 
to  no  purpose."  The  crafty  chief  broke  off  the  conver 
sation  abruptly,  and  pulling  out  a  belt  of  wampum  gave 
it  to  Croghan  declaring  that  he  would  either  have  a  clerk 
or  break  up  the  treaty  and  leave  the  town.  Croghan 
thereupon,  recommended  the  Governor  to  grant  Teedyus 
cung's  request. 

The  Governor  then  grew  angry  with  the  Assembly's 
Indian  Commissioners  and  charged  them  with  bringing 
all  this  trouble  upon  him,  saying :  "Your  presumption  on 
this  occasion  either  as  commissioners  or  private  subjects, 
to  receive  any  complaint  or  application  from  the  Indians, 
and  taking  upon  you  to  remonstrate  in  their  behalf  to  me, 


RECONCILIATION.  353 

is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  introductive  of  the  greatest 
confusion  and  mischiefs,  and  the  highest  invasion  of  the 

just  rights  of  the  Crown By  what  means  Teedyus- 

cung  came  to  demand  a  clerk,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  deter 
mine;  nor  is  it  less  surprising  to  me  that  you  should 
undertake  to  give  him  your  opinion  of  the  matter  (as  you 
acknowledged  you  did),  and  pronounce  his  demand  so 
very  reasonable  and  just,  before  he  had  advised  with  me 
upon  it."* 

Denny's  vigorous  defense  of  the  Proprietary  privilege 
to  keep  all  the  records  was  finally  overruled.  The  next 
day  the  Governor  in  open  treaty  said  to  Teedyuscung,  "No 
Indian  chief  before  you,  ever  demanded  to  have  a  clerk, 
and  none  has  ever  been  appointed  for  Indians  in  former 
treaties,  nay  I  have  not  even  nominated  one  on  the  part 
of  the  Province,  therefore,  I  cannot  help  declaring  it 
against  my  judgment.  I  am  afraid  by  your  showing  so 
little  confidence  in  me  and  the  King's  deputy  agent,  that 
you  have  hearkened  to  idle  stories  or  the  singing  of  birds, 
tho'  you  advised  me  against  it;  however,  to  give  you 
fresh  proof  of  my  friendship  and  regard,  if  you  insist 
upon  having  a  clerk,  I  shall  no  longer  oppose  it."  Tee 
dyuscung  thanked  the  Governor  and  apologized  for  any 
rudeness  he  may  have  shown,  desiring  that  the  past  might 
be  forgotten,  and  with  cheerfulness,  he  said,  "Let  us  pro 
ceed  with  all  our  power  in  the  great  work  of  peace." 

Richard  Peters  was  very  much  incensed  over  the  atti 
tude  taken  by  the  Assembly,  the  Friends  and  the  Com 
missioners,  in  urging  that  Teedyuscung's  demands  were 
right  and  proper.  He  took  it  as  a  reflection  upon  the 
honesty  and  sincerity  of  his  own  actions  as  clerk.  He 
accordingly  declared  that  he  would  have  nothing  whatever 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  pp.  661,  662. 


354  CONRAD    WEISER. 

to  do  with  the  records.  In  a  private  letter  to  Conrad 
Weiser  he  says :  "I  enclose  you  the  Indian  Conference 
(treaties  of  1756),  published  without  the  Governor's 
leave  or  knowledge  by  the  Assembly.  You  will  observe 
the  reports  tagged  to  the  Conference,  it  is  one  other  speci 
men  of  Mr.  Franklin's  disingenuity  and  baseness.  You 
observe  justly  that  it  is  not  a  time  to  provoke  the  Dela- 
wares,  and  therefore  it  will  be  difficult  how  to  act,  but 
nevertheless,  the  Proprietors  and  other  folks  must  lie 
under  their  infamous  misrepresentations.'^  Peters,  in 
behalf  of  the  Proprietors  held  the  council  records.  He 
even  refused  to  allow  the  Indian  Commissioners  appointed 
by  the  Assembly  to  examine  them. 

When  the  treaty  opened  Mr.  Trent,  a  former  trader, 
took  Mr.  Peters'  place  as  clerk  for  the  Province.  He 
records  the  following  opening  minute :  "As  soon  as  the 
Governor  and  Council  and  Indians  had  taken  their  seats, 
Teedyuscung  by  his  interpreter,  John  Pumpshire,  called 
for  Charles  Thomson,  master  of  the  Quaker  school  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia;  placed  him  by  Mr.  Trent  at  the 
table,  and  said  he  had  chosen  him  for  his  clerk ;  whereupon 
he  sat  down  and  began  taking  minutes,  without  asking 
permission  of  the  Governor,  who  took  no  further  notice 
of  it."* 

Charles  Thomson  in  writing  of  this  affair  to  his  friend 
Samuel  Rhodes,  says :  "I  need  not  mention  the  importance 
of  the  business  we  are  come  about.  The  welfare  of  the 
Province  and  the  lives  of  thousands  depend  upon  it.  That 
an  affair  of  such  weight  should  be  transacted  with  sober 
ness,  all  will  allow ;  how,  then,  must  it  shock  you  to  hear 

§Manuscript  letters  of  Conrad  Weiser,  in  the  collection  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII,  p.  665. 


CHARLES   THOMSON 


RECONCILIATION.  355 

that  pains  seem  to  have  been  taken  to  make  the  King* 
drunk  every  night  since  the  business  began.  The  first  two 
or  three  days  were  spent  in  deliberating  whether  the  King 
should  be  allowed  the  privilege  of  a  clerk.  When  he  was 
resolute  in  asserting  his  right  and  would  enter  into  no 
business  without  having  a  secretary  of  his  own,  they  at 
last  gave  it  up,  and  seem  to  have  fallen  on  another  scheme 
which  is  to  unfit  him  to  say  anything  worthy  of  being 
inscribed  (?)  by  his  secretary.  On  Saturday,  under  pre 
tence  of  rejoicing  for  the  victory  gained  by  the  King  of 
Prussia  and  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  a  bonfire  was  ordered 
to  be  made  and  liquor  given  to  the  Indians  to  induce  them 
to  dance.  For  fear  they  should  get  sober  on  Sunday  and 
be  fit  next  day  to  enter  on  business  under  pretence  that 
the  Mohawks  had  requested  it,  another  bonfire  was  or 
dered  to  be  made  and  more  liquor  given  them.  On  Mon 
day  night  the  King  was  made  drunk  by  Conrad- Weiser, 
on  Tuesday  by  G.  Croghan ;  last  night  he  was  very  drunk 
at  Vernon's,  and  Vernon  lays  the  blame  on  Comin  and 
G.  Croghan.  He  did  not  go  to  sleep  last  night.  This 
morning  he  lay  down  under  a  shed  about  the  break  of  day 
and  slept  a  few  hours.  He  is  to  speak  this  afternoon.  He 
is  to  be  sure  in  a  fine  capacity  to  do  business.  But  thus 
we  go  on.  I  leave  you  to  make  reflections.  I  for  my  part 
wish  myself  at  home."§ 

That  Teedyuscung  with  his  inordinate  appetite  for 
rum  should  have  succeeded  in  guiding  his  public  affairs 
between  the  two  conflicting  parties  is  a  subject  of  some 
moment.  The  old  chief  had  a  clear  mind  and  was  un 
swerving  in  his  purpose.  He  placed  large  confidence 
in  Charles  Thomson,  and  doubtless  accepted  his  guidance 

*Teedyuscung. 

§From  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  vol.  XX.,  p.  422. 


35°"  CONRAD   WEISER. 

in  many  things.  The  Governor  and  his  party  were  quick 
to  charge  Charles  Thomson  with  all  of  Teedyuscung's 
whims  and  obstinate  rulings,  especially  his  attitude  on 
the  old  land  dispute.  Weiser  and  Croghan  each  declared 
that  Teedyuscung  himself  was  ready  to  drop  all  land  con 
troversies,  and  would  have  done  so  had  it  not  been  for 
Thomson  and  his  crowd.  But  in  this  Croghan  and  Weiser 
were  either  mistaken  or  their  advice  was  rendered  merely 
to  please  the  ear  of  the  Governor  and  their  employers,  the 
Proprietors.  The  real  reason  why  Teedyuscung  and  his 
Indians  were  reticent  about  the  fraud  perpetrated  by  the 
"Walking  Purchase"  was  from  fear  of  the  Six  Nations. 
This  was  a  transition  period  with  the  Delaware  Indians. 
They  were  asserting  their  independence  from  the  Six 
Nations,  and  were  content  with  accomplishing  that,  feel 
ing  that  they  could  afford  to  wait  until  after  peace  was 
fully  established,  before  they  asserted  their  ancient  rights 
to  the  lands  drained  by  the  Delaware  River.  Teedyus 
cung's  advisers  urged  him  not  to  push  the  land  dispute. 

The  Governor,  however,  in  behalf  of  the  Proprietors, 
was  determined  to  make  Teedyuscung  deny  that  any 
fraud  had  been  used  in  land  purchases.  His  object  in  this 
was  to  exonerate  the  Proprietors  from  any  suspicions.  The 
Assembly's  party,  which  was  in  league  with  the  Friends, 
knowing  that  the  "Walking  Purchase"  was  a  flagrant 
fraud,  was  determined  to  use  this  opportunity  to  have  all 
the  proceedings  of  that  purchase  thoroughly  examined. 
When  pressed  for  the  cause  of  the  Indian  alienation,  Tee 
dyuscung  declared  that  it  was  the  land.  "The  complaint 
I  made  last  fall  I  yet  continue.  I  think  some  lands  have 
been  bought  by  the  Proprietors  or  his  agents  from  Indians 

who  had  not  a  right  to  sell I  think,  also,  when 

some  lands  have  been  sold  to'' the  Proprietors  by  Indians 


RECONCILIATION.  357 

who  had  a  right  to  sell  to  a  certain  place,  §  whether  that 
purchase  was  to  be  measured  by  miles  or  hours  walk,  that 
the  Proprietors  have  contrary  to  agreement  or  bargain, 
taken  in  more  lands  than  they  ought  to  have  done;  and 
lands  that  belonged  to  others.  I  therefore  now  desire 
that  you  will  produce  the  writings  and  deeds  by  which 
you  hold  the  land,  and  let  them  be  read  in  public,  and 
examined,  that  it  may  be  fully  known  from  what  Indians 
you  have  bought  the  lands  you  hold;  and  how  far  your 
purchases  extend ;  that  copies  of  the  whole  may  be  laid 
before  King  George,  and  published  to  all  the  Provinces 
under  his  Government.  What  is  fairly  bought  and  paid 
for  I  make  no  further  demands  about.  But  if  any  lands 
have  been  bought  of  Indians  to  whom  these  lands  did  not 
belong,  and  who  had  no  right  to  sell  them,  I  expect  a 
satisfaction  for  those  lands;  and  if  the  Proprietors  have 
taken  in  more  lands  than  they  bought  of  true  owners,  I 
expect  likewise  to  be  paid  for  that."*  Teedyuscung  then 
asked  that  the  territory  of  Wyoming  be  reserved  to  the 
Indians  forever.  That  it  might  be  surveyed  and  a  deed 
given  to  the  Indians,  that  they  might  have  something  to 
show  when  it  became  necessary  to  drive  the  white  men 
away.  After  these  charges  were  again  made  the  Governor 
called  Croghan  and  Weiser  together  to  know  what  was 
the  best  thing  to  do.  Each  of  these  men  with  his  large 
share  of  experience  in  Indian  affairs  agreed  in  the  opinion 
that  some  outside  influence  had  induced  Teedyuscung  to 
revive  these  charges.  They  also  united  in  the  opinion  that 
the  Indians  merely  wanted  a  glimpse  of  the  old  deeds, 

§The  water  shed  between  the  Delaware  and  the  east  branch  of 
the  Susquehanna  Rivers. 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII. ,  p.  681. 


358  CONRAD    VVEISER. 

and  would  be  satisfied  with  a  cursory  examination  of  the 
signatures. 

Upon  these  assertions  the  Governor  and  Council  were 
induced  to  grant  Teedyuscung's  request  and  to  show  him 
the  deeds  of  1686  and  1737  from  the  Dela wares,  and  of 
1749  from  the  Iroquois.  When  the  Governor  applied  to 
Mr.  Peters  for  the  papers  and  deeds  they  were  again 
refused.  Peters  declared  that  he  held  them  as  a  sacred 
trust  from  the  Proprietors  and  would  neither  surrender 
them  nor  permit  himself  to  be  placed  under  oath  and  give 
testimony.  These  two  things  could  only  be  done,  he 
insisted,  in  the  presence  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  before 
whom  as  a  final  arbitrator,  the  Proprietors  desired  that 
these  charges  should  be  laid.  James  Logan  immediately 
opposed  Richard  Peters.  He  insisted  that  all  deeds  relat 
ing  to  lands  which  the  Indians  claimed  were  fraudulently 
purchased,  should  be  shown.  To  refuse  this  would  be 
unjust  to  the  Indians  and  dangerous  to  the  cause  of  peace. 
Logan  explained  that  the  Proprietary  instructions  should 
not  be  too  literally  construed  and  obeyed.  The  Indians 
Avere  opposed  to  having  their  case  settled  before  Sir  Wil 
liam  Johnson.  After  an  animated  discussion  in  Council 
it  was  reluctantly  agreed  that  the  deeds  should  be  shown. 
The  Council  only  consented  to  this  after  Conrad  Weiser 
had  assured  them  that  Teedyuscung  did  not  insist  upon 
seeing  all  the  deeds,  but  only  those  pertaining  to  the  back 
lands.  R.  Peters  again  protested,  but  was  overruled.  The 
deeds  were  laid  on  the  table  August  3,  17=57. 

Charles  Thomson,  at  Teedyuscung's  request,  copied 
these  deeds.  The  chief  said  he  would  have  preferred  to 
have  seen  the  deeds  of  confirmation  given  to  Governor 
Keith  in  1718,  but  the  great  work  of  peace  was  superior 
to  the  land  dispute,  and  if  the  Proprietors  would  make 


RECONCILIATION.  359 

satisfaction  for  the  lands  which  had  been  fraudulently 
secured  he  would  return  the  English  prisoners  held  cap 
tive  among  the  Indians.  The  peace  belt  was  then  grasped 
by  the  Governor  and  Teedyuscung,  and  the  two  years' 
struggle  for  peace  was  crowned  with  victory.  After 
much  feasting  and  dancing,  drinking  and  burning  of  bon 
fires  the  treaty  closed. 

Teedyuscung  promised  to  fight  for  the  English  on  con 
dition  that  his  men  should  not  be  commanded  by  white 
captains.  The  Governor  and  his  party  returned  to  Phila 
delphia,  deeply  worried  over  the  publicity  of  the  Indian 
charges  of  fraud  which  had  occurred  at  the  Easton  Con 
ference.  Peace  to  the  Proprietors  was  dearly  purchased, 
if  the  people  of  the  Province  were  confirmed  in  their  belief 
that  the  Indian  outrages  had  been  caused  by  fraud  in  land 
purchases.  Two  things,  therefore,  must  be  done,  peace 
must  be  extended  to  the  Western  Indians,  and  the  charges 
of  Teedyuscung  must  be  revoked. 


\6o 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
PEACE. 

Peace  desired  with  the  Western  Indians— Post's  Journey— Weiser's 
waning  Power— Weiser's  Loyalty  to  the  Six  Nations— Weiser's 
Advice  about  the  Wyoming  Fort— Houses  built  for  the  Indians  at 
Wyoming— Teedyuscung  and  his  Rand  want  to  share  the  White 
Mans  Bounty  on  Scalps— Teedyuscung  in  Philadelphia— The  In 
fluence  of  the  Friendly  Association  for  the  Promotion  of  Peace— 
I  he  Quakers  closely  watched— The  Cherokee  Allies  cause  Disaf 
fection—Frederick  Christian  Post's  first  Mission— Post  wins  a 
V  ictory— Post's  Ohio  Mission— Preparing  for  the  Great  Conference 
I  he  fourth  Easton  Conference — Southwestern  Pennsylvania 
deeded  back  to  the  Indians— The  Munsey  Land  Claim  in  New 
The  Mohawks  try  to  break  down  Teedyuscung's  Influence 
—Governors  ^  Bernard  and  Denny  apologize  for  Teedyuscung— 
Teedyuscung's  Defense — Thomas  King  temporarily  settles  the 
Difficulty— Teedyuscung's  Charge  of  Fraud— The  Governor  loath 
to  investigate — For  four  hundred  pounds  sterling  Teedyuscung 
withdraws  his  Charges  of  Fraud  in  the  Walking  Purchase. 

THE  work  of  peace  would  not  be  complete  until  the 
Western  Indians  were  secured  and  the  approbation 
and  approval  of  the  Six  Nations  obtained.  To  this  end 
the  Friendly  Association  and  the  Indian  Commissioners 
strained  every  effort.  The  removal  of  Lord  London  and 
the  accession  of  William  Pitt  favored  the  Pennsylvania 
projects.  While  the  Forbes  Expedition  was  forming  and 
slowly  chopping  its  way  into  Western  Pennsylvania; 
while  Montgomery  was  planning  to  subdue  Quebec,  the 
peace  element  in  Pennsylvania  robbed  the  French  of  their 
Indian  allies  on  the  Ohio.  Pennsylvania  accomplished 
this  by  means  of  two  influences.  First,  the  embargo  laid 
on  breadstuff's  by  the  greatest  exporting  centre  among  the 
Colonies,  seriously  embarrassed  the  French,  who  were  no 
longer  able  to  feed  their  allies.  Second,  the  peace  send- 


PEACE.  361 

ment  of  the  Friendly  Association  working  through  Tee- 
dyuscung,  and  finally  through  Frederick  Christian  Post, 
the  great  Moravian  peace  maker. 

Post  journeyed  several  times  to  the  Ohio  country  -antf" 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  Shawanese  and  the  Delawares 
to  bury  the  hatchet  and  desert  the  French,  xfle  did  this 
with  a  heavy  reward  upon  his  scalp,  while^his  every  foot 
step  was  surrounded  with  danger.  Post  worked  with  an 
unshaken  faith  in  the  cause  of  peace  and  its  final  triumph. 

The  Easton  Conference  of  1758  completed  the  work 
among  the  Indians  in  the  Delaware  and  Susquehanna.  It 
secured  the  friendship  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  consum 
mated  the  efforts  of  Christian  Post  among  the  Western 
Indians.  Conrad  Weiser  saw  his  former  influence  shorn 
of  its  power.  Colonel  Johnson  was  now  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  by  the  King's  authority  had  exclusive  con 
trol  of  Iroquois  affairs.  Croghan,  his  deputy,  managed 
Western  Indian  matters.  The  Delawares  had  thrown  off 
their  allegiance  to  the  Six  Nations,  and  declared  them 
selves  independent  and  able  to  treat  for  themselves. 

Charles  Thomson  now  became  the  chosen  adviser 
of  the  Indians  on  the  Delaware.  Teedyuscung  and  his  fol 
lowers  were  not  admirers  of  Conrad  Weiser.  The  Mora 
vians  found  their  champion  in  Frederick  Christian  Post, 
and  through  his  zeal  and  warm  friendship  for  the  Dela 
wares  they  turned  away  from  Weiser,  whose  love  for  a 
Delaware  was  not  remarkable.  The  old  interpreter  who 
had  once  been  the  leader  in  the  Indian  policy  of  Six  Pro 
vinces  now  found  himself  despised  by  the  Delawares, 
because  he  took  up  arms  against  them,  suspected  by  the 
Iroquois  who  had  opened  their  ears  to  Sir  William  John 
son.  Nor  was  Weiser's  standing  better  among  his  white 
brethren.  The  Germans  distrusted  him,  and  all  the 


32  CONRAD    WEISER. 

Quakers  turned  from  him  because  of  his  adherence  to  the 
cause  of  the  Proprietors.  Weiser's  enemies  declared  that, 
money  was  the  sole  motive  for  all  his  actions,  and  that  he 
engaged  in  Indian  affairs  for  profit. 

It  is  true  that  Conrad  Weiser  was  a  staunch  supporter 
of  the  Proprietors  and  their  interests,  but  back  of  this  he 
had  a  deep  sense  of  justice  for  the  Indians.  Whenever  the 
policy  of  the  Province  threatened  to  injure  the  red  man, 
Weiser  was  quick  to  rally  to  his  aid.  This  is  especially 
noticeable  with  the  Iroquois  Indians.  For  them  Weiser 
had  a  genuine  friendship.  When  some  of  the  Six  Nation 
deputies  were  in  Philadelphia,  in  June,  1758,  the  Governor 
not  receiving  them  in  person  as  promptly  as  Weiser  con 
sidered  best,  he  therefore  wrote  the  following  letter  to 
Richard  Peters:— 

"SiR : — If  the  Governor  wont  meet  the  Indians  this 
Evening  only  to  shake  hands  with  them,  and  signify  his 
satisfaction  to  see  them  in  Town,  and  leave  business  to 
other  days  when  they  are  recovered  from  their  fatigue, 
I  will  say  that  he  does  not  act  the  part  of  a  well  wisher 
to  his  Majesties  people  and  interest,  at  this  critical  times. 
You  may  let  him  know  so,  here  is  my  hand  to  my  saying 
so.  I  am,  Sir,  a  loyal  subject  and  a  well  wisher  to  my 
Country. 

"CONRAD  WEISER. 

"Philadelphia,  July  the  6th,  at  half  an 

"hour  after  five."* 

No  one  but  Conrad  Weiser  would  have  dared  to  have 
spoken  in  that  manner  to  the  Governor.  But  the  old 

*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  III.,  p.  439. 


PEACE.  363 

interpreter  had  imbibed  of  the  fearless  Indian  spirit,  which 
brooked  no  overawing  aristocracy  when  the  truth  must  be 
spoken. 

After  the  Conference  of  1757,  the  Pennsylvania  As 
sembly  offered  to  enact  a  law  which  would  settle  the 
Wyoming  lands  upon  Teedyuscung  and  his  people  forever. 
This  was  in  accordance  with  the  chief's  wishes  expressed 
at  Easton.  The  Governor  was  prompt  and  eager  in  his 
desire  to  secure  such  legislation,  but  insisted  that  the  Six 
Nations  had  never  given  the  Proprietors  a  deed  for  that 
region.  For  this  reason  he  advised  delay,  until  the  Six 
Nations  and  the  Proprietors  would  sanction  and  provide 
for  such  a  disposition.  Teedyuscung  and  his  warriors 
were  unable  to  understand  any  reason  for  this  delay. 
They  insisted  that  the  houses  and  a  fort  should  be  built 
for  them  at  Wyoming.  The  Governor  and  Council  im 
mediately  consulted  Weiser  upon  the  advisability  of  doing 
this,  and  desired  that  he  undertake  the  affair.  He  replied  : 
"I  am  in  a  very  low  state  of  health,  and  cannot  without 
great  hazard,  undertake  any  journey;  besides  if  the  Six 
Nations  should  not  be  pleased  with  the  building  of  a  fort  at 
Wyoming,  they  would  blame  me  more  than  any  body  else, 
because  they  would  have  it  to  say  that  I  knew  their  rights, 
etc.,  tho'  I  believe  if  the  building  a  fort  at  Wyoming  is 
cautiously  carried  on,  merely  for  the  use  of  the  Indians, 
and  left  to  them  when  finished,  all  will  be  well.  A  trading 
house  at  Fort  Augusta  (Shamokin)  should  immediately 
be  erected,  else  our  Indian  Interests,  what  little  we  may 
yet  have,  will  be  entirely  lost.  If  the  government  cannot 
agree  about  the  condition,  some  well  disposed  men  should 
be  appointed  to  keep  stores  at  Fort  Augusta,  and  furnish 
the  Indians  with  what  they  want;  clothing:  especially,  as 
they  must  be,  for  the  most  part,  naked  at  this  time.  This 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


article  requires  all  Possible  care  and  speed.  Rum  should 
not  be  allowed  to  be  sold  or  given  by  any  licensed  trader. 
A  little,  or  just  a  Dram,  might  be  given  by  the  command 
ing  officer  of  Fort  Augusta,  and  he  to  deny  obstinately  and 
absolutely  a  second,  and  the  Indians  will  like  it  better 
when  they  judge  of  the  thing  coolly,  and  by  themselves."* 

This  unsolicited  prohibitive  advice  offered  by  Weiser 
reflects  his  genuine  sentiments.  The  man  who  staved  the 
rum  casks  at  Logstown  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  knew  full 
well  that  this  was  a  never  failing  cause  of  Indian  dissatis 
faction.  The  charges  made  by  Charles  Thomson  while 
at  Easton  in  1757  were  doubtless  obtained  from  Teedyus- 
cung  himself,  and  the  old  chief  never  lost  an  opportunity 
to  injure  Weiser,  whom  he  despised.  That  .the  Proprietary 
interests  at  Easton  in  1757  used  quantities  of  liquor  to 
confuse  Teedyuscung  is  only  too  true,  that  Weiser  was  a 
party  to  it  is  extremely  doubtful. 

After  Weiser  refused  to  go  to  Wyoming  to  build  the 
houses,  the  Council  reluctantly  appointed  one  of  their 
own  number,  who,  during  the  following  spring,  with  a 
force  of  fifty  to  sixty  carpenters  and  masons,  built  at  the 
Provincial  expense  ten  wooden  houses  at  Wyoming.  These 
houses  were  on  stone  foundations  and  were  sixteen  by 
twenty-four  feet.  During  the  process  of  erection  one  of 
the  masons  was  scalped  by  a  party  of  French  and  Indians, 
who  with  jealous  eye,  were  lurking  in  the  vicinity. 

After  the  peace  of  1757,  Teedyuscung  could  not  re 
main  neutral,  he  desired  to  send  his  young  men  against  the 
French.  He  accordingly  petitioned  the  Governor  for  a 
reward  on  scalps.  If  the  white  men  of  the  Province  could 
enjoy  the  profits  of  such  a  bounty,  Teedyuscung  saw  no 
reason  why  the  recently  acquired  Indian  allies  might  not 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VII.,  pp.  735,  736. 


PEACE. 


come  in  for  their  share.  The  Governor  was  seriously 
embarrassed  over  this  demand.  To  thwart  the  desire  of 
this  self-willed  chief 'was  a  matter  of  great  danger  to  the 
Province.  The  Assembly  promptly  opposed  such  a  meas 
ure.  Then  in  proportion  to  the  Assembly's  opposition  the 
Governor  favored  the  project.  Since  no  conclusion  could 
in  this  manner  be  reached,  Conrad  Weiser  was  again 
summoned  and  his  advice  solicited.  "It  is  my  humble 
opinion,"  he  said,  "that  no  encouragement  should  be  given 
to  the  Indians  for  scalps  for  fear  we  must  pay  for  our  own 
scalps,  and  those  of  our  fellow-subjects,  as  will  certainly 
be  the  case.  Allow  as  much  for  prisoners  as  you  please, 
rather  more  than  was  intended."  This  advice  settled  the 
dispute  and  the  Indians  were  not  allowed  any  bounty  for 
French  and  French  Indian  scalps. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1758,  Teedyuscung  came  to 
Philadelphia  and  demanded  a  private  conference  with  the 
Governor  and  his  Council,  with  permission  to  bring  his 
clerk,  Charles  Thomson,  with  him.  The  Governor  and 
Council  refused  to  have  the  clerk  meet  with  them,  and  in 
this  matter  overruled  Teedyuscung,  but  promised  him  that 
he  could  have  his  clerk  at  all  future  public  conferences. 
After  the  chief  had  gotten  over  his  anger  he  renewed  his 
request  for  a  settlement  at  Wyoming,  asking  for  school 
masters,  counsellors  and  two  ministers,  saying:  "You 
must  consider  that  I  have  a  soul  as  well  as  another."* 
After  smoking  the  calumet  pipe  of  peace  sent  from  the 
Western  Indians,  he  asked  that  his  peace  belts  be  sent  to 
the  Ohio  country,  saying:  "I  have  received  encourage 
ment  from  the  Indian  Nations.  Now  Brothers,  press  on 
with  all  your  might  in  promoting  the  good  work  we  are 
engaged  in ;  let  us  beg  the  God  that  made  us  to  bless  our 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  47. 


366  CONRAD    YVEISER. 

endeavor,  and  I  am  sure  that  if  you  exert  yourselves,  the 
God  will  grant  a  blessing,  we  shall  live."§ 

This  appeal  for  peace  with  the  Western  Indians,  com 
ing  from  the  lips  of  Teedyuscung  was  the  initial  move 
towards  Christian  Post's  daring  mission  into  the  heart  of 
the  French  territory.  It  is  quite  probable,  however,  that 
Teedyuscung's  plea  for  peace  was  inspired  by  the  members 
of  "the  Friendly  Association  for  the  Promotion  of -Peace." 
For  two  years  the  Friends  had  treated  Teedyuscung  and 
his  people  in  the  most  considerate  manner.  At  one 
time  his  savage  nature  would  appear  on  the  surface  and 
demand  a  bounty  on  scalps  for  his  young  men,  at  another 
time  the  instincts  of  peace  .reinforced  by  numerous 
Quaker  sermons  would  be  in  the  ascendency,  and  Tee 
dyuscung  would  plead  for  a  general  peace  with  all  the  sub 
dued  fervor  so  characteristic  of  this  remarkable  Indian. 
The  influence  of  the  Society  of  Friends  upon  these 
Indians,  and  through  them  upon  the  peace  negotiations 
on  the  Ohio  is  probably  not  overdrawn  by  the  enemies  of 
the  Friends. 

It  was  generally  believed  by  the  Proprietary  party  that 
the  Friends  were  bent  upon  injuring  the  reputation  of  the 
Proprietors,  since  they  had  spread  the  report  among  the 
people  that  the  Indians  had  been  defrauded  of  their  lands. 
The  Governor's  party  could  not  comprehend  why  the 
Friends  spent  so  much  money  upon  the  Indians,  and  at 
tended  treaties  in  such  numbers,  unless  it  was  to  harm  the 
Governor's  authority,  and  blacken  the  character  of  the 
Proprietors.  That  they  could  do  such  a  thing  purely  from 
a  love  of  peace  was  at  that  time  incomprehensible.  The 
Governor's  party  at  the  Easton  Treaty  of  1757,  therefore, 
had  William  Peters  and  Jacob  Duche  appointed  to  watch 

§Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  34. 


PEACE. 


the  Quakers  carefully,  and  if  possible,  discover  what  pur 
pose  they  had  in  attending  the  treaty  in  such  large  num 
bers,  especially  after  the  Governor  had  told  them  plainly 
that  such  actions  would  be  distasteful  to  him.  These  two 
gentlemen,  acting  as  spies  and  full  of  suspicion  reported 
that  "the  Quakers  distributed  a  number  of  presents  pri 
vately  among  the  Indians,  greatly  to  the  injury  of  the 
Governor's  influence,  so  much  so  that  when  we  met  any  of 
the  Indians  on  the  streets  or  in  our  evening  walks  after 
business,  they  would  generally  accost  us  with  this  question 
in  their  broken  English,  'Are  you  a  Quaker,  a  Quaker  ?'- 
and  if  we  answered  no,  they  would  frown  and  look  very 
stern  and  ill-natured  upon  us,  and  say  we  were  bad  man- 
bad  man,  Governor's  man  ;  but  if  we  answer  in  the  affirm 
ative  (as  we  did  sometimes  to  try  them)  that  we  were 
Quakers,  they  would  smile  and  caress  us,  and  call  us 
brothers,  and  say  we  were  good  men  —  Quaker  good  men 
—Governor's  men  bad  men  —  good  for  nothing."  One 
afternoon  the  Governor  decided  not  to  confer  with  the 
Indians.  In  the  journals  of  the  Conference  he  assigns 
as  a  reason  that  Teedyuscung  was  drunk.  Charles  Thom 
son  in  his  report  says  Teedyuscung  was  not  drunk.  This 
action  of  the  Governor  inflamed  the  Indians  until  they 
put  on  the  war  paint,  and  loaded  the  guns.  This  revolt 
among  the  Indians,  Peters  and  Duche  report  as  alarming 
the  white  people  of  Easton.  "Many  of  them  went  to  the 
riotous  Indians  and  endeavored  to  quiet  and  disarm  them, 
but  they  would  suffer  nobody  to  do  it,  till  the  Quakers 
came,  and  to  them  they  immediately  submitted,  and  de 
livered  up  their  arms  as  readily  and  submissively  as  com 
mon  soldiers  would  to  their  officers."  At  another  time 
when  the  detectives  were  taking  an  evening  walk  they 
met  an  Indian  dressed  in  a  remarkably  plain  manner, 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


with  a  broad  flat  hat,  like  a  Quaker.  We  asked  him  if  he 
was  a  Quaker,  and  he  smiling,  answered,  "Yes,  yes,  I  a 
Quaker  now  —  but  when  I  go  away  I  —  Indian  again."* 
From  this  it  would  appear  that  Teedyuscung  was  sup 
ported,  if  not  moved  to  peace  by  the  Friends.  He  per 
sisted  in  asking  the  Governor  to  send  his  peace  belts  to 
Ohio.  The  Province  acting  slowly  in  this  matter.  Tee 
dyuscung  himself  decided  to  send  two  brave  and  trust 
worthy  Indians  to  Ohio  with  the  peace  belts. 

While  these  efforts  were  progressing,  numerous  out 
rages  were  occurring  along  the  border.  The  French 
Indians  again  fell  upon  the  inhabitants  in  Berks  County 
and  alarmed  the  citizens  of  Reading.  Teedyuscung's  two 
messengers  were  still  at  Fort  Allen.  One  of  them  having 
a  bad  dream  they  immediately  decided  not  to  go.  Reports 
came  in  that  old  Paxinosa,  the  faithful  Shawanese  chief, 
who  had  been  true  to  the  English  since  the  war  began, 
had  turned  against  the  men  of  Pennsylvania.  A  general 
uprising  seemed  to  be  among  the  Indians.  The  French 
appeared  to  be  gaining  ground.  General  Forbes  was 
quick  to  see  this,  and  he  urged  Governor  Denny  to  ^accede 
to  all  of  Teedyuscung's  demands.  At  this  critical  juncture, 
those  intimate  with  the  secrets  of  the  Delaware  Indians 
discovered  that  the  cause  of  this  sudden  disaffection  was 
due  to  the  presence  of  the  Cherokee  Indians  in  the  Pro 
vince.  The  men  of  Cumberland  County,  joining  with 
Virginia,  and  Mr.  Atkin,  the  Southern  Superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs  for  the  Crown,  secured  the  alliance  of  the 
Cherokee  and  Southern  Indians.  Their  presence  at  Car 
lisle  and  Cumberland  excited  the  Six  Nations  and  the 
Delawrares.  If  their  old  enemies  were  friends  to  the  Fn°:- 

o 

lish,  they,  the  Northern  Indians,  would  go  over  to  the 
*Penna.  Archives,  vol.  III.,  pp.  275,  276. 


PEACE.  369 

French.  Old  Paxinosa  arose  and  said  I  will  take  my 
people  and  go  to  Ohio. 

Governor  Denny  and  General  Forbes  at  once  sent 
Christian  Post  and  Charles  Thomson  to  Wyoming,  to 
persuade  the  Indians  from  their  purpose,  and,  if  possible, 
to  call  all  the  friendly  Indians  east  of  the  mountains  while 
Forbes  should  complete  his  expedition  towards  Fort  Du- 
Quesne.  Thomson  and  Post  met  Teedyuscung  on  the 
mountains  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  miles  from  the  Wyo 
ming  Valley.  When  they  told  him  their  mission,  he  said, 
"Go  back,  I  will  not  answer  for  your  lives  if  you  go  on." 
They  then  reminded  him  that  the  road  to  Wyoming  had 
been  opened  by  a  belt  of  wampum  and  that  it  was  his  busi 
ness  to  keep  it  open  from  Fort  Allen  to  his  town,  just  as 
the  Governor  kept  it  open  for  the  Indians  from  Fort  Allen 
to  Fasten.  Post  said  that  it  was  the  custom  of  all  nations 
to  allow  peace  messengers  to  go  to  and  fro.  Teedyuscung 
replied  that  this  was  true,  that  it  was  the  Six  Nations, 
not  Teedyuscung,  who  had  blocked  the  road.  That  the 
woods  was  full  of  their  war  parties,  they  would  not  listen 
to  his  plea  for  peace,  but  declared  that  the  Cherokee  alli 
ance  and  the  murder  of  Seneca  Indians  in  Virginia  stirred 
them  to  war.  It  was  impossible  for  Post  and  Thomson 
to  go  further  against  Teedyuscung's  advice.  The  cause  of 
peace  was  growing  dark.  The  messengers  returned  with 
their  ears  full  of  complaints. 

In  this  dark  hour  Frederick  Christian  Post  gathered 
the  Cherokee  messages  and  offers  of  peace  with  the  Dela 
ware  Indians  and  took  them  to  Teedyuscung.  He  con 
vinced  the  chief  and  his  people  that  there  was  nothing  to 
fear  from  the  Cherokees  and  the  Southern  Indians. 

At  the  moment  Teedyuscung  realized  this  fact  he  at 
once  renewed  his  efforts  to  send  his  peace  belts  to  the  Ohio. 


37°  CONRAD    WEISER. 

Since  no  Indians  could  be  found  who  were  willing  to  take 
their  lives  in  their  hands  and  carry  these  messages,  Chris 
tian  Post  agreed  to  go  on  behalf  of  both  Teedyuscung  and 
Governor  Denny.  Several  Indians  now  offered  to  accom 
pany  Post.  He  accepted  their  offer,  but  applied  to  the 
Council  for  a  white  man  also  as  companion.  The  Council 
approved  this  request.  Post  then  said  that  since  Charles 
Thomson  had  offered  to  go  with  him  he  would  ask  to  have 
him  appointed.  The  Governor  objected  to  this  and  told 
Post  "he  might  take  any  other  person."*  As  a  result  Post 
went  to  Ohio  with  a  few  Indians,  one  of  whom  proved  a 
traitor  to  the  cause.  His  first  journey  prepared  the  Sha- 
wanese  and  Delaware  Indians  for  peace.  His  second 
mission  robbed  the  French  of  their  entire  Indian  alliance 
on  the  Ohio,  enabling  General  Forbes  to  occupy  Fort  Du- 
Quesne  without  opposition. 

While  Post  was  performing  this  remarkable  work  on 
the  Ohio,  Teedyuscung  was  stirring  the  Six  Nations  to 
send  their  deputies  to  a  great  peace  conference  at  Easton. 
By  this  means  the  old  chief  hoped  to  draw  all  the  Indians 
into  an  English  alliance  and  secure  a  general  peace.  As 
a  preliminary  to  this  movement  Teedyuscung  induced  the 
Minisink  Indians  and  some  Seneca  chiefs  to  go  to  Phila 
delphia,  in  August,  1758.  Teedyuscung's  son  and  a  Seneca 
chief  preceded  these  Indians  and  \vaited  upon  the  Gov 
ernor,  saying  that  they  had  a  matter  of  great  moment  to 
present  and  desired  that  Conrad  Weiser  be  sent  for  at 
once.  The  Governor  replied  that  Conrad  Weiser  was  not 
at  home  and  could  not  come  to  Philadelphia  in  time.  The 
Indians  said  they  did  not  choose  to  deliver  their  messages 
without  his  assistance.  Some  time  was  lost  in  waiting  for 
the  arrival  of  the  other  Indians.  A  Council  was  held  to 

*Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  147. 


PEACE.  371 

determine  what  to  do.  "The  Indians  seemed  in  great 
confusion  and  desired  to  be  alone.  They  were  an  hour  in 
consultation  keeping  the  Governor  and  Council  waiting. 
At  length  they  came  into  Council  and  John  Hudson 
acquainted  the  Governor  that  he  was  much  disappointed 
in  Conrad  Weiser's  not  coming,  but  believed  his  message 
could  be  interpreted  by  Moses  Tetemy  and  Sam,  and 
therefore  he  inclined  to  give  it;  and  as  all  he  should  say 
was  very  good  and  related  to  all  his  brethren,  he  desired 
the  Governor  would  sit  in  the  State  House  and  that  the 
people  might  hear  his  good  news."*  This  reluctance 
among  the  Indians  to  have  their  most  valued  messages 
translated  by  some  one  who  used  poor  English  or  failed 
to  grasp  their  full  meaning  reveals  the  unlimited  confi 
dence  they  had  in  the  ability  and  honesty  of  Conrad 
Weiser. 

The  fourth  Easton  treaty  convened  October  8,  1758, 
The  Six  Nations,  the  Minisinks,  the  Delawares  were 
there  and  before  the  treaty  \vas  over  Christian  Post  came 
to  speak  for  the  Ohio  Indians.  The  Friends  were  there 
with  their  presents,  and  Charles  Thomson  as  clerk  for 
Teedyuscung.  So  great  was  the  assemblage  that  all  the 
ancient  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Indian  nations  must  be 
performed  with  scrupulous  care.  Conrad  Weiser  apolo 
gized,  saying  that  his  memory  did  not  serve  him.  There 
fore  he  requested  that  Nichas,  the  Mohawk  chief,  perform 
these  ceremonies  for  him.  After  the  usual  preliminaries, 
and  considerable  delay  discussing  the  return  of  prisoners, 
the  principal  business  of  the  treaty  was  entered  upon. 
There  were  three  old  land  disputes.  The  Iroquois  sale  at 
Albany  in  1754  had  been  the  source  of  trouble,  if  not  of 
war.  The  Walking  Purchase  complained  of  so  often  by 

*Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  150. 


372  CONRAD    WEISER. 

Teedyuscung,  and  the  Minisink  or  Munsey  Indians  com 
plained  that  their  lands  in  Jersey  had  never  been  bought. 
And  now  as  the  price  of  peace  these  three  disputes  were 
to  be  settled,  let  it  cost  what  it  would.  The  Assemblies 
of  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  had  decreed  it  so.  The 
people  had  asserted  their  prerogative  in  Government  and 
Governors  and  Proprietors  were  forced  to  submit. 

Conrad  Weiser  had  since  1754  insisted  that  the 
Albany  purchase  was  not  just,  that  the  Indians  were 
deceived  and  the  running  of  the  lines  had  been  misrepre 
sented.  Weiser's  zeal,  however,  in  this  cause  seems  to 
have  been  weakened  by  the  fact  that  the  Proprietors  gave 
him  two  thousand  (?)  acres  of  land  in  Cumberland 
County.  The  Six  Nations  complained  to  Sir  William 
Johnson  in  1755  and  told  him  they  would  never  consent 
to  this  sale.  That  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna 
was  held  in  trust  as  a  hunting  ground  for  their  cousins, 
the  Delawares.  Sir  William  immediately  took  measures 
to  compel  the  Proprietors  to  cede  back  the  land  west  of  the 
Alleghanies.  Three  years  were  consumed  in  accomplish 
ing  this.  The  delay  was  a  costly  one  to  the  people  on  the 
Pennsylvania  frontier.  The  Delawares,  who  had  lost 
their  hunting  grounds,  joined  the  French  and  sought 
revenge  in  scalps  and  fire.  At  the  Easton  treaty  of  1758, 
the  Governor  on  behalf  of  the  Proprietors,  told  the  Six 
Nation  Indians  that  Conrad  Weiser  and  Richard  Peters 
would  deed  back  to  them  all  of  the  Albany  Purchase  west 
of  the  summits  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains.  "The  Pro 
prietors,"  said  the  Governor,  "have  on  all  occasions  mani 
fested  their  particular  regard  for  you.  They  prefer  your 
friendship  and  the  public  good  to  their  own  private  inter 
est.  Their  former  conduct  gives  you  no  room  to  doubt 


PEACE.  373 

the  truth  of  this."*  The  Indians  were  always  too  consid 
erate  to  call  in  question  such  statements.  The  facts  of  the 
case  were  that  John  and  Thomas  Penn  paid  the  Six  Na 
tions  one  thousand  dollars  for  that  part  of  the  Albany 
Purchase  which  lay  east  of  the  Alleghanies.  The  remain 
der  of  the  purchase  money  was  to  be  paid  after  the  settlers 
commenced  to  occupy  the  western  section.  This  money 
the  Six  Nations  declared  they  would  never  receive,  but 
would  go  to  war  first.  In  the  face  of  these  threats  it  was 
three  years  before  the  Proprietors  ceded  back  the  land. 
Before  this  deed  was  made  out,  Christian  Post  had  suc 
ceeded  in  drawing  the  Shawanese  and  Delaware  tribes  on 
the  Ohio  away  from  the  French.  Post's  enterprise  was 
one  of  remarkable  difficulty  in  itself.  That  it  was  done 
before  this  land  was  deeded  back  by  Weiser  and  Peters 
adds  materially  to  Post's  achievements. 

The  second  land  dispute  at  Easton  was  the  Munseys' 
complaint  that  their  lands  in  Jersey  had  never  been  pur 
chased.  Governor  Bernard  was  at  Easton  ready  and  will 
ing,  now  that  war  was  heavy  upon  the  Colonies,  to  pur 
chase.  The  question  in  dispute,  however,  was  the  right  or 
jurisdiction  of  the  Six  Nations  to  the  land.  If  the  Iro- 
quois  treaty  of  1736  gave  the  Six  Nations  a  claim  on  the 
Delaware  River  lands;  if  they  could  chastise  the  Dela 
ware  Indians  in  1742  for  selling  land,  then  the  Six 
Nations  were  clearly  owners  of  land  east  of  the  Delaware 
River.  This  the  Munseys  stoutly  denied,  and  the  Iroquois 
for  reasons  best  known  to  them  and  Sir  William  Johnson, 
concluded  not  to  press  such  a  claim.  However,  when  the 
Munseys  asked  Governor  Bernard  to  state  the  sum  he 
would  pay  for  the  Jersey  lands,  and  he  had  offered  them 
eight  hundred  dollars,  saying  it  was  a  most  extraordinary 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  204. 


374  CONRAD    WEISER. 

price,  the  Munseys  turned  to  the  Iroquois,  saying  they 
would  be  glad  for  the  opinion  of  their  uncles.  The  Six 
Nations,  who  excelled  all  the  Indians  of  America  in  diplo 
macy,  replied  "that  it  was  a  fair  and  honorable  offer,  and 
if  it  were  their  own  case  they  would  cheerfully  accept  it; 
but  as  there  were  a  great  many  persons  to  share  in  the 
purchase  money,  they  recommended  it  to  his  Excellency 
to  add  two  hundred  dollars  more;  and  if  that  was  com 
plied  with  the  report  of  it  would  be  carried  to  all  the  na 
tions  and  would  be  a  proof  of  the  affection  and  generosity 
of  their  brethren,  the  English."*  Governor  Bernard 
found  there  was  nothing  else  he  could  do.  The  great  num 
ber  of  the  Munseys  reported  by  the  Iroquois  was  sufficient 
reason  for  an  increase  in  the  price. 

The  third  subject  of  land  dispute  was  the  old  com 
plaints  made  by  Teedyuscung,  i.  c.,  ( i )  Was  the  Walking 
Purchase  just?  (2)  Had  the  Six  Nations  any  right  to 
sell  land  on  the  Delaware?  Since  1742  the  Delawares  and 
the  Six  Nations  had  not  met  in  a  public  land  treaty  with 
Pennsylvania.  The  question  now  brewing  was  whether 
the  Delaware  Indians  were  women  or  men.  Were  they 
subjects  of  the  Iroquois,  or  were  they  independent?  Tee 
dyuscung  was  much  more  humble  at  Easton  in  '58  than  he 
had  been  in  '56  and  '5?-  This  was  due  to  the  presence  of 
the  Iroquois.  The  Mohawks  were  his  enemy.  The  Six 
Nations  concluded  that  the  first  thing  for  them  to  do  was 
to  break  down  the  influence  and  standing  of  Teedyuscung. 
One  day,  when  the  Governor  was  about  to  close  that  ses 
sion  of  the  Conference,  Nichas,  a  Mohawk,  arose  and 
pointing  to  Teedyuscung  spoke  with  great  warmth  and 
vigor.  Weiser  was  ordered  to  interpret  it,  but  declined 
and  desired  that  Mr.  Montour  should  do  it.  Then  after  a 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  209. 


PEACE.  375 

pause  the  old  man's  fertile  brain  saw  how  the  approaching 
storm  might  be  averted.  He  advised  that  this  matter  be 
interpreted  at  a  private  conference.  The  Governor  asked 
Weiser  to  consult  the  Indians.  Nothing  daunted  the  old 
man  did  so,  asking  if  they  chose  to  have  this  matter  inter 
preted  now  or  at  a  private  conference.  "Now,"  the  Indians 
replied.  Then  finally,  since  Conrad  Weiser  requested  it, 
they  consented  to  come  to  a  private  conference  in  the 
morning.  The  next  day,  October  14,  there  was  no  con 
ference.  Doubtless  Weiser  took  means  to  prevent  a  con 
ference  until  the  anger  of  the  Iroquois  had  somewhat 
abated.  On  the  morning  of  the  I5th,  in  private  confer 
ence,  Nichas,  the  Mohawk,  arose  saying,  "Who  made 
Teedyuscung  the  chief  of  the  Nations?  If  he  be  such  a 
great  man  we  desire  to  know  who  made  him  so.  Perhaps 
you  have,  and  if  this  be  the  case  tell  us  so.  It  may  be  the 
French  have  made  him  so.  We  want  to  inquire  and  know 
whence  his  greatness  arose."  Then  Tagashata,  in  behalf 
of  the  Senecas  spoke :  "We  do  not  know  who  made 
Teedyuscung  this  great  man  over  Ten  Nations  and  I  want 
to  know  who  made  him  so."  Then  Assarandonquas,  on 
behalf  of  the  Onondagos,  said:  "I  never  heard  before 
now  that  Teedyuscung  was  such  a  great  man  and  much 
less  can  I  tell  who  made  him  so.  No  such  thing  was  ever 
said  in  our  towns."  Then  spoke  Thomas  King  in  behalf  of 
the  Oneidas,  Cayugas,  Tuscaroras,  Nanticokes  and 
Conoys,  saying :  "I  now  tell  you  we  none  of  us  know  who 
has  made  Teedyuscung  such  a  great  man.  Perhaps  the 
French  have  or  perhaps  you  have,  or  some  among  you,  as 
you  have  different  governments  and  are  different  people. 
We  for  our  parts  entirely  disown  that  he  has  any  authority 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


over  us,  and  we  desire  to  know  from  whence  he  derives 
his  authority."* 

The  next  day  Governor  Denny  acknowledged  Tee- 
dyuscung's  claims  at  previous  treaties,  but  denied  making 
him  a  great  Chief.  "At  our  former  public  treaties,"  said 
Denny,  "Teedyuscung  never  assumed  any  such  power  ;  but 
on  many  occasions  when  he  spoke  of  you  called  you  his 
uncles  and  superiors.  I  never  shall  attempt  to  nominate 
or  impose  a  chief  on  any  Indian  tribe  or  nation,  but  on  all 
occasions  will  pay  due  regard  to  those  who  are  chosen  by 
their  countrymen.  ...  I  shall  be  greatly  concerned  that 
any  uneasiness  should  arise  among  you,  and  hope  you  will 
guard  against  it,  and  preserve  this  harmony  which  ought 
to  subsist  between  friends  and  relations."  Governor  Ber 
nard  also  denied  making  Teedyuscung  a  King,  and  with 
great  skill  apologized  for  the  Chief's  actions,  saying  :  "In 
the  Pennsylvania  treaties  which  I  have  read  since  our  last 
meeting  (  October  15)!  have  observed  that  Teedyuscung 
says  he  was  a  woman  till  you  made  him  a  man  by  putting 
a  tomahawk  in  his  hand,  and  through  all  these  treaties, 
especially  at  the  last  one  held  in  this  town,  he  calls  you 
his  uncles,  and  professes  that  he  is  dependent  on  you,  and 
I  know  not  that  anything  has  since  happened  to  alter  his 
relation  to  you.  I  therefore  consider  him  to  be  still  your 
nephew.  "§ 

Thus  under  the  skillful  guidance  of  Conrad  Weiser, 
who  delayed  this  outburst  of  Iroquois  anger  and  put 
words  into  the  mouths  of  the  Governors  present,  things 
were  smoothed  over,  and  the  cause  of  peace  was  not  hin 
dered.  It  was  not  until  after  Weiser's  death  that  the  Mo- 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  pp.  190,  191. 
§Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  pp.  193,  194. 


PEACE.  377 

hawks  in  secret  destroyed  the  life  of  Teedyuscung  and 
thus  crippled  forever  the  rising  power  of  the  Dela\vares. 

The  Governors'  apologies  brought  Teedyuscung  to  his 
feet  upon  his  land  claim  and  his  losses.  "I  do  not  pre 
tend,"  he  said,  "to  mention  any  of  my  uncle's  lands.  I 
only  mention  what  we,  the  Delawares,  own,  as  far  as  the 
heads  of  the  Delaware.  All  the  lands  lying  on  the  waters 
that  fall  into  the  Susquehanna  belong  to  our  uncles." 
Teedyuscung  then  took  up  another  belt  and  turned  to  speak 
to  the  Iroquois,  but  the  proud  chiefs  of  that  confederacy 
had,  during  his  speech  to  Governors  Denny  and  Bernard, 
noiselessly,  one  by  one,  left  the  room.  Teedyuscung  then 
declined  to  speak  further,  and  the  following  day  was  spent 
by  the  Indians  in  private  conferences.  The  next  day  after 
Governor  Denny  had  had  a  private  interview  with  the  Six 
Nations,  Teedyuscung  came  to  the  Governor's  headquar 
ters  to  say  that  the  Delawares  did  not  claim  land  high  up 
on  the  Delaware  River;  those  belonged  to  their  uncles. 
The  land  which  Teedyuscung  did  complain  about  was  in 
cluded  in  the  Walking  Purchase  and  included  the  larger 
part  of  the  present  Monroe  and  Pike  counties,  part  of  Car 
bon  and  nearly  all  of  Northampton.  With  the  exception 
of  the  latter  county,  this  same  land  \vas  purchased  from 
the  Six  Nations  in  the  deed  of  1749. 

The  Delawares  felt  that  they  were  wronged  in  1736 
when  the  Iroquois  gave  a  separate  deed  for  land  on  the 
Delaware  south  of  the  Blue  Mountains.  Their  wrongs 
grew  to  an  insult  when  Canassatego  called  them  women 
in  1742  and  ordered  them  to  Wyoming.  When  the  war 
broke  out  this  turned  the  Eastern  Delawares  against  the 
English.  One  of  the  conditions  of  peace  made  by  Tee 
dyuscung  was  that  Wyoming  be  settled  upon  the  Dela 
wares,  and  that  a  deed  be  held  for  the  same.  Governor 


CONRAD    WEISER. 

Denny  declined  to  give  such  a  paper,  saying  he  had  no 
right,  since  this  land  had  never  been  bought  by  the  Pro- 
prietors  from  the  Six  Nations.  Now  in  public  conference 
Teedyuscung  charges  the  Six  Nations  with  selling  this 
land  to  the  Connecticut  Commissioners.  "Uncles,"  he 
said,  "you  may  remember  that  you  placed  us  at  Wyoming 
and  Shamokin,  places  where  Indians  have  lived  before. 
Now  I  hear  since  that  you  have  sold  that  land  to  our 
brethren,  the  English.  Let  the  matter  now  be  cleared  up 
in  the  presence  of  our  brethren,  the  English.  I  sit  here 
as  a  bird  on  a  bough.  I  look  about  and  do  not  know 
where  to  go.  Let  me  therefore  come  down  upon  the 
ground,  and  make  that  my  own  by  a  good  deed,  and  I 
shall  then  have  a  home  forever;  for  if  you,  my  uncles,  or 
I  die,  our  brethren,  the  English,  will  say  they  bought  it 
from  you,  and  so  wrong  my  posterity  out  of  it." 

Thomas  King,  one  day  during  Teedyuscung's  absence, 
replied  that  the  Six  Nation  Deputies  now  assembled  at 
Easton,  had  "no  power  to  convey  lands  to  anyone.  Ent 
we  will  take  your  request  to  the  great  Council  Fire  for 
their  sentiments,  as  we  never  convey  or  sell  lands  before 
it  be  agreed  in  the  great  Council  of  the  United  Nations. 
Tn  the  meantime  you  may  make  use  of  those  lands  in  con 
junction  with  our  people."* 

The  remaining  important  feature  in  the  treaty  of  1758 
was  the  charge  of  fraud  made  by  Teedyuscung,  which  was 
not  yet  settled.  "I  did  let  you  know  formally  what  my 
grievance  was,"  said  Teedyuscung.  "I  told  you  that  from 
Tohiccon  (Lehigh?)  as  far  as  the  Delawares  owned,  the 
Proprietaries  had  wronged  me.  Then  you  and  I  agreed 
that  it  should  be  laid  before  the  King  of  England,  and 
likewise  you  told  me  you  would  let  me  know  as  soon  as 

*Colonial  Records,  vol.  VTIL,  p.  221. 


PEACE.  379 

ever  he  saw  fit.  You  would  lay  the  matter  before  the 
King,  for  you  said  he  was  our  Father,  that  he  might  see 
what  was  our  differences,  for  as  you  and  I  could  not 
decide  it,  let  him  do  it.  Now  let  us  not  alter  what  you  and 
I  have  agreed.  Now  let  me  know  if  King  George  has 
decided  the  matter  between  you  and  me."' 

The  Governor  defers  a  direct  reply  to  this  until  he  can 
lay  the  dispute  before  the  Six  Nation  Deputies.  He  tells 
them  that  they  have  sold  land  to  the  Proprietaries  which 
their  nephews  the  Delawares  claim.  "This  is  the  case," 
he  said,  "with  regard  to  some  part  of  the  lands  lying  be 
tween  Tohiccon  Creek  and  the  head  of  the  River  Dela 
ware,  which  Teedyuscung  in  your  hearing  .  .  .  said  the 
Proprietaries  had  defrauded  him  of.  The  Proprietaries 
are  desirous  to  do  strict  justice  to  all  Indians;  but  it  can 
not  be  supposed  they  can  know  in  which  of  you  the  right 
was  vested.  It  is  a  matter  which  must  be  settled  among 
yourselves.  Till  this  is  done  there  will  probably  remain 
some  jealousy  and  discontent  among  you  that  may  inter 
rupt  both  your  and  our  future  quiet,  which  we  should 
guard  against  by  all  means  in  our  power." 

The  Six  Nations  replied  that  they  did  not  exactly 
understand  the  Governor;  he  "had  left  matters  in  the 
dark.  They  did  not  know  what  lands  he  meant.  If  he 
meant  the  lands  on  the  other  side  of  the  Mountains  (Blue 
Mountains)  he  knew  the  Proprietaries  had  their  deeds 
(Deed  of  1749)  for  them,  which  ought  to  be  produced 
and  shown  to  them.  Their  deeds  had  their  marks,  and 
when  they  should  see  them  they  would  know  their  marks 
again."  Conrad  Weiser  was  sent  for  the  deed.  The 

*Penna.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  201. 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


Indians  examined  it  and  said,     'The  land  was  ours  and 
we  will  justify  it."* 

Teedyuscung  said  no  more.  The  treaty  adjourned  with 
apparent  good  feeling.  Peace  was  secured  and  the  Ohio 
Indians  had  been  drawn  away  from  the  French.  The 
Meeting  for  Sufferings  for  the  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meet 
ing  of  Friends  now  demanded  an  investigation  into  Tee- 
dyuscung's  charges  in  order  to  clear  themselves  of  certain 
aspersions.  The  Governor  was  quick  to  exonerate  the 
Friends  from  any  dishonor  in  the  affair  but  slow  to  push 
an  investigation.  It  is  true  a  committee  of  the  Council 
had  been  laboring  for  two  years  to  prove  that  the  Walking 
Purchase  was  strictly  an  honest  proceeding.  This  report§ 
was  not  approved  by  James  Logan  and  Benjamin  Shoe 
maker,  two  members  of  the  Council. 

In  1759  Croghan  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace  at  Pitts- 
burg  with  the  Western  Indians,  gathering  the  fruit  and 
the  glory  of  Christian  Post's  efforts. 

In  1761  Teedyuseung  proposed  to  leave  Wyoming, 
since  he  could  get_  no  title  to  that  country  for  his  people. 
The  Governor,  however,  persuaded  him  not  to  do  such  a 
rash  thing.  The  case  to  be  arbitrated  before  Sir  William 
Johnson  was  deferred  and  postponed,  until,  in  May,  1762, 
Teedyuscung  came  to  Philadelphia,  when  he  was  told  that 
if  he  would  withdraw  his  charges  against  the  Proprietors, 
of  fraud  in  the  Walking  Purchase,  there  was  four  hun 
dred  pounds  in  it  for  him.  Teedyuscung  then  came  into 
conference,  saying  what  he  had  been  saying  for  five  years, 
that  he  did  not  want  Sir  William  Johnson  to  arbitrate  the 
dispute.  Teedyuscung  further  said  that  he  had  never 
charged  "the  Proprietaries  with  fraud,  but  had  only  said 

*Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  205. 
§See  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  246. 


PEACE.  381 

that  the  French  had  informed  them  that  the  English  had 
cheated  them  of  their  lands,  and  his  young  men  desired 
him  to  mention  it  at  the  treaty  of  Easton,  and  that  he  did 
it  to  please  them,  and  was  sorry  it  had  reached  their 
hearts."*  The  Governor  told  him  if  he  would  acknowl 
edge  this  in  public,  he  wrould  make  him  a  present,  not  on 
account  of  the  lands  which  had  been  bought  and  paid  for, 
but  on  account  of  his  needy  circumstances.  Therefore, 
when  Teedyuscung  made  his  public  acknowledgment,  the 
Governor  made  him  a  present  of  four  hundred  pounds. 
Isaac  Still,  the  interpreter,  said  this  was  a  great  dispute 
indeed  to  be  all  about  four  hundred  pounds.  The  Gover 
nor  then,  to  quiet  their  dissatisfaction  with  the  smallness 
of  the  bribe,  said  that  the  dispute  should  go  before  Sir 
William  Johnson,  when  if  it  were  found  that  the  Proprie 
taries  had  not  cheated  the  Indians  at  the  Walking  Pur 
chase,  the  Governor  would  not  be  under  obligations  to  pay 
Teedyuscung  one  farthing.  The  old  Peacemaker  then 
begged  the  Governor  not  to  take  the  case  before  Johnson. 
The  Governor  refused.  In  June,  Sir  William  Johnson 
was  at  Easton,  §  and  Teedyuscung  acknowledged  his  error 
in  the  charge  of  forgery.  This  was  reported  to  the  West 
ern  Indians  in  a  conference  at  Lancaster  in  August,  when 
they  also  repudiated  any  claim  they  may  ever  have  had  to 
lands  on  the  Delaware.  Liberal  presents  were  then  given 
to  all.  Teedyuscung  again  received  a  present.  This  time 
it  was  two  hundred  Spanish  dollars  and  the  value  of  two 
hundred  pounds  in  goods. 

With  these  transactions  the  charges  of  Proprietary 
fraud  were  thought  to  be  buried  forever.  Before  this 
was  accomplished,  Conrad  Weiser  was  no  more. 

'  *Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  p.  708. 
§Colonial  Records,  vol.  VIII.,  pp.  739,  740. 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


CONCLUSION. 

THE  career  of  Conrad  Weiser  in  Pennsylvania  marks 
an  epoch  in  the  Indian  policy  of  the  Province.  The 
struggle  between  the  two  rival  European  nations  for  pos 
session  of  the  Ohio  Valley  was  retarded  by  the  attitude 
of  the  Six  Nations,  and  Conrad  Weiser  proved  himself  to 
be  a  powerful  factor  in  preserving  this  neutrality  during 
a  period  of  over  thirty  years. 

This  attitude  of  the  Six  Nations  enabled  the  English 
colonies  to  grow  strong  and  self-reliant,  producing  their 
own  bread-stuffs,  and  making  their  own  powder.  And 
when  the  final  struggle  came  they  were  not,  like  the 
French,  compelled  to  rely  upon  Europe  for  supplies,  nor 
were  they  forced  to  purchase  these  stores  with  peltry 
obtained  from  the  Indians  in  trade.  When  hostilities 
prevented  hunting  and  trapping,  the  French  found  them 
selves  without  the  means  of  purchasing  even  the  munitions 
of  war.  They  were  no  longer  able  to  lavish  presents  upon 
their  Indian  allies. 

The  Society  of  Friends  in  Pennsylvania,  through  their 
peace  association,  took  advantage  of  the  needy  circum 
stances  of  the  French,  and,  utilizing  the  skill  of  a  devoted 
Moravian  missionary,  Frederick  Christian  Post,  drew  the 
Indians  of  Ohio  away  from  the  French  into  the  English 
interests.  In  the  wake  of  the  peace  victories,  the  French 
strongholds  from  DuQuesne  to  Quebec  commenced  to  fall. 
It  was  Conrad  Weiser  who  aided  the  Iroquois  in  their 
struggle  for  neutrality,  and  many  times  prevented  open 
disruption  with  the  English. 

The   appearance  of  Weiser   in   Pennsylvania   a   few 


CONCLUSION.  383 

years  after  the  death  of  Perm,  marks  that  transition  period 
when  the  Delaware  Indians  began  to  lose,  and  the  Iroquois 
to  gain,  in  influence  and  power,  writh  the  authorities  of  the 
Province. 

The  treaty  of  1736  could  not  have  operated  as  it  did 
without  the  guiding  force  of  Conrad  Weiser's  presence. 
He  persuaded  the  Province  to  recognize  the  supremacy  of 
the  Six  Nations,  and  to  buy  out  their  claims  to  all  Susque- 
hanna  lands  southeast  of  the  Blue  Mountains.  Then,  as 
an  afterthought,  Weiser  urged  the  Governor  and  Pro 
prietors  to  offer  a  present  and  secure  a  deed  from  these 
same  Indians  for  all  Iroquois  claims  on  the  Delaware 
River  southeast  of  the  before-mentioned  Blue  Mountains. 
The  Governor  and  Proprietors  may  have  thought  that  by 
this  deed  they  were  strengthening  their  titles  to  the  land. 
Weiser  may  have  believed  that  he  was  doing  his  friends 
the  Iroquois  a  good  turn,  but  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations 
well  knew  that  they  had  gained  a  right  to  claim  Delaware 
land  and  that  henceforth  Pennsylvania  would  be  obliged 
to  support  them  in  this  claim.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
the  movement  which  robbed  the  Delaware  Indians  of  all 
powrer  to  sell  land. 

It  became  the  policy  of  Conrad  Weiser,  with  one  foot 
on  the  Delawares,  to  caress  the  Iroquois  and  condemn  the 
French.  In  a  short  time  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, 
through  its  Governor,  pursued  the  same  policy.  After  the 
Delawares  were  insulted  in  Philadelphia  in  1742,  and 
called  women,  and  ordered  to  quit  the  lands  of  their  fath 
ers  and  remove  to  Wyoming,  after  the  Iroquois  sold  their 
hunting  grounds  on  the  Susquehanna  to  Penn's  heirs  in 
1754,  and  their  Wyoming  asylum  to  the  Connecticut 
agents,  the  Delawares  arose  and  struck  the  English. 
Their  revenge  wreaked  itself  upon  the  Pennsylvania  bor- 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


der.  The  policy  which  held  the  Six  Nations  aloof  from 
the  French  for  twenty-live  years,  and  made  an  English 
Republic  possible  on  American  shores,  cost  Pennsylvania 
the  friendship  of  the  Delawares  and  the  best  lives  on  the 
frontiers. 

Weiser's  Iroquois  alliances,  his  skill  in  preventing 
Virginia  and  Maryland  from  becoming  involved  in  an 
Indian  war,  his  ability  in  securing  the  friendship  of  the 
Six  Nation  allies  on  the  Maumee  and  Wabash,  stimulated 
the  fur  trade  in  Pennsylvania.  The  exports  of  peltries 
from  Philadelphia  at  this  time  excelled  those  of  New 
York  and  Baltimore.  The  protection  offered  by  Weiser's 
Logstown  treaty  of  1748,  revealed  to  Virginia  the  wealth 
of  trade  in  territory  which  she  had  always  claimed.  The 
Ohio  Land  Company  was  formed  and  the  Virginia  traders 
pushed  rapidly  into  this  Eldorado.  Bitter  jealousies 
sprang  up  between  the  trade  interests  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia.  The  keen  perceptions  of  the  French  were  quick 
to  detect  this  condition,  and  their  centralized  system  of 
government  enabled  them  to  take  prompt  advantage  of 
this  state  of  affairs  in  order  to  regain  their  losses  in  trade 
and  territory. 

Virginia  and  New  York  vied  with  each  other  in  a 
desire  to  secure  through  the  King  of  England  entire  con 
trol  of  Indian  affairs.  The  Crown  compromised  the  mat 
ter  and  gave  Sir  William  Johnson  control  in  the  northern 
and  middle,  and  Mr.  Atkins  in  the  southern  colonies. 
This  led  to  a  decline  of  Weiser's  influence.  Croghan 
became  Johnson's  deputy  in  Pennsylvania,  and  Weiser 
sank  in  importance  to  that  of  an  ordinary  interpreter.  As 
years  advanced,  disappointments  thickened  around  this 
iron-willed  man.  From  his  youth  Weiser  had  been  deeply 
moved  by  his  strong  likes  and  dislikes.  Yet  in  his  heart 


CONCLUSION.  385 

there  was  a  vigorous  disposition  to  forgive.  He  became 
reconciled  to  the  community  at  Ephrata,  he  forgave  Mon- 
tour  and  befriended  him  when  he  knew  Andrew  was  false. 
Weiser  could  love  his  enemies  and  forgive  those  who 
despite  fully  used  him.  A  strong  sense  of  justice  actuated 
all  his  dealings  with  the  Indians.  Even  the  Delawares 
and  Shawanese,  whom  he  despised,  were  again  and  again 
befriended  and  protected.  Weiser's  strong  will  made  him 
a  positive  character.  His  unflinching  administration  of 
justice  as  a  magistrate  embarrassed  him  with  many  ene 
mies.  When  they  saw  his  acres  increasing,  many  were 
the  charges  of  corruption  and  fraud  which  were  flung  at 
him.  They  said  that  he  was  no  better  than  other  Indian 
agents  and  traders. 

In  reference  to  his  possession  of  the  Isle  of  Que,  where 
a  part  of  Selinsgrove  now  stands,  his  enemies  floated  the 
rumor  that  Shikellimy  once  went  to  Weiser,  saying,  "I 
had  a  dream.  I  dreamed  that  Tarachawagon  (Weiser) 
had  promised  me  with  a  rifle."  Conrad,  we  are  told, 
handed  over  the  gun.  Some  days  later  Weiser  had  his 
dream.  He  took  it  to  the  old  chief,  saying,  "I  dreamed 
that  Shikellimy  presented  me  with  the  large  and  beautiful 
island  nestled  in  the  Susquehanna  River."  The  chief,  we 
are  told,  deeded  over  the  land,  and  then  said,  "Conrad,  let 
us  never  dream  again." 

The  confidential  correspondence  between  Weiser  and 
Richard  Peters  would  indicate  that  Weiser  purchased  not 
only  the  Tulpehocken  plantation  but  his  lands  on  the  Sus 
quehanna  from  the  Proprietors.  The  services  he  rendered 
John  and  Thomas  Penn  were  in  more  cases  than  one  paid 
for  in  land.  At  the  Albany  treaty  Weiser  and  Richard 
Peters  represented  the  Proprietors,  and  received  for  their 
labor  in  persuading  the  Iroquois  to  sell  southwestern 


CONRAD    WEISER. 

Pennsylvania,  a  large  tract  of  land  west  of  the  Susque- 
hanna  River.  The  possession  of  this  tract  became  a 
thorn  in  the  flesh  during  his  declining  years.  The  squat 
ters  had  possession  and  refused  to  permit  anyone  to  sur 
vey  them,  and  with  some  emphasis  they  declared  that  they 
would  fight  before  they  would  be  driven  off.  In  a  letter 
dated  4112-1755,  Weiser  says,  "I  will  give  up  my  claim 
west  of  the  Susquehanna  rather  than  cause  bloodshed." 
Four  years  later  the  land  commissioners  for  the  Proprie 
tors  asked  Weiser  to  "fix  the  date  of  settlement"  on  his 
"western  tract,  that  the  date  of  quitrents  might  be  fixed." 

The  events  of  the  French  and  Indian  war  prevented 
Weiser  from  taking  possession  of  the  land.  He 
bequeathed  it  with  its  accumulated  rents  and  disputes,  to 
his  five  sons  and  two  daughters.  In  less  than  eight  months 
after  this  will  was  made,  Weiser,  who  had  been  declining 
in  health  for  several  years,  started  out  from  his  home  in 
Reading  to  visit  his  farm  in  Womelsdorf,  where  he  died 
the  next  day,  July  13,  1760,  from  what  was  then  called  a 
violent  attack  of  the  colic.  His  remains  still  rest  in  the 
little  private  burying-ground  near  the  present  town  of 
Womelsdorf,  and  are  marked  by  a  very  modest  stone. 

Secretary  Peters,  writing  from  Philadelphia  the  fol 
lowing  winter,  says,  "Poor  Mr.  Weiser  is  no  more;  he 
died  suddenly  in  the  summer  and  has  not  left  anyone  to  fill 
his  place  as  Provincial  Interpreter.  His  son  Samuel  has 
almost  forgotten  what  little  he  knew." 

At  the  Indian  Treaty  held  at  Easton,  August  3,  1761, 
Seneca  George  arose  saying,  "Brother  Onas :  We,  the 
Seven  Nations,  and  our  cousins,  are  at  a  great  loss  and  sit 
in  darkness,  as  well  as  you,  by  the  death  of  Conrad  Wei 
ser,  as  since  his  death  we  cannot  so  well  understand  one 
another.  By  this  belt  we  cover  his  body  with  bark." 


CONCLUSION.  387 

While  the  Proprietors  and  Governors  all  bore  testi 
mony  to  Weiser's  ability,  his  declining  years  were  sad 
dened  by  a  growing  distrust  on  all  sides.  His  determina 
tion  to  see  justice  done  to  the  Indians  brought  upon  him 
the  censure  of  the  frontier  people  and  especially  the  men 
of  Paxtang  and  the  Susquehanna  country.  These  people 
were  determined  to  have  the  scalp  bounty,  and  during  the 
autumn  previous  to  the  passage  of  that  bill  they  insisted 
that  Weiser  could  pay  them  the  scalp  bounty  if  he  would. 

From  a  damaged  MSS.  letter  of  Weiser's  in  which  he 
mentions  going  into  that  region  to  protect  some  friendly 
Indians,  he  recounts  the  difficulties  of  the  situation.  "I 
went  with  them"  (the  Indians).  "When  we  came  near 
B. — lys,  I  saw  about  400  or  500  men,  and  a  loud  noise. 
I  rode  before,  and  in  riding  along  the  road  and  armed  men 
on  both  sides  of  the  road,  I  heard  some  say,  'Why  must 
we  be  killed  by  the  Indians  and  we  not  kill  them,  why  are 
our  hands  so  tied?'  I  got  the  Indians  to  the  house  with 
much  adieu."  The  people  then  gathered  around  clamor 
ing  for  a  scalp  bounty.  Wreiser  told  them  that  he"  had  no 
power  from  the  Governor  nor  Assembly  to  do  this.  "They 
began  to  curse  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly,  called  me 
a  traitor  of  country,  who  held  with  the  Indians,  and  must 
have  known  of  the  murder  .  .  .  beforehand.  I  sat  in  the 
house  by  a  low  window.  Some  of  my  friends  came  to  pull 
me  away  from  it,  telling  me  some  of  the  people  threatened 
to  shoot  me.  I  offered  to  go  out  to  the  people  and  either 
pacify  them  or  make  the  King's  proclamation,  but  those 
in  the  house  with  me  would  not  let  me  go  out.  The  cry 
was,  the  land  is  betrayed  and  sold  .  .  .  the  common  peo 
ple  from  Lancaster  County  were  the  worst.  ...  I  was  in 
danger  of  being  shot  to  death.  ...  In  the  meantime  a 
great  smoke  arose  under  Tulpehocken  mountain."  The 


CONRAD    WEISER. 


people  all  hastened  toward  that,  and  Weiser,  relieved  from 
the  press  of  the  mob,  says,  "I  took  my  horse  and  went 
home,  where  I  intend  to  stay  and  defend  my  own  house 
as  long  as  I  can."* 

Shikellimy's  son  John  in  recounting  the  difficulties  he 
experienced  in  his  efforts  to  remain  loyal  to  the  English, 
says  :  "I  was  cursed  by  some  of  the  people  of  Pennsyl 
vania  to  my  face  and  threatened  to  be  killed,  and  in  order 
to  save  my  life  I  was  obliged  to  make  my  escape,  and 
almost  perished  in  the  woods  for  want  of  food,  having 
above  two  hundred  miles  to  travel  before  I  could  reach 
the  Indian  town,  and  had  nothing  to  eat  but  what  I  could 
pick  up  in  the  woods,  having  no  gun  with  me.  I  thought 
it  very  hard  that  there  was  nobody  that  spoke  in  my  favor 
among  the  people  on  the  Susquehanna,  tho'  they  all  knew 
I  was  a  constant  friend  to  the  people  of  Pennsylvania.  I 
desired  them  to  give  me  a  safe  guard  to  convey  me  to  my 
uncle,  C.  Weiser,  but  they  would  not  do  it,  but  said  that 
C.  W.  was  as  great  a  rogue  as  myself.  "§  This  contempt 
for  Conrad  Weiser  was  shared  by  Teedyuscung  and  the 
Delawares  who  followed  him  into  peace  with  the  English. 
The  Moravians  looked  with  suspicion  and  distrust  upon 
the  old  interpreter.  His  former  friends  among  the 
Indians  turned  away  from  him  when  he  accepted  the  Gov 
ernor's  commission  as  commander  of  the  colonial  forces 
and  defenses  between  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Delaware. 
The  French,  during  the  war,  had  a  reward  on  the  old 
man's  scalp,  and  the  woods  were  full  of  his  enemies. 
During  his  prosperous  as  well  as  during  his  declining 
hours,  Weiser  never  shirked  a  revealed  duty,  or  swerved 

*Manuscript  letter  of  Conrad  Weiser,  in  the  collection  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 

§Penna.  Archives,  vol.  II.,  pp.  777,  778. 


CONCLUSION.  389 

from  his  conception  of  justice.  The  training  of  his  youth 
as  well  as  the  experiences  of  his  public  life,  combined  to 
strengthen  his  loyalty  to  those  in  authority. 

He  was  of  the  Governor's  party  and  served  the  inter 
ests  of  the  Proprietors.  Yet  under  no  circumstances  did 
he  ever  swerve  from  the  right  as  it  appeared  to  him.  The 
Governor  as  well  as  the  Proprietors  took  advice  from  him 
with  what  grace  they  could,  knowing  full  well  that  this 
blunt-spoken  interpreter  meant  it  all  for  the  best. 

After  the  death  of  Weiser,  Pennsylvania  figured  no 
longer  in  Indian  affairs.  Sir  William  Johnson  and 
George  Croghan,  in  behalf  of  the  English  Crown,  man 
aged  all  Indian  affairs,  and  conducted  all  treaties.  In 
1768,  Johnson  held  a  conference  with  the  Six  Nations  at 
Fort  Shawnee,  where  a  line  was  drawn  forever  separating 
the  possessions  of  the  Indians  from  those  of  the  white 
man.  This  division  line  started  in  New  York,  not  far 
from  the  eastern  end  of  Lake  Oneida,  from  which  it  fol 
lowed  the  shortest  route  to  the  Chenango  River,  and  along 
that  stream  to  the  Susquehanna,  which  it  followed  to 
Shamokin,  and  ascended  the  west  branch  of  that  river 
through  the  present  Clearfield  County  to  "Canoe  Place" 
or  "Cherry  Tree,"  where  a  straight  line  was  drawn  to 
Kittanning,  on  the  Alleghany  River.  The  line  then  fol 
lowed  this  stream  and  the  Ohio  River.  It  was  agreed  that 
all  land  north  and  west  of  this  division  line  should  for 
ever  belong  to  the  Indians,  and  under  no  circumstances 
should  it  be  sold  to  the  white  man.  All  land  south  and 
east  of  this  line,  which  belonged  to  the  Indians,  was  open 
for  sale.  The  Pennsylvania  Proprietors  immediately  pur 
chased  all  the  Indian  claims  south  and  east  of  the  division 
line.  It  included  all  that  part  of  Western  Pennsylvania 
west  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  and  south  of  the  divi- 


39°  CONRAD    WEISER. 

sion  line.  It  was  a  part  of  that  vast  region  which  Weiser 
and  Peters  ceded  hack  to  the  Indians  in  1758.  The  Pro 
prietors  also  purchased  all  the  land  in  northeastern  Penn 
sylvania  south  and  east  of  the  Susqnehanna  River  and 
north  of  all  former  purchases. 

Later  in  the  same  year  the  Proprietors'  agents  per 
suaded  the  Indians  to  make  an  exception  in  the  case  of 
Pennsylvania  and  sell  all  that  region  north  of  the  division 
line  lying  in  the  forks  of  the  Susqnehanna,  and 
bounded  on  the  north  and  west  by  Towanda  and  Pine 
creeks.  This  was  the  last  Indian  purchase  made  by  the 
Proprietors.  The  Province  became  a  Commonwealth  in 
1776.  The  Iroquois  and  more  warlike  Delawares,  influ 
enced  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  joined  the  British  during 
the  Revolutionary  war.  The  Moravian  converts  and  a 
few  other  Delawares  remained  true  to  the  colonists.  After 
the  treaty  with  England  in  1783,  the  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania  dictated  her  own  terms  to  the  Indians  still 
claiming  land  in  Pennsylvania,  and  in  1 784  and  '85  all  the 
remaining  northwestern  portion  of  the  State  was  bought. 
With  the  birth  of  our  Federal  Government  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  secured  from  Congress  that  part  of  the 
present  Erie  County  which  lies  north  of  the  present  south 
ern  boundary  of  New  York,  and  with  these  purchases 
Pennsylvania  disappears  forever  from  the  arena  of  Indian 
affairs. 


INDEX. 


Adams  County,  purchased  from  Indians,  1736  63 

Aix-la-Chapelle,    Treaty  of,   misconstrued    127 

effects  of  peace 197 

Albany,  Governor  Keith's  visit  to   10 

treaties  at   16 

suggested  as  place  of  treaty 42 

spoken  of  by  Canassatego 103 

agreement  at,  renounced  by  Indians   in 

treaty  at 112 

treaty  at,  1674  113 

on  Weiser's  route  to  the  Mohawks 132 

treaty  at,   1745    , 137,  139 

Indians  offended  at  147 

Weiser  at   237 

treaty  of,    1754    276 

Indian  speech  at 279 

Commissioners   at    283 

land  purchase  at  .• 290 

purchase,  1754  287 

purchase,  influence  of ,  .  297 

purchase,  half  deeded  back  to  Indians  297 

purchase,  cause  of  popular  suspicion 303 

purchase,  complaint  of 371 

purchase,  part  of,  deeded  back 372 

purchase,  eastern  part   373 

Alleghany  River,  half-way  place  for  traders 152 

Allummappees,  chief  of  the  Delawares    10,  n 

Delaware  chief,  at  Philadelphia   57 

Annapolis,  dispute  at   94 

Commissioners  at 95 

stores   at    1 20 

Armstrong,  John,  murder  of 1 18 

Jack,  heirs  of 119 

John   161 

Justice 159 

Assembly,  Pennsylvania,  urges  amicable  relations  with  Six  Na 
tions  Indians   -. : ' . .  17 

dissatisfied  with  Governor's  Indian  policy   70 

message  to   136 

gives  presents  to  the  Indians   144 

takes  part  in  Indian  affairs 155 

attitude  on   Indian   affairs    160 

message  to  171 


392  INDEX. 

Assembly,  Pennsylvania,  votes  money  for  King's  use  .  172 

controversy   of    '  2j7 

takes  part  in  Indian  affairs 24^ 

attitude  of   ...'.'.'.'.'.'.  "  248 

opposed  to  forts  on  Ohio . . . .  '  248 

advises  Hamilton  about  fort  on  Ohio 2^4 

opposed  to  union  of  colonies  255 

votes  eight  hundred  pounds  to  the  Governor's  use' !  ]  26s 


frames  money  bill 

sends  for  Conrad  Weiser 


303 
303 


quarrels  with  the  Governor "   ^04 

exonerates  the  Catholics '.   306 

provoked 


Aughwick 


loses  confidence  in   Governor 


cabins  burned  at 


307 


2i 


seat  of  Indian  control  ......................  271 

conference  at  .......................  ........  '  201 

deputies  sent  to  ................  ......................  293 

abandoned  by  George  Croghan  ..........  207 

Weiser  at  .......................................  ""  3oo 

Baltimore,  Lord,  land  gained  for  .......  Iog 

Baptists,  Seventh  Day,  at  Ephrata  .........  ...........  44 

Beaver,  a  Delaware  chief  ;  speech  at  Aughwick  ____  '202 

Beissel,  Conrad,  leader  of  Seventh  Day  Baptists  .  .  .'.  "44  45 

quarrels  with  Conrad  Weiser  "  .....  '40'     qo 

Berks  County,  politics  in  ......................  -\n 

Bernard,  Governor  of  New  Jersey  ..............  .  ...........  '.  373 

denies  Teedvuscung's  power  .  ?76 

Bethlehem,   Indians   from    ......................  '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.  335 

Severely,  Col.  William,  Virginia  commissioner  at  Lancaster'  '  07 


77 


•••••  ..........................................     212 

referred   to    ......................................  2I4>  2I5 

Big  and  Little  Coves,  Indian  outrages  in  ....................  .'  313 

Indian  massacres  in    .  -,?n 

;Bigg  Island"   ........................  .'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.' 

"Big  Peace  Halloo,"  to  be  given  by  the  Indians  .  , 
Bills  of  credit  ...........    ......  . 


issued  by  Assembly  .........  ......  '.  I  .....]....  .......  313 

issue  of,  sixty  thousand  pounds  ......................  317 

"Black  Log  Sleeping  Place"  ......................  jgg 

Black  Prince,  speech  of  ......................  ..............    '   135 

Black.  William,  Virginia's  Secretary  at  Lancaster'  .'  .'  ....  '.  97 

Boone.  William,  elected  sheriff  in  Berks  County  ...............   318 

Boundary,  dispute  between  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  .  108 

Braddock's  defeat,  influence  of  ................................  ^207 

General,  defeat  of  ..............................  ....  .  362 

march  of  .......................................  .....  302 

Indians  who  fought  with   ............................  306 

Indians'  opinion  of  ..................................  308 

Braddock's  death,  to  be  avenged  .......  ,  ......................  309 

Busse,  Captain  .........................  ,,,,,,,  ...............  352 


INDEX.  393 


Cabins  on  Juniata  burned  211 

Canada,  Governor  of 22,  234 

Governor  of,  invites  the  Indians  to  visit  him 122 

Governor  of,  promise  of 142 

Expedition  to 148 

French  army  return  to   274 

Indians  to  go  to 134 

Canassatego,  speech  of    66 

chastises  Delawares 67 

entertains  the  Nanticokes 90 

marches  Indians  through  Lancaster 96 

description  of 100 

reply  to  Maryland  commissioners   101 

presides  at  banquet    105 

signs  deed  of  1744 107 

receives  presents  from  Virginia  117 

asks  for  liquor  in  English  glasses 120 

opposes  traders  going  west 153 

speaker  for  Indians  206 

death  of 238 

will  of  240 

Canataquany,  Indian  town  near  Harris'  Ferry  86 

Canoe  Place 389 

Cape  Breton,  captured  by  English 142 

Carlisle,  Commissioners  at  267 

Indian  conference  at 266,  267 

threatened  by  Indians    320 

Indians    at    368 

Carolina,  appeals  to  Pennsylvania  42 

prisoner  from   79 

murder  in  290 

Catawba   Indians 12 

deputies  sent  to 42 

hold  two  children  prisoners  59 

attack   on    , . . .  76 

referred  to   115 

a  proud  people 130 

an  irregular  people  130 

war  with,  favored  by  Iroquois   135 

fear  of 218 

charged  with  broken  faith 115 

message  of  134 

traders  among 190 

Catawba  country,  road  open  to    116,  117 

Catawba  peace,  why  desired 127 

Catholics  opposed  by  Germans   306 

Cayuga  Indians,  war  with  Minquas 99 

Celoron,  letter  of , . . , 229 

Indians'  reply  to   249 

Chambers,  Benjamin,  Magistrate  in  Cumberland  County 210 

Chambers,  Joseph,  Indians  to  meet  159 

Chartiers,  Peter,  report  of , 21 

under  French  influence   . . . . , 124 


394  INDEX. 

Chartiers,  Peter,  did  little  or  no  mischief  in  Pennsylvania 125 

causes  a  division  among  Shawanese  Indians  125 

Indians  incensed  at , jot- 
robs  traders  

"dial-tier's  Old  Town"  ....I"!'..".!'..".!'.  186 

Cherokee  Indians,  deputies  sent  to ]  42 

alliance  of '.  338 

in   Pennsylvania 349 

in   Province .  368 

Cherokee  rumors,  exploded  by  F.  C.  Post .'.......  369 

Cherry   Tree    389 

Chesapeake  Bay,  claimed  by  Indians 99 

Chiniotta,  trader  at 79 

Chonanous,  Indian  village  on  the  Ohio  229 

Clearfield  County  389 

Clinton,  Governor,  letter  of  228 

rumors  from   229 

attitude  of 236 

sends  copy  of  lead  plate  to  Pennsylvania 245 

urges  a  union  of  Colonies 255 

receives  Conrad  Weiser 256 

orders  the  French  to  remove  fort  at  Niagara 257 

asks  the  French  to  return  the  stolen  Pennsylvania  traders  258 

dissatisfied  with  Weiser 272 

Cohoon,  George,  settler  on  Juniata 210 

Conestoga  chiefs  reveal  coldness  of  Six  Nation  Indians 25 

Conestoga  Indians,  pledged  for  behavior  of  Shawanese 57 

confirm  Dongan's  deed 99 

rights  of 104 

Conference  of  1742,  Philadelphia  63 

Connecticut,  commissioners  to  Albany,  1745   139 

wish  to  buy  land  on  the  Susquehanna  284 

agents  from   , 289 

settlers  in  Wyoming  Valley  293 

commissioners,  charges  against    378 

Conococheague  Creek 222 

Conolloways,  Big  and  Little  199,  215 

Cookson,  Thomas,  prothonotary  of  Lancaster  County 105 

Thomas   222 

Corlear,  Governor  of  New  York,  Indians  threaten  war  on 22 

Goscosky,  Indians  at 187 

Court  House,  Lancaster,  built  1739 96 

Cove,  Big  and   Little    199 

Crawford,  Hugh,  report  of 232 

Cresap,  Thomas,  trading  station  108 

Colonel,  Maryland  trader   224 

price  on  furs  given  by 225 

Croghan,   a   licensed  trader    191 

opinion  of  French  trade   196 

George  185 

sends  letter  to  Governor 154,  155 

writes  to  Council  163 

to  carry  present  to  Ohio  Indians , , , . ,  164 


INDEX.  395 

Croghan,  George,  recommended  by  Weiser  165 

letter    from IQo 

will  carry  goods  to  Ohio *73 

alluded  to  J77 

letter  from  Peters 17° 

to  go  to  Ohio l8° 

letter   of :95 

meeting  at  farm  of 2O9 

magistrate  in  Cumberland  County  210 

conference  at 224 

reward  for  the  scalp  of 242 

letter  of 243 

ordered  to  Ohio  ...-.' 243 

integrity  of,  questioned   244 

desires  fort  on  Ohio 247 

instructions  of 249 

at  Logstown 249 

self-interest  of   .- 25O 

busy  on  the  Ohio 25r 

treats  with  the  Shawanese  Indians    252 

report  of  253 

builds  trading  house  on  Wabash   257 

turns  from  Pennsylvania  to  Virginia 261 

advice  solicited   267 

recommended  to  control  Indian  affairs 271 

petition  of 297 

opinion  of  Half  King 298 

Indian  outrage  reported 3*° 

reward  on  his  scalp 3IQ 

made  Johnson's  deputy   33$ 

desires  treaty  at  Lancaster    347 

differs  with  '  Weiser 34§ 

grants  clerk  for  Teedyuscung  352 

charged  with  making  Teedyuscung  drunk   355 

Indian  treaty  at  Pittsburg  made  by   380 

Crown  Point ". 149 

Cumberland  County  purchased  from  Indians,  1736  63 

Cumberland   County    T97 

magistrates  of   210,  215 

county  town  of 222 

settlers  and  magistrates 3°° 

sheriff  of 32i 

attitude  of   368 

Dances,  Indian,  described 97>     9& 

Deeds,  of  1686  and  1737,  shown  to  Teedyuscung 35$ 

De  Lancey,  Governor,  forbids  Pennsylvania  from  putting  land 

purchases  on  minutes 285 

Delaware  chiefs  reveal  coldness  of  the  Six  Nation  Indians 25 

Delaware  Indians,  complain  of  rum  traffic 17 

not  favored  by  Conrad  Weiser  56 

jealous  of  Western  Indians 59 

no  land  rights  60 


INDEX. 


Delaware  Indians,  forbidden  to  reply   ..............  66 

rebuked  by  Iroqtiois  .........................  67 

ordered  out  of  treaty  .................  ............  69 

rumors  of  conspiracy  .......................  JQ 

reproved  by  Iroquois  .........................  j  jg 

reproved  for  their  conduct  ..........  .....'.........      .   i  ig 

demand  justice  ............................  200 

on  the  Ohio,  offenses  of  .....................  .....       *  231 

desire  independence  ........................  ..........  276 

secure  a  Shawanese  alliance  ................  203 

attitude  of  .............................  .........         '  307 

anger  of  ...............................  .......'..         '.   320 

war  declared  with  ...........................  .  ^22 

independence  of   ........................  ......  '   330 

wrongs  of   ............................  .  .........  .331'  377 

Delaware  lands,  bought  from  Iroquois,  1736  ...............  .  .  .     28 

Denny,  Governor,  yields  to  Newcastle  ..................  .......   33  ^ 

of  Pennsylvania   ............................  .......    '.   340 

declines  to  go  to  Easton  .....................  ........  340 

demands  a  guard  .........................  ...........  341 

declines  to  go  to  Lancaster  ........................         047 

apologizes  for  Quakers  at  Lancaster  treaty  ......  '    340 

angry  with  assembly  ...........................  ......   3^2 

speaks  to  Teedyuscung  ............... 

advised  by  Gen.  Forbes  .....................  ....'!.'!.'  .368 

forbids  Thomson  from  accompanying  Post  ............   370 

denies  Teedyuscung's  power  ....................  ....'..  376 


reply  to  the  Indians 


Detroit,  traders  at 


379 


Indians  near   ' " '  ]  j-^ 

Dill,  Matthew,  magistrate  in  Cumberland  County 210 

Dinner,  given  by  Black  Prince ....!......  135 

Dinwiddie,  Governor,  receives  letter  from  Pennsylvania  .              !  265 

compliments  to  Weiser   272 

resents  action  of  New  York 273 

opinion  of  Half  King '  2q8 

Division  line,  between  Indians  and  Colonies  .                                  '  380 

Dongan  deed  '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.  27 

for  Susquehanna  lands    oq 

Duche,  Jacob,  duties  as  spy •  366 

Dunbar,  General,  retreat  of .  302 

Dunning,  James,  dishonest  trader '.'.  158*  I  SO 

DuQuesne,  Fort . .  .'  302 

Easton  ••••• - , 310 

conference  at -,•,-* 

second  conference  at 340 

fourth  treaty  at '.  371 

land  dispute  at -373 

treaty  at '.  386 

conference,  1758 '.  361 

conference,  peace  at  '3^0 

'Economy,"  site  of  Logstown  .186 


INDEX.  397 

Embargo  in  Pennsylvania   360 

England,  King  of,  grants  land  J94 

English  party  among  the  Iroquois  Indians  I24 

Ephrata,   Seventh  Day  Baptists  at   44 

visited  by  Gov.  Thomas   9° 

Erie  County,  purchased  from  Congress  39° 

Erie    Lake,  station  for  traders   T52 

Indians  of    J°3 

French  and   Indians  on    2£4 

limit  of  Albany  purchase  2*& 

Evans,  Lewis,  to  construct  map  in  secret 2I9 

instructions  of    • 22° 

influence  of   22* 

Evans's  map   

Fairfax,    Lord,   grant   of    2I9 

trading  station  of   222 

Finley,  John,  magistrate  in  Cumberland  County 210 

Five  Nations,  become  Six  Nations I2 

Forbes,  General,  poor  health  of 3J£ 

insight  of 3°» 

Forbes  expedition    3°c 

Fort  Allen,  Indians  at 337 

Teedyuscung  and  Weiser  at 345 

road  to 369 

Fort  Augusta,  stores  at   3^ 

Fort  Cumberland,  Indians  at 349 

Fort  London,  Indians  at 349 

Fort  Necessity 29r 

Forts  on   frontier 32J 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  sent  to  Carlisle 2°t 

at  Albany  treaty 277 

leader  in  assembly 3O3,  304,  3" 

control  of  forts  on  the  Lehigh 321 

criticised  by   Peters    354 

Franklin  County,  purchased  from  Indians 03 

Frankstown    Jk° 

Fraser,  John,  traders  belonging  to 24i 

reports  French  invasion    2°4 

driven   from  Venango    266 

French,  schemes  of,  thwarted T  l8 

charged  with  fraud  I2° 

order  English  to  remove  fort  from  Wabash 257 

French,  Governor  of,  replies  to  Clinton 258 

reply  to  the  Indians    268 

French,  invading  the  French  Creek  region 267,  268 

reward  on  Weiser's  scalp 3°° 

allies,  designs  of I2° 

invasion,   rumors  of    257 

party,  among  the  Iroquois  Indians   124 

traders,  killed   153 

Friends,  Society  of,  oppose  liquor  traffic  with  Indians 17 

opposed  to  Scalp  Act 323 


INDEX. 

Friends,  Society  of,  aroused e  -^ 

offers  to  pay  Indian  expenses   ^g 

sympathy  for  Delawares  

influence  of   .'.'.'.'.'.                   '  38  ? 

Friends,  Indians  petition  to  live  near 

opposed  to  Indian  warfare . .  Y.  Y  Y  Y  Y  Y  Y  Y        '.  147 

send  memorial  to  Governor  Denny Y  Y  Y  Y  !  341 

^at   Lancaster   treaty    ". '.  349 

Friends'  Meeting  House,  Indian  conference  in 58 

Friendly  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Peace  among  the  Indians'  347 

Furney,  Adam,  shot  by  an  Indian 1^7 

Gagradoda,  aids  Weiser  in  land  purchase  .                                  284  28" 

Galbreath,  James   Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y  185 

magistrate  in   Cumberland   County   "  2io 

Galloway,  George,  settler  on  Juniata , .           '  2io 

Joseph,  urges  Governor  to  come  to  Lancaster  ....           !  347 

William,  settler  on  Juniata   [  2io 

Girty,  Simon,  hatred  of  white  men '.  214 

squatter  on  Sherman's  Creek   Y  Y  Y.  Y            '.  262 

Gist,   Christopher,   sent  to  explore   Y  Y  Y  Y  Y  Y  Y  223 

invitation  declined  by  the  Indians YY  Y  253 

distributes  ammunition  among  the  Indians  ....                '.  270 

Glenn,  Governor  of  South  Carolina Y  Y  Y  189 

conference  of  Catawbas  with    ! ....  Y  224 

Gooch,   Governor  of  Virginia,   desires  peace  between   Northern 

and  Southern  Indians -34 

writes  to   Pennsylvania   Y  Y  YY  81 

consents  to  Weiser's  mediation    Y  Y  85 

applies  for  Weiser's  aid Y  YY  Y  88 

commissioners  report  to Y  YY  Y  Y  95 

referred  to  by  Conrad  Weiser Y  .  Y  Y  Y  130 

confidence  in  Governor  Thomas  of  Pennsylvania  ..  .128,  129 

faith  in  Conrad  Weiser  . . .  , .'  j28 

favors   Logstown   treaty    175 

Goods  distributed  among  Indians   191 

Gordon,  Gov.  Patrick,  on  Tulpehocken  land  dispute u 

urged  by  assembly  to  control  rum  traffic  with  Indians..  17 
asks   assembly    for    legislation   on     rum    traffic   among 

Indians    jg 

Governor's  party,  attitude  of 366 

"Great  Huminy,"  chief  of  the  Shawanese 84 

Groeme,   Dr , 202 

Haig,  Mr.,  prisoner  among  Indians    189 

Half  King,  sent  to  warn  off  the  French  281 

faithful  to  Washington   290 

differences    with   Washington    291 

complains  of  Washington  291 

death  of   298 

Hamilton,  Governor,  not  informed  by  Indians 200 

advised  by  the  Indians  .  . 204 

issues  a  proclamation  205 


INDEX. 


399 


Hamilton,  Gov.,  orders  squatters  out  of  the  Juniata  lands  .  .208,  209 

reports   to   the    council    230 

proclamation  of   231 

letter  of    235 

alarmed    242,  243 

consults  the  assembly  about  a  fort  on  the  Ohio 254 

urges  a  union  of  colonies  255 

replies  to  Montour   261 

unable  to  help  Croghan  262 

complains  of  Pennsylvania  Assembly  263 

reports  to   Pennsylvania  Assembly   265 

withholds  appropriation 265 

resents  action  of  New  York 273 

Hamilton,  James,  disavows  acts  of  traders 219 

favors  Scalp  Act  320 

Hanover  Township,  Weiser's  army  in 315 

Harmony  Society 186 

Harris'  Ferry,  proposed  treaty  at 73 

Indians   at    77 

Goods  at 166 

presents  at  171 

Half  King  at 291 

Half  King  dies  at 298 

Indian  supplies  distributed  at  300 

Weiser  at  309 

Harris,  John,  turns  his  trading  post  into  a  fort 313 

favors  Scalp  Act 320 

Heans,  enemies  of  Conrad  Weiser   131 

Governor's  attitude  on  132 

Hendricks,  charges  made  by 280 

speeches  of   285,  295 

control  of  land  sale 285 

invited  to  Philadelphia    294 

Henry,  the  Mohawk,  influence  of   238 

Hiddleston,  David,  settler  on  Juniata 210 

Hopkinson,  Thomas   (n.)  183 

Hughes,  John,  elected  sheriff  in  Berks  County 318 

Huntingdon    186 

Huron,  Lake,  tribe  of  Indians  on 72 

Indians,  not  welcome  in  Philadelphia 29,  30 

conception  of  land  tenure 32 

receive  their  liquor  in  French  glasses 120 

tire  of  French  rule 153 

on  Lake  Erie,  present  to 165 

sell  land,  1749 208 

Western,  warn  the  French  from  the  Ohio  country 268 

Ohio,  order  the  French  from  their  country 269,  270 

Ohio,  solicit  aid  from  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania 270 

Western,  loaded  with  presents  and  promises 272 

at  Albany  treaty 279 

charged  with  treachery 291 

turning  away  from  the  English 299 


4°°  INDEX. 


Indians'  opinion  of  General  Braddock 308 

admiration  for  Friends 367 

opinion  of  Weiser 386 

turn  against  Weiser 388 

Indian  affairs,  expense  of 216 

controlled  by  New  York  256 

control  of  384 

petition,  to  Six  Nations 157 

policy  of  Pennsylvania,  reversed 327 

policy  of  Pennsylvania  330 

song  of  lamentation 239 

trade,  extension  of  220 

treaties,  expense  of 303 

Iroquois  discover  value  of  Pennsylvania  land 16 

effort  to  bring  Shawanese  east  again 23 

in  Philadelphia,  1736  26 

cannot  manage  the  Shawanese 31 

sell  conquest  lands  1736 100 

threats  of  deputies  100 

difficulties  with  Virginia  no 

reply  to  Virginia's  claim  in 

referred  to  115 

opposition  to,  laid  aside  117 

understanding  of  the  Lancaster  Treaty 117 

reply  to  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 119 

inform  Pennsylvania  of  the  French  movements 123 

struggle  for  neutrality  124 

receive  belt  of  wampum  from  French 136 

revolt  of,  rumored  _ 144 

neutrality  of  1 50 

demands  of 198 

westward  migration  of 235 

declined  to  hold  treaty  at  Winchester 264 

attitude  during  the  Revolutionary  War 390 

alliance  vyith  French,  danger  of 115 

Isle  of  Que,  traditions  of 385 

Jennings,  Hon.  Edmund,  Maryland  Commissioner  at  Lancaster.     97 

John,  Captain,  petition  from  73,     74 

Johnson,  Col.  William,  influence  limited  to  Mohawks 13 

instance  of  poor  interpreting 26 

opposed  to  the  French 62 

holds  Mohawks  in  English  interest   62 

influence  of 123,  124 

secures  some  of  the  Mohawks  as  allies 146 

criticised  by  Weiser 147,  148 

Weiser's  opinion  of 226 

rumors  from   233 

jealousy  of 256 

desires  Weiser  to  desist  from  Indian  affairs 278 

opposed  to  Pennsylvania's  declaration  of  war 324 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  call  from  Weiser  238 

thwarts  Weiser's  plans   257 


INDEX.  461 


Johnson,  Sir  William,  dissatisfied  with  Weiser 272 

not  trusted  by  Governor  of  New  York 275 

holds  a  peace  conference 332 

in  control  of  Indian  affairs 338 

to  arbitrate  Teedyuscung's  dispute  358 

to  arbitrate  walking  purchase  dispute 380 

Joncaire,  seen  at  the  sources  of  the  Ohio  River 245 

lead  plates  stolen  from 246 

speech   of    246 

solicits  Indians  for  permission  to  build  forts 247 

Indians  reply  to  252 

Jounhaty,  Indian  captain,  gives  a  feast 89,     90 

Jtimonville,  capture  of  290 

Juniata,  Narrows  of  118 

settlers  on    198 

squatters  to  be  removed 199 

squatters   on    207 

difficulty  with  squatters  on  283 

Indians,  influence  of 204 

River    186 

River,  settlements  on 202 

Valley,  squatters  on   64,  65,  1 18 

Valley,  Andrew  Montour  located  in 226 

Valley,  governed  by  Montour 262 

Valley,  squatters  multiply  in  272 

Kanawha 194 

trading  station  at  271 

Keith,  Governor,  at  Albany  10 

promise  to  Germans 10 

deceives  Palatinates  1 1 

deeds  given  to 358 

Kilgore,  Ralph,  deposition  of 241 

King,  Thomas,  charges  against  Teedyuscung 375 

speech  of  378 

Kinsey,  John,  at  Albany,  1745  138,  139 

message  to  the  Governor 145 

consulted 147 

leader  of  Assembly 150 

sends  message  to  Council  174 

consulted  by  Council  204 

on  Indian  expenses  216 

Kiskiminitas  Creek  186 

Kittanning    389 

Lake  Erie  Indians,  present  for 171 

Lancaster,  Treaty  at 93 

citizens  of,  visit  Indians  96 

description    of,    1744    95,  96 

Indians  at 100 

citizens  of,  invited  to  an  Indian  banquet 105 

trial  of  Armstrong  in no 

Commissioners  at,  1748  126 


4O2  INDEX. 


Lancaster,  court  in    128,  129 

no  Indian  goods  at  , 133 

treaty  at 185 

Indians  at 347 

treaty  at,   1756    349 

treaty  at,  misunderstood 194 

treaty  at,  1744,  disputed 276 

treaty  at,  misunderstood   223 

Lancaster  County,  magistrates  of  64,  198 

Indian  trade  in  77 

traders  241 

Land  deeds,  shown  to  the  Indians   379 

Lapapeton,  at  Shamokin 84 

Lawrence,  Thomas,  lays  letter  before  Council 163 

Lead  plates,  translation  of 245 

LeBceuf,  fort  on  French  Creek 267 

Lee,  Col.  Thomas,  Virginia  Commissioner  at  Lancaster  Treaty. .     97 

member  of  King's  Council  194 

letter  to  James  Hamilton  218 

Little  Cove 212 

referred  to    214,  215 

Lock   Haven    77 

Logan,  James,  explains  settlement  of  Tulpehocken  lands  1 1 

on  rum  traffic  among  the  Indians  18,     19 

Gov.  James,  refers  to  Weiser  42 

James,  writes  to  Maryland 69 

offers  to  advance  money  for  Indian  expenses 71 

at  Lancaster    97 

referred  to  by  Iroquois   in 

opposed  to  Croghan   164 

interviewed 168 

assists    Weiser    170 

opposes  declaration  of  war 322 

disagrees  with  Council 352 

disapproves    report    380 

William,  at  Indian  banquet  105 

William (n.)    183 

Logstown,  location   61 

commissioners    to    175 

site  of 186 

Weiser  received  at   187 

Indians  at 189 

treaty  at  193,  194 

results  of  treaty  at  220 

Virginia  Conference  at 223 

thought  to  be  in  Virginia , 248 

conference  at,  1751    249 

Indians   at    267 

trading  station  at 271 

treaty,  influence  of 384 

London,  Lord,  policy  of 338 

removal  of  360 

Louisiana,  map  of,  1721   19 


INDEX.  4°3 


Lcwery,  James,  reward  for  the  scalp  of 242 

Loyal  sock  Creek,  home  of  Madame  Montour 35 

haunted  by  the  Otkon   & 

Lutherans  in  Tulpehocken  Valley  44 

Lutheran  catechism  burned 4& 

Lycon,  Andrew,  settler  on  Juniata 21C 

Lydius,  John  Henry,  assists  in  securing  Mohawk  allies 140 

Mr.,  criticised  by  Weiser 147,  I4» 

John   2^7 

attitude  of   2°9 

Lynching,  Indians  opposed  to 325 

Mamburg,  Mr.,  member  of  the  Ohio  Company IQ4 

Ohio  Company's  goods  for   . , J95 

Maryland,  unsettled  Indian  claims 3* 

owns  Iroquois  land  

Governor  of,  alarmed 7° 

Governor  of,  receives  Weiser's  suggestions 73 

frontier  of,  exposed  to  Indian  raids 93 

dispute  between  Governor  and  Assembly 94 

commissioners  of  • l 

opinion  of  Indian  land  claim   .  . . • IQ0 

Governor  of,  christened  by  the  Indians 105 

Governor  of,  called  by  Indians  Tocaryhogon  IOO 

disputed  boundary  of   . IQ8>  2I5 

lands  purchased  from  Indians IO9 

traders  of   IQL  193 

views  on  Virginia  boundary   2I9 

boundary  dispute  of,  to  precede  Virginia's 221 

declines  Indian  expense    23° 

Indian  attack  in  : 31° 

Commissioners,  give  presents  to  Indians   ^ 103 

Commissioners,  opposed  to  visitors  at  Lancaster  Treaty.   105 

Commissioners,  astonishment  of ll& 

Maqua  Indians  consent  to  armistice  at  William sburg 42 

Marshe,  Witham,  Maryland's  secretary  at  Lancaster 97 

Mr.,  produces  Maryland  deed IO° 

Massachusetts,   Commissioners  at   Albany,   1/45    139 

General  Court  of  MO 

Governor  of,  protests 3°3 

Masters,  William,  urges  Governor  to  come  to  Lancaster 347 

McKee,  Thomas,  Indian  trader   77 

in  danger 7% 

escapes  from  the  Indians 79 

accompanies  Weiser  to  Shamokin 83 

trader  on  Susquehanna ISO 

Miami,   see  Twightwee    232 

Miami  Indians,  strength  of   23« 

treachery   of    241 

attitude  of   245 

message  of 262 

retaliation  of 263 

send  French  scalp  to  Philadelphia 263 


4°4  INDEX. 


Miami  trade  ............................  IQg 

Michigan,  rich  trapping  region  ...........................  '    '     I52 

Miller,  Peter,  called  to  teach  .........................  '.        .'.'44>     45 

burns   Lutheran   catechism    ............  ..........'...  .  .'     46 

hermit  at  Tulpehocken    ...............  !!!.!.!....  46 

Miller,  Lieutenant,  corrupts  Teedyuscung  .......  .......  '.  .'  !  .'  '.  .'  ]  '.  337 

discharged  from  Fort  Allen  ..................... 

Minisink,  Indians  of  .................................  [  ^o 

Minisink  lands   ...........  ...................  ................     59 

possession  of,  refused  ..............................  j  '     65 

Indians  not  to  be  removed  from  ............  ..........     66 

Indians  on   ...........................................     66 

Minqnas  Indians,  claims  of   ..........................  ........     99 

Mobs,  danger  of,  in  Philadelphia  ...........    .................  !  316 

Mohawks,  no  part  in  Pennsylvania  land  sales  ..................     16 

sell  Wyoming  lands  to  Connecticut  ....................     16 

Mohawk  nation,  influence  of  .......................  16 

Mohawks,  Weiser's  plans  to  visit  .............................    132 

Influence  of,   1745  ..............  .  .....................   I4I 

bribed  ......  .....................................  .  ..  .   I47 

become  English  allies  ................................   I48 

controlled  conference  at  Albany,  1754  .................  284 

Mohawk  Indians,  charges  against  Teedyuscung  ...............  374 

oppose  Teedyuscung  .................................  374 

Money  Bill,  framed  by  Assembly  ..............................   303 

Monongahela,  trading  station  at  ...............................   271 

fort  near  the  mouth  of  .............................  ;  .  281 

Montour,  Andrew,  at  Shamokin  ..............................     84 

starts  for  Onondago  .................................   134 

presented  to  the  Council    ............................    181 

jealousy  toward  Weiser    .............................   182 

interpreter  for  Western  Indians  ......................   183 

speaker  of  Western  tribes  ............................    183 

as  a  spy   ............................................   196 

influence  of   .........................................  226 

spy  for  Conrad  Weiser  ...............................  230 

ordered   to   Ohio    ...............  ..  ....................  243 

at  Logstown    ...................  .  .  .  .  .  ................  249 

rising  power  of  .....................  .'....  ............  258 

demands  of  ......................................  259,  260 

receives  plantation  in  Cumberland  County  .............  260 

asks  Hamilton's  advice  ...............................   261 

reports  the  fear  of  the  Iroquois  ......................  264 

advice    solicited    .....................................  267 

distributes  ammunition  among  the  Indians   ...........   270 

favors  peace    ........................................  331 

Montour,  Lewis,  suspected  as  a  spy  ..........................  277 

complained    of    ......................................  299 

Montour,  Madame,  entertains  Conrad  Weiser  ...............  35,     36 

meets  Zinzendorf  ....................................     53 

Madame  ...........  r  .................................    181 

Montreal  Conference,  report  of  ..............................    143 

Moravians,  associated  with  Weiser  ............................     52 


INDEX.  4°5 


Moravians,  suspected  by  Governors  of  Pennsylvania 54,     55 

distrust  Conrad  Weiser 55 

Moravian  missionaries,  advised  by  Weiser  134 

Moravians,  turn  against  Weiser  388 

Morris,  Robert  Hunter   293 

Governor,  opinion  of  Half  King 298 

convenes  Council   3°3 

letter  to  Thomas  Penn 3°4 

hesitation   of 3°7 

suppresses  news  of  Indian  outrages 3IQ 

commissions  Weiser,  Colonel    3T5 

favors  a  system  of  forts 321 

criticised  by  Colonel  Johnson 324 

changes  .his  mind  332 

Munsey  Indians,  complaint  of   373 

Muskokee  Indians  _ 

confederation    ' •  •  • I27 

Mussemeelin,  John,  charged  with  murder  of  Armstrong 118 

sent  in  for  trial   I IQ 

Nanticoke  Indians  at  Onondago •  •  •     90 

New  England  desires  an  Iroquois  alliance * 

wishes  Iroquois  to  be  allies  of I4° 

Commissioners  from 2°° 

Newcastle  favors  peace  329 

urges  peace   331 

pleads  for  promptness   333 

advice   of    •  •  •  • 335 

messenger  of  peace  33<-> 

leaves  Fort  Allen  in  disgust 337 

New  York,  frontier  of,  exposed  to  Indian  raids 93 

Governor  of,  objects  to  Penn's  purchase 103 

sends  interpreter  to  Onondago l 

desires  an  Iroquois  alliance  I24 

receives  Commissioners  to  Albany,  1745 139 

opposes  Indian  policy  of  New  England 140 

tired  of  Indian  affairs :  •  •  •   235 

assumes  control  of  Indian  affairs 250 

orders  the  French  from  the  Niagara  River 264 

changes  Governor    275 

Governor  of,  asks  for  Weiser  at  Albany  conference  ....   275 

protests    302 

New  York  Assembly,  declines  to  share  Indian  expenses 237 

Nichas,  charges  against  Teedyuscung 375 

Norris,  Isaac,  sent  to  Carlisle   2oQ 

at  Albany  Treaty   277 

Northampton  County 32i 

Ogle,  Governor  of  Maryland,  letter  from  73 

on  boundary   disputes    2l(:- 

Ohio I25 

river  described  by  Conrad  Weiser,  1741 °2 

Indians  killed  at I 

Shawanese  Indians  in   I24 


406  INDEX. 


Ohio,  title  to  the  lands  on 137 

fort  on 218 

trade  on 227 

Ohio  Company,  members  of   194 

organization  of  194 

formation  of    217 

designs   of    219 

progress  retarded 222 

offers  aid  to  the  Ohio  Indians 265 

excited    265 

influence  of    384 

Ohio  Indians,  present  sent  to 163 

speech  of . 167 

plans    for 168,  169,  170 

will  not  come  to  Philadelphia 182 

loyalty  of   250 

Ohio  lands,  new  values  to 194 

Ohio  River,  land  sold  lo   117 

French  soldiers  on    229 

Ohio  V alley,  Indians  of 162 

a  fur  trading  region   178 

traders  in   217 

explored  by  Gist   223 

who  should  take  possession  first 251 

Oneidas  not  favorable  to  selling  land 285 

Onondago,  chiefs,  conclusion  about  white  man's  appetite  for  rum     30 

Weiser  to  be  sent  to 88,     89 

deputies  witness  confirmation  of  Dongan's  Deed 99 

Council  Fires  of 123 

danger  of  a  journey  to 131 

Weiser  reluctant  to  go  to . 132 

journey   to    134 

Council  Fire  at 200 

Council  of    209 

Weiser   at    , .  . .  272 

Indians  going  over  to  the  French  239 

Onontio,  Governor  of  Canada,  Indians  report  of 22 

invites  the  Indians  to  visit  him 122 

endeavors  to  seduce  the  Indians 123 

deception  of 234 

Governor  of   Canada    280 

Ontario,  Lake,  petition  from  Indians  of 158 

Orndt,  Captain    352 

Oswego,  traders  at   123 

Indian  meeting  to  be  at - 134 

Indian  trade  at  142 

threatened  by  the  French  157 

Otkon,  on   Loyalsock  Creek    36 

Otsaningo,  peace  conference  at 332 

Palmer.  Anthony,  elected  President  of  the  Executive  Council.  ..    145 

receives  letters   155 

President,  consults  John  Kinsey 147 


INDEX.  4°7 


Palmer,  President,  writes  to  Virginia  and  Maryland  i?5 

Palatinates,  German,  sufferings  of 10 

change  land  values i l 

Parsons,  Mr.,  letter  of   221 

Path  Valley,  squatters  removed  from < 214 

Patterson's"  Creek,  Indian  attack  on  3IQ 

Paxinosa,  at  Wyoming 331 

loses  faith  in  the  white  men   368,  369 

"Paxton,"  Indians  to  meet  at  159 

"Paxton  People,"  attitude  toward  Indians  325 

Peace,  made  by  Teedyuscung  359 

with  Indians  favored   329 

belt  at  Easton 335 

Pemberton,  Israel,  petitions  the  Governor 327 

conference  with  Conrad  Weiser   328 

reports  to  Governor 329 

leader  of  the  Friends  at  Easton   34* 

suspected  by  Weiser   351 

Penn's  Creek : 288 

Indian  massacre  on  31° 

Penn,  John,  death  of  164 

John  and  Thomas,  relation  to  Walking  Purchase 66 

John,  at  Albany  Treaty 277 

Thomas,  condoles  with  Iroquois 24 

letter  to 304 

letter  to  Weiser  312 

William,  care  for  Delaware  Indians 10,     n 

an  example  in  Indian  relations 17 

refused  to  recognize  Iroquois  claims  on  the  Delaware.  .     28 
gives  Shawanese  Indians  permission  to  live  in  Province.     57 

influence  of   248 

change  since  the  death  of 303 

remembered  by  Indians  at  Easton   342 

Pennsylvania,  laws  for  Indians 14 

wishes  an  Indian  treaty 25 

becomes  sponsor  for  Iroquois  land  claims  on  the  Dela 
ware  River 28 

in  danger  from  Indians    82 

frontier  of,  exposed  to  Indian  raids 93 

conquest  lands  purchased 99 

Governor  of,  called  by  Indians  Onas IOO 

disputed  boundary  of 108 

northern  limits  of  Maryland's  Indian  purchase 109 

a  peace  maker 1 17 

trouble  with  squatters 118 

Governor  of,  advises  Indians   120 

favors  neutrality . I24 

receives  apologies  from  Shawanese  Indians 125 

objects  to  joint  treaty 139 

ordered  to  treat  separately  with  Indians 140 

favors  Iroquois  neutrality    144 

wins  the  Western  Indians 151 

fur  trade  extended 162 


INDEX. 


Pennsylvania,  secures  monopoly  of  fur  trade   171 

can  go  on  with  Logstown  Treaty '178 

Indian  trade  of ]  '   ^ 

bound  by  Indian  treaty '  2oq 

new  people  on  the  border  of 21  s 

trade  interests  of ]  '  2ij 

fur  trade  of    .......  .  220 

weakness  in  laws  of 231 

unable  to  meet  Indian  expenses 236,  237 

Proprietaries  of,  favor  forts  on  Ohio '."."..    .'  247 

suggests  union  of  colonies.'  1750 2^4 

appealed  to  by  Ohio  Company ..'!...  265 

changes  Governor 275 

protests  at  Albany 285 

western,  purchased  from  the  Indians ..............  288 

Governor  of,  protests   \   302 

Governor  of,  censured  by  R.  Peters '.  310 

Indian  policy  of "  327 

western,  purchased  from  the  Indians  389 

no  longer  prominent  in  Indian  affairs  389 

disappears  from  Indian  affairs   390 

Commissioners;  instructions  of 137 

Commissioners,  separate  treaty  at  Albany,  1745 141 

Peters,  Richard,  letter  to   " I  33 

to  wait  on  James  Logan '    X68 

letter  to  Croghan ^3 

ordered  to  remove  the  squatters  209 

returns  petition \\   2i$ 

reply  to  Glenn's  letter 224 

sent  to  Carlisle \\\\  266 

at  Albany  treaty "   277 

private  letter  from    31 ! 

angry  with  the  Friends  and  the  Assembly 3153 

protests  of   3^8 

deeds  back  Western  Pennsylvania  to  the  Indians 372 

Peters,  Secretary,  reply  sent  to   130 

buying  land  west  of  Susquehanna  179 

opinion  of  Weiser 386 

Peters,  William,  at  Lancaster 97 

duties  as  spy  366 

Philadelphia,   Shawanese  Indians  at    (1739)    58 

stores  at   % 120 

deputies  to  be  sent  to   135 

fur  trade  of  151 

Indian  con  ference  at 204 

capitalists  of   260 

mobs  threaten  316 

Piankaskaw,  King  of  the  Miamis,  murdered  263 

Pine  Creek 390 

Piquet,  French  missionary   240 

Pitt,  William 360 

Pittsburg,  treaty  at  380 

Potomac  lands,  conquered  by  the  Iroquois  Indians  m 


INDEX.  409 


Potomac  River,  limit  of  Indian  claims   114 

to  be  examined  219 

trading  station  on   222 

Post,  Frederick  Christian,  learns  Mohawk  language 54 

his  work  for  peace   361 

mission   of    366 

sent  to  Wyoming 369 

explodes    Cherokee   rumors    369 

asks  for  Thomson   370 

influence  of,  among  the  Indians  370 

robs  the  French  of  their  Indian  allies  373 

Potter,  John,  opposed  to  forts  on  frontier 321 

Powle,  John,  dishonest  trader 158,  159 

Presents  distributed  ' 192,  193 

Proprietary  estates  to  be  taxed  304 

no  tax  on   317 

Proprietors,  Pennsylvania,  donate  £5000  for  defense 317 

Proprietary  fraud,  charges  buried  381 

Proprietors,  Pennsylvania,  controversy  of 217 

Pumpshire,  interpreter  for  Teedyuscung 352 

Quakers,  shall  they  hold  office  ?  312 

give  presents  to  the  Indians  334>  344,  3^7 

Quebec,  Indians  asked  to  defend  142 

Indians  at 143 

Read,  Adam,  consulted  by  Weiser  315 

Reading,  Pa 237 

politics  in  317 

home  of  Weiser 386 

letter  from 321 

Rigbie,  Colonel,  at  Indian  banquet 105 

Rum,  among  Indians  175 

unknown  to  Miami  Indians  181 

trade  in,  complained  of  271 

Rum  traffic,  proclamation  against  19 

with  Shawanese  Indians  58 

injury  to  Indians  162 

Rum,  traffic  in,  not  restrained  272 

cause  of  trouble  283 

Rum  traffic,  laws  on 364 

Sachsidowa,  at  Shamokin  84 

receives  a  present 88 

Sanderson's,  George,  Inn    109 

Scalp  Act,  proposed 32° 

nature  of  322 

opposed  by  Weiser 365 

Scaroyady,  given  control  of  Shawanese  Indians  124 

in  control  of  Shawanese  125 

Scaroyady  183 

threatens  to  go  to  the  French 306 

wife  of  3O9 

favors  declaration  of  war 322 


410  INDEX. 


Scaroyady,    favors   peace    ^2g 

representative  of  the  Six  Nations   ,  ,,  [  330 

quarrels  with  the  Delawares   

Schlechl,  Abraham   ".."I!!!!!!  203 

Schoharie  Valley,  German  exodus  to jo 

Schoharie  exodus , 16 

Scioto,  station  for  traders 152 

trade  on 227 

Seely,  Jonas,  candidate  for  Sheriff  in  Bucks  County  317 

Selinsgrove    385 

Seneca,  George,  asks  Weiser' s  advice 224 

Seneca  Indians,  war  with  Minquas  99 

Senecas,  French  influence  among 123 

not  at  Albany,  1745 139 

influence  of    189 

Seventh  Day  Baptists 97 

Shamokin,  home  of  Shikelliniy 16 

Zinzendorf  at   5^ 

Weiser  sent  to 80,  81,  83 

Weiser  proposes  to  visit  131 

Weiser  will  go  to 133 

free  smith  shop  at 134 

Weiser  going  to  , 147 

Weiser  goes  to  164 

representatives  at 198 

visited  by  Weiser 201 

in  Indian  purchase   208 

reserved  by  the  Indians  289 

Shawanese  Indians  under  Shikellimy's  oversight 16 

complain  of  rum  traffic 17 

urged  by  Iroquois  to  return  East 23 

quarrel  with  Iroquois 23 

dissatisfied  with  Iroquois  treaty  1736 31 

message  to  Philadelphia  31,  32 

cause  of  alienation  from  English  32 

Indians  not  favored  by  Conrad  Weiser 56 

treaty 57 

remove  to  Ohio ^7 

chiefs  in  Philadelphia,  1739 =58 

rumors  of  conspiracy  70 

angry  at  Thomas  McKee 78 

cause  of  discontent  83 

Indians  forced  to  return  stolen  property 85 

in  disgrace   ." 126 

request  of,  rejected  126 

war  with,  favored  by  Iroquois 135 

on  the  Ohio,  offenses  of 231 

opposed  by  the  French 242 

treaty  with  252 

apply  for  help  262 

referred  to  Virginia  by  Governor  Hamilton   262 

send  a  paper  to  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 277 

allied  to  Delaware  Indians  293 


INDEX.  411 


Shawanese  Indians,  claims  of  323 

Shenandoah  Valley,  an  Indian  trail  in  33 

claimed  by  Indians   113 

Shenandoah  Valley  IQ4 

Sherman's  Creek,  settlers  on  I99>  202,  212 

Shikellimy,  deputy  governor  of  Sha\\anese  and  Delaware  Indians 

in   Pennsylvania    16 

demands  restriction  of  rum  traffic  17 

an  embassy  to  the  Six  Nations 19 

brings  Weiser  to  Philadelphia 20 

instruction  for 20 

report.   1731    20 

to  bring  about  treaty  of  1736 25 

brought  about  purchase  of  1736 29 

pledged  to  secure  justice 59 

grandson  of,  reports  trouble  in  Virginia  80 

causes  Shawanese  to  return  stolen  property 85 

demands  tribute   87 

receives  presents  from  Governor 88 

rewarded  by  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 88 

accompanies  Weiser  to  Onondago   89 

refuses  to  sign  deed,  1744  ...    107,  108 

reason  for  not  signing  deed  109 

opposition  to  Maryland   no 

holds  prisoners  1 18 

reports  Canadian  rumors   123 

Weiser  proposes  to  visit   131 

the  key  to  the  Onondago  councils  132 

son  of,  killed 133 

Weiser  sends  present  to   133 

starts  for  Onondago  134 

house  built   for    134 

and  the  Indians'  complaint    160 

an  object  of  charity   165 

pleased  with  his  present 173 

opposes  Weiser's  Ohio  journey  176,  177 

summoned  before  the  Council 177 

in  Philadelphia  178 

influence  of .   201 

Weiser's   solicitude   for    201 

death  of    202 

sons  of    21  T 

tradition   of    385 

Shikellimy,  John,  sent  to  the  Six  Nations 284 

in  control  of  the  Wyoming  lands   289 

difficulties  of ". 4 388 

Shippen,  Mr.,  Indian  presents  purchased  from  133 

Shippen,  Edward,  letter  to  320 

Shippensburg,  meeting  at  212 

letter  from  310 

Shirley,  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  opinion  of  Colonel  Johnson  275 

Shoemaker,  Benjamin .    (n.)    183 

Shoemaker,  Benjamin 380 


412  INDEX. 

Six  Nations,  deputies  in  Philadelphia,  1732 21 

urged  to  send  deputies  to  Philadelphia   ....Y...Y  21 

danger  of  an  alliance  with  the  French 12 

alienated    from    Pennsylvania    24 

band  of,  attack  Cherokees 

chiefs  charged  with  violation  of  trust  ...........  59 

Indians  hold  balance  of  power 6> 

conduct  eulogi/ed    67 

land  claim  in  Maryland  denied   no 

right  to  claim  land 100 

sign  release  for  Maryland  lands '.    108 

deputies,  presents  received  by   ]    IIO 

expecting  present  from  Pennsylvania  ;.....   119 

to  inform  Pennsylvania  of  the  French !   no 

reasoning  of    '   I2? 

confederacy,  danger  of     ..........  [123 

council  of '          '   I2., 

courted  by  the  South .127,  128 

treachery  of   '  '  I27'  I2g 

wish  neutrality  I24 

favor  neutralitv  .  T-JC    nn 

offended     .....' '. .  ...  .Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.  '.'  147 

.  to  receive  money 147 

policy  of  ' 176 

deputies  at  Philadelphia,  1749  204 

will  not  tolerate  the  squatters 209 

purchase  of 218 

on  the  Ohio,  offenses  of 231 

allies  of 253 

order  French  from  Ohio  land  264 

division  among  276 

deny  right  of  Western  Indians  to  sell  land .  277 

charged  with  befriending  the  French 280 

decline  to  answer  Conrad  Weiser 282 

unable  to  control  Western  Indians 283 

influenced  by  Conrad  Weiser ^87 

policy  of   .  ." ."..".  .Y  .'.'.'.'  .Y  330 

refugees  of 23^ 

deny  the  authority  of  Teedyuscung 338 

speech  of ^Q 

allies  of [""  3g4 

Society  of  Friends,  opposed  to  an  Iroquois  alliance 144,  1415 

John  Kinsey,  a  member  of i  ^8 

South  Carolina,  wampum  sent  to 128 

Spangenberg,  applies  to  Weiser 52 

Squatters,  in  Juniata  Valley ! T8 

west  of  Susquehanna  River 198 

''Standing  Stone" X85 

Star,  Frederick,  action  reported   198 

Stenton,  Indians  at  26 

Stoddard,  Col.  John,  letter  to  Governor  Shirley  of  Mass.' .' .' .' .  .' .  .'  146 

money  voted  to I47 

Sugar  Creek,  Weiser  on 37 


INDEX.  413 


Supply  Bill,  argument  for 305 

Susquehanna   Company    284 

Susquehanna  Indians,  claims  of 99 

at  Lancaster    347 

Susquehanna  lands   .  . .  . , 103 

bought  from  Iroquois,  1736   27 

conquered  by  Iroquois  Indians   in 

purchased  from  the  Indians 390 

Susquehanna  River,  Indians  offer  to  sell  land  on  207 

Swain,  Charles,  Indian  outrages  reported 310 

Swatara  Creek,  route  of  Palatinates  to  Tulpehocken 10 

Taming  Buck,  replies  to  Governor  Thomas  126 

Tarach-a-wa-gon,  Indian  name  for  Conrad  Weiser  109 

Teedynscung,  cannot  be  neutral  364 

demands  private  conference 365 

influenced  by  Friends  368 

orders  Post  and  Thomson  back 369 

sends  peace  belt  to  Ohio  369 

influence  with  Six  Nations  37° 

opposed  by  the  Mohawks 37 1 

power  of,  denied 376 

insulted  by  the  Iroquois   377 

speech  of 3/8 

unsettled  charges  of  3/8 

threatens  to  leave  Wyoming 380 

takes  bribe  381 

withdraws  his  charges  of  fraud  380,  381 

dislikes  Weiser 388 

buries  his  hatchet 332 

demands  interpreter 333 

speech  of 333 

entertainment  given  to  , 334 

wampum  for   336 

anger  of    336 

messenger  of  peace  336 

becomes  intoxicated    337 

goes  to  Wyoming   337 

authority  of,  denied   338 

declines  to  come  to  Philadelphia  340 

returns  to  Easton    340 

opens  conference  at  Easton   342 

charges  the  Proprietors  with  fraud 342,  343 

declines  bribe    344 

speaks  for  peace   344 

champion  of  peace 346 

supports  the  Friends'  policy  of  peace  347 

asks  for  supplies 350 

angry  at  Conrad  Weiser  350 

demands  a  clerk    351 

confidence  in  Charles  Thomson   355 

fears  the  Six  Nations 356 

renews  charges  of  fraud  356 


4X4  INDEX. 


Teedyuscung,  asks  for  Wyoming  ^-7 

makes  peace  ^-q 

The  Belt,  speech  of . . . , ....'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.  309 

opinion  of  lynching ^25 

Thomas,  Governor,  opposed  to    Weiser's    joining    Brethren    at 

pPkrata    • .-. 46,     47 

asks  Weiser  s  opinion    73 

embarrassed  with  Weiser's  plans   94 

visits  Ephrata   97 

at  Lancaster  treaty,  17/14 97 

directs  Conrad  Weiser  to  secure  scouts  125 

reprimands  the  Shawanese  Indians    126 

recommends   Weiser  to  Assembly 129 

sends  message  to   Assembly    136 

favors  a  general  conference  with  Indians  144 

confidence  in  his  ability 145 

resigns 145 

letter  to 153 

goes  to  England    164 

promise  of 198 

Thomas,  Hon.  Philip,  Maryland  Commissioner  at  Lancaster  . .     97 

Thompsontown   210 

Thomson,  Charles,  chosen  clerk  for  Teedyuscung 354 

letter  to  Samuel  Rhodes  354 

charged  with  Teedyuscung's  whims 356 

adviser  of  the  Indians   361 

denies  private  conference   365 

sent  to  Wyoming    369 

forbidden  to  accompany  Post   370 

clerk    to    Teedyuscung    371 

Titami,  petition  from 73,     74 

Tocanontie,  the  "Black  Prince" 89,     91 

Towanda,   famine  at    38,     39 

Creek     390 

Traders,  on  Alleghany,  report  of   21 

requested  not  to  go  so  far  west   143 

opposition  to  westward  movement 153 

Traders    191,  192 

French 195 

English,  jealousy  of   195 

Virginia,  on  the  Ohio   217 

Pennsylvania,  trade  interests  of  , 217 

Pennsylvania,  rumors  from   233 

English,  to  be  driven  out  of  the  Ohio  Valley 264 

debts   of    277 

Treaty  of  1744,  ended 120 

Trent,  William,  distributes  ammunition  among  the  Indians  ....  270 

Tulpehocken 185 

settled  by  Palatinates  from  Schoharie 10,     1 1 

dispute  about  purchase  of 1 1 

settled  by  Conrad  W'eiser  1 5 

land  purchase   16 

people  largely  Lutheran 44 


INDEX.  415 


Tulpehocken,  Indians  entertained  at 72 

threatened  by  Indians 32° 

Turner,  Joseph (n.)   183 

Morris,    deposition   of    241 

"Tuscarora  Path"  186,  203 

Tuscaroras,  referred  to  by  Iroquois 112 

Tuscarora  Indians,  conspiracy  of n 

Twightwees,  hunting  grounds   of    181 

attitude  of    234 

treaty  with : 252 

murdered  by  the  French    262 

chastised  by  the  French 269 

deputies 182 

treaty  with  J84 

Twightwee  Indians,  message  to  232 

"Unhappy  Jake,"  killed  by  Catawbas  133 

Venango,  Joncaire  at  245 

traders  driven  from 266 

Virginia,  unsettled  Indian  claims  31 

laws  on  strange  Indians  33>  34 

ranger  law _. J3>  J4 

saved  from  Iroquois  invasion  42 

appeals  to  Pennsylvania  42 

owns  Iroquois  land  69 

ignores  Iroquois  land  claims 7° 

hostile  Indians  in , 77>  80 

aided  by  Weiser 82 

represented  at  Onondago  by  Weiser  9° 

frontier  of,  exposed  to  Indian  attacks  93 

Commissioners  of  94>  95 

Commissioners  opposed  to  visitors  at  Lancaster  Treaty.  105 

Governor  of,  called  by  Indians  Assaraquoa 106 

saved  from  an  Indian  war no 

contention  against  Indian  claims  112 

people  to  remain  east  of  Shenandoah  Valley 113 

attitude  toward  Six  Nation  Indians  115 

passes  through  1 17 

desires  peace  with  Catawba  Indians  124 

a  rival  of  Pennsylvania  traders 166 

declines  to  appoint  Commissioners 175 

at  Logstown  Treaty  193 

trade  interests  of 217 

boundary  dispute  with  219 

boundary  dispute  of,  when  opened 221 

rival  in  fur  trade 222 

arranged  for  Indian  conference 223 

land  claims  of 223 

jealous  of  New  York  264 

appealed  to  by  Ohio  Company  265 

to  have  control  of  Indian  affairs  273 

Governor  of,  sends  messages  to  Onondago 281 


INDEX. 


Virginia,  builds  a  fort  at  mouth  of  the  Monongahela  .  .  2$? 

Governor  of,   protests    ........................  '  -^o~, 

Commissioners,    claims   of    ..............  ........         '.  no 

Commissioners  review  past  treaties   ..............  .  '.  i  T  3 

Commissioners,  induced   to  act    .................  .....  no 

Commissioners,  decline  to  argue  land  claims  ..........  115 

Commissioners  give  Indians  ,£100  in  gold  ............  117 

Commissioners,  astonishment  of  ..................  \'m\\  ug 

Wabash,  traders  on  ......  TAT    ico 

[Ouebach]    Indians  of   .......  '.....'.  V.V.V. 

course   of    ..................................  ^\ 

trade  on    .......................  ...........  .  227 

Walking  Purchase  ...............  ,  ........  ............  Ii 

deed   of,    produced    .........................  !."!."!  59 

possession  of,   disputed    ...............  .............         65 

deeds  of   ...................................  55 

influence  of   ..............................  ...........  249 

cause  of  popular  suspicion  ............................  303 

referred  to  by  Teedyuscung    .................  343 

mystery    of    .......  '.  ..........................  .  .  .  .      [  345 

fraud  of  .............................................  355 

complaint  of    .................................  37J 

justice  of   ..................................  []  [  374 

extent   of    ...........................................   377 

report  on    ......................................  ..  ...  380 

Wampum  buried  with  Canassatego    ..............  .....'.......  240 

Warren,  Admiral,  uncle  of  Col.  Johnson  ......................   148 

War  with  Indians,  declaration  of  ............................  322 

Washington,  Augustine   ...........................  ...........   194 

George,  Virginia's  messenger  to  the  French  ........  ....  273 

m  western  Pennsylvania  .............................  290 

complained    of    ......................................  291 

Lawrence    ...........................................   I94 

.Weiser,  Conrad,  father  of   ...................................     IO 

enters  service  of  the  Province  ......................  9,     14 

confidence  of  Indians  ................................     12 

youth  and  education   ..............................  14,     i  5 

married   .............................................     I  ^ 

settles  in  Tulpehocken  ...............................     15 

first  appearance  in   Philadelphia  as  Indian  interpreter.     20 
source  of  James  Logan's  information  .................     20 

interviews  Six  Nation  deputies  in  Philadelphia,  1732.21,     22 
commended  and  rewarded  for  his  services   ...........     23 

to  bring  about  treaty  of  1736  .........................     25 

Indians  appreciate  his  care  ...........................     26 

suggests  a  reduction  in  Governor's  present  to  Indians.  .     29 
removes  Indians  from   Philadelphia   ..................     30 

no  respect  for  the  Shawanese  ........................     32 

selected  to  go  to  Onondago  on  a  mission  of  peace  for 
Virginia    ........................................  34,     3^ 

quarrels  with   his  guide    .............................     37 

starving  at  Towanda   ................................     38 


INDEX.  417 

Weiser,  calls  a  conference  of  old  men 39 

meets  an  Indian  sage 39 

makes  no  report   42 

receives  the  Seventh  Day  Baptists 44 

leaves  the  Lutheran  church  45 

baptized  by  Conrad  Beissel , 46 

burns  Lutheran  catechism 46 

quarrels  with  the  Brethren  at  Ephrata   48,     50 

guides  Zinzendorf  to  Shamokin 53 

saves  life  of  Zinzendorf   54 

suspected  by  the  Moravians   55 

zeal  for  Iroquois   56 

opposes    Friends    in    politics    60,     61 

warns  against  the  French 61 

a  member  of  the  Onondago  Council  Fire   62 

knows  the  geography  of  the  Province  62 

turns  the  direction  of  Indian  affairs  63 

estimates  cost  of  sending  Indians  home  70,     71 

bill .  of  expenses 72 

reports  Indian  strength   72 

to  accompany  Maryland  messengers  73 

sent   to   Shamokin    80,   81,     83 

gets  Virginia  out  of  trouble  82 

in  danger   83 

holds  a  hearing  at  Shamokin   84 

appointed  to  arrange  an  Iroquois  treaty 85 

sent    to    Onondago    88,    89 

speaks  in  behalf  of  Virginia   90 

prevents  an  Indian  war  in  Virginia  92 

influence  of   93 

plans  for  Lancaster  Treaty  94 

suspected  by  Maryland  Commissioners 94 

influence  of , 95,  107,  127,  128,  382 

receives  Iroquois  at  Lancaster   96 

accompanies  Governor  Thomas  to  Ephrata 97 

explains  demands  of  Maryland  Commissioners 105 

advises  the  Indians  104 

interprets  ceremonies  at  Lancaster 106 

serves  Indians  at  banquet 105 

Indian  name  of   109 

a  peace  maker    117 

alone  in   Indian  policy    123 

reports  Canadian  rumors    123 

influence  of   '. 124 

favors  neutrality    124 

consulted  about  the  Shawanese 126 

permitted  mischief  to  be  sown 127 

builds  house  for  Shikellimy   ,.   134 

starts   for   Onondago    134 

at  Albany,  1745 139 

to  go  to  Shamokin   147 

criticises  Col.  Johnson   147 

refuses  to  take  the  French  scalp  156 


418  INDEX. 

Weiser,  furnishes  information  of  Western  Indians  157 

sees  future  trade  in  the  West 158 

advice  asked  163 

called  before  Council  167,  168 

Policy  of 168,  169,  170,  383 

selects  goods  for  Indians  at  Logstown  176 

summoned  before  the  Council  177,  178 

takes  present  to  Ohio  Indians 180 

starts  to  Ohio  185 

»  expostulation  of  200 

asked  to  go  to  Onondago  128,  129 

reply 129 

buying  land  beyond  the  Susquehanna 129 

thanks  Governor  for  protection  132 

reluctant  to  go  to  Onondago 132 

letter  to  R.  Peters 133 

delivers  Catawba  message 135 

ordered  to  attend  Albany  Conference,  1745 137 

opinion  of  expedition  to  Canada 148 

favors  an  Iroquois  alliance  149,  150 

opposed  by  John  Kinsey , 150 

informs  on  dishonest  traders  158 

demands  justice  for  the  Indians  160,  161 

goes  to  Shamokin 164,  165 

would  send  present  to  Shikellimy 165 

points  out  Pennsylvania's  course  with  Ohio  Indians  ....  166 

reports  to  Assembly  173 

opposed  by  Shikellimy  176,  177 

jealousy  toward  Montour  182 

at  Logstown  186 

secret  agents  of  189 

compliments  Indians 191 

solicitude  for  Shikellimy 201 

decline  of  power 202 

letter  to  Secretary  Peters  203 

reports  approach  of  Iroquois  deputies  205 

i  friendship  for  Canassatego  206 

conducts  Indians  out  of  Philadelphia 208 

|  ordered  to  remove  the  squatters 209 

recommends  burning  squatters'  cabins  211 

declines  to  remove  squatters  212 

secret  mission  of  221 

fears  of  222 

opposes  Virginia's  claims  223 

opinion  of  Maryland  traders  225 

opinion  of  Colonel  Johnson  226 

report  of  235 

waning  influence  of  237,  273 

calls  on  Sir  William  Johnson  238 

report  of 240 

arranges  for  transportation  of  Indian  goods 243 

declines  to  go  to  Logstown  244 


INDEX.  4IQ 

Weiser,  sent  with  message  of  condolence  for  death  of  Canas- 

satego  255 

represents  his  Province  at  Albany  256 

forbidden  to  confer  with  the  Indians 256 

complains  of  Montour    259 

waning  influence  on  the  Ohio  261 

sent  to  Carlisle 266 

secures  information  from  the  Indians  267 

advice  at  the  Carlisle  conference  270 

complimented  by  Governor  Dinwiddie 272 

appealed  to 276 

at  Albany  Treaty 277 

declines  to  act  as  interpreter 278 

replies  to  the  Mohawks  280,  281 

called  into  the  Mohawk  Councils 285 

influences  the  Six  Nations  287 

opposes  Connecticut  agents   289 

reports  to  Indians  Albany  purchase 293 

attempts  to  survey  Albany  purchase 296 

objects  to  Albany  purchase 296 

letter  from  Aughwich 299 

informs  on  whiskey  traders 30° 

distributes  supplies  to  Indians , 30° 

complains  of  injustice  to  Indians 301 

sent  for 3°3 

leads  opposition  to  Catholics   3°6 

advice  of    3°7 

consulted  by  the  Governor  3°9 

independence  of  31 1 

alarms  the  neighborhood   3^3 

chosen  military  leader   3J4 

organizes  an  army  for  defence 314 

abandons  the  "Paxton"  people  3r5 

commissioned  Colonel  by  Governor  Morris 315 

troubles  of  316 

bills  of    318 

complaints  of    318 

threatened  by  Indians 320 

opposed  to  Scalp  Act  323 

favors  peace  326,  328 

reports  to  Governor  329 

contempt  for  the  Delawares 330 

consulted  as  to  peace  belt 335 

ordered  to  punish  Lieutenant  Miller 337 

reprimanded  by  the  Mohawks   339 

soldiers  at  Easton  34* 

supports   the   Proprietors    344 

letter  from  Fort  Allen    345.  346 

contradicts  Teedyuscung's  charges   348 

charged  with  making  Teedyuscung  drunk 355 

despised  by  the  Delawares  361 

dictates  to  the  Governor  362 

justice  of   362 


42°  INDEX. 

Weiser,  attitude  on  rum  traffic 364 

opposed  to  the  Scalp  Act ]  * '  365 

cannot  act  as  interpreter 370',  37! 

declines  to  perform  Indian  rites '  371 

opposes  Walking  Purchase    .' .  37! 

deeds  back  Western  Pennsylvania  to  the  Indians 372 

declines  to  interpret  Mohawk  charges 374 

s£n   of    •••• :.'  376 

character   of 384 

tradition   of   '  385 

estates   of    385,  386 

death  of    386 

sadness  of  declining  years .386,  387 

bravery  of    387 

French  reward  on  scalp  of 388 

character  of 388,  389 

Weiser.  bammie,  goes  to  Virginia  132 

White,  William,  settler  on  Juniata 210 

Williamsburg,  Virginia,  suggested  for  Indian  conference 42 

stores  at 120 

place  of  meeting 131 

suggested  for  Indian  conference 135 

proposed  conference  at   224 

Wilson,  Thomas,  magistrate  in  Cumberland  County 210 

Winchester,   Virginia,  treaty  proposed  at    263 

Womelsdorf    386 

Woodbridge,  Mr 287 

denies  partnership  in   Susquehanna  Company    289 

Woolie,  Zilla,  Indian  chief,  makes  a  speech 91 

Wyandots 187,  188 

treaty  with  252 

Wyandot  Indians,  strength  of   236 

opposed  by  the  French 242 

attitude  of 307 

Wyoming,  deputies  at 200 

houses  at   364 

deserted  by  Teedyuscung  380 

Wyoming  lands    284 

reserved  by  the  Indians  289 

settlement  of  363 

Wyoming  Valley,  Zinzendorf  at 53 

deeds   for    289 

Yearly  Meeting,  Philadelphia   380 

York  County,  purchased  of  Indians,  1736 63 

Youghiogheny,  first  settler  on  195 

Zeisberger,  applies  to  Weiser  52 

learns  Mohawk  language  54 

Zinzendorf,  applies  to  Weiser  52 

life  saved  by  Weiser  , 54 


14  DAY  USE 

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